ifty years after independence, Tanzania has yet to realize the rallying cries of its liberation movement Uhuru Na Kazi (freedom and jobs), or to

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F ifty years after independence, Tanzania has yet to realize the rallying cries of its liberation movement Uhuru Na Kazi (freedom and jobs), or to defeat the three scourges of poverty, ignorance, and disease. Though well intentioned, the efforts of Tanzania s first president Julius Nyerere to reduce poverty and enhance social welfare failed to sustain economic growth, plunging the country into prolonged crisis. In the 1980s, Tanzania started liberalizing its economy, and with the collapse of communism in the 1990s, the country instituted a multi-party system. Over the past two decades, Tanzania has seen increased economic growth and political openings, but high levels of poverty, corruption, and limited state capacity still pose critical challenges to inclusive development and democratic consolidation. The writing of a new constitution now presents Tanzania with a fresh opportunity to build a foundation for achieving its independence goals of poverty eradication and political freedom. Tanzanians can make progress by: (1) forging alliances with domestic democratic forces; (2) exploiting the intense power struggle within the ruling party; and (3) taking advantage of the incumbent president s interest in a democratic legacy. Through political will and popular participation, the country can effectively address its challenges and emerge as a true African success story. Ibrahim Lipumba, December 9, 2011

FROM UJAMAA TO DEMOKRASIA: REFLECTING on 50 YEARS of INDEPENDENCE in TANZANIA and the WAY FORWARD D r. I b r a h i m L i p u m b a R e a g a n - F a s c e l l D e m o c r a c y F e l l o w N a t i o n a l E n d o w m e n t f o r D e m o c r a c y F r i d a y, D e c e m b e r 9, 2 0 1 1 The views expressed in this presentation represent the opinions and analysis of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect those of the National Endowment for Democracy or its staff.

PRESENTATION OUTLINE I. Historical Background II. Towards Ujamaa: Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (1962 1985) III. Economic Crisis, Reform and Democratization President Ali Hassan Mwinyi (1985 1995) President Benjamin Mkapa (1995 2005) President Jakaya Kikwete (2005 present) IV. Consolidating Democracy and Development in Tanzania 3

I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND German colony (1885 1918) British Protectorate (1919 1961) Nationalist Movement for Independence (1954 1961) Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) Democracy and Self-determination Fighting the three scourges of ignorance, ill health, and poverty Nationalist Motto UHURU NA KAZI (Freedom and Jobs) 4

I. RAPID MOVEMENT FROM SELF-RULE TO COMPLETE INDEPENDENCE Nyerere Sworn in as Tanganyika Chief Minister, 1959 Nyerere on arrival from London Independence Conference, 1960 5

6 Multi-party Westminster-style democracy dominated by TANU I. SOCIO-POLITICAL CONDITIONS AT INDEPENDENCE 126 ethnic groups with Kiswahili as the lingua franca Two major religious groups Muslims and Christians Christian missionary schools dominated formal education Nyerere on Independence Day December 9, 1961

I. ECONOMIC INHERITANCE AT INDEPENDENCE Dual economy Small modern sector and large subsistence peasant agriculture Commerce dominated by Indian businesses Low levels of education and poor health services East African Common Service Organization (Kenya, Tanganyika, Zanzibar, and Uganda) Managed railways, ports, aviation, post and telecommunication, and income and customs duty East African Common Currency Area East African Federation political objective 7

I. UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT AT AN EAST AFRICAN FEDERATION From left to right: President Kaunda of Zambia, President Nyerere of Tanzania, President Kenyatta of Kenya, and Premier of Uganda Obote, 1964 Bettmann/CORBIS 8

1964 1977: TANU rules over Tanzania mainland and Afro- Shirazi Party (ASP) rules in Zanzibar 9 I. UNION OF TANGANYIKA AND ZANZIBAR (1964) 1977: Union of TANU and ASP, leading to the formation of the current ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) Julius Nyerere and Vice President AA Karume on Union Day, April 26, 1964

10 Nyerere rules from 1961 85 II. JULIUS NYERERE PRIOR TO UJAMAA (socialism) Initially: Moderate political leader (compared to Ghana s Nkrumah) Promotes a marketbased economy Seeks Foreign Direct Investment From left to right: Sectary of State Dean Rusk, Julius Nyerere, and President J.F. Kennedy (1963) Getty Images

10 1962: Ujamaa as state of mind o 1965: TANU one-party system II. ARUSHA DECLARATION UJAMAA in PRACTICE 1967: Nationalization 1967 1973: Ujamaa villages established 1971: Buildings Acquisition Act 1973 1975: Forced Villagization 1975: Basic Industrialization strategy Nyerere meets with Chairman Mao, 1965

11 Poverty reduction and equity through collective work II. POLICY OBJECTIVES UNDER UJAMAA Universal primary education Increased access to basic health services and clean water Self-reliance and less dependence on aid Leadership Code for politicians and civil servants Nyerere at a March hailing the Arusha Declaration, 1967

II. SOCIO-ECONOMIC SETBACKS Overall poor economic performance Low GDP growth with decline in agricultural productivity Large budget deficit High inflation and overvalued exchange rate Emergence of parallel markets Unsustainable external debt Aid dependence Lack of structural transformation Peasant agriculture main source of employment Low level of industrialization Private sector and entrepreneurship discouraged 13

II. REAL PER CAPITA INCOME (1960 1985) 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 In 2005 PPP $ 14

II. GROSS SCHOOL ENROLLMENT RATE (1970 1985) 120.0 100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0 Primary Secondary 20.0 0.0 % 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 15

II. CHILD MORTALITY RATE (1960 1985) 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 Under 5 deaths per 1000 16

II. POLITICAL SETBACKS One-party authoritarian state Freedom House Classification: Not Free (1972 1994) Human Rights abuses during forced villagization Lack of vibrant civil society Weak administrative capacity Civil service, police and military linked to the ruling party (CCM) 17

II. POLITICAL ACHIEVEMENT National Unity and Defeat of Idi Amin (Uganda) Julius Nyerere meets with Idi Amin, 1974 Julius Nyerere celebrates after Kagera war victory, 1979 18

II. POLITICAL ACHIEVEMENT Support for Liberation Movements in Southern Africa President of Mozambique Samora Machel and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, 1975 Nelson Mandela, Julius Nyerere, and Winnie Mandela in Tanzania, 1990 19

II. POLITICAL ACHIEVEMENT Tanzania Punches Above its Weight in International Affairs Nyerere on March 1964 Cover of Time magazine Nyerere with Indian PM Indira Gandhi, 1982 20

21 1985: Nyerere proposes twoterm presidential limit Nyerere steps down and is replaced by Mwinyi II. POLITICAL ACHIEVEMENT Peaceful transfer of power within one-party dominant state 1990: Nyerere steps down from CCM leadership and calls for multi-party elections 1995: Mwinyi steps down and is replaced by Mkapa 2005: Mkapa steps down and is replaced by Kikwete Nyerere bids farewell before flying to his village to retire, 1985

III. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION PRESIDENT ALI HASSAN MWINYI (1985 1995) 1995) Gradual implementation of Structural Adjustment Programs Liberalized trade and foreign exchange market Reintroduction of multiparty system Yet: 21 Lack of development vision High levels of corruption President Mwinyi with Michael Jackson in Tanzania, 1992

III. REAL PER CAPITA INCOME (1985 1995) 740 720 700 680 660 640 620 600 580 560 540 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 In 2005 PPP $ 23

III. GROSS SCHOOL ENROLLMENT RATE (1985 1995) 90.0 80.0 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 Primary Secondary 20.0 10.0 0.0 % 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 24

III. CHILD MORTALITY RATE (1985 1995) 164 162 160 158 156 154 152 150 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 Under-5 deaths per 1000 25

III. SHAKY TRANSITION TO MULTIPARTY SYSTEM (1992 1995) Political Parties Act (1992) legalizes opposition parties Newly formed opposition parties include: Civic United Front (CUF) United Democratic Party (UDP) Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) National Convention for Construction and Reform- Mageuzi (NCCR-Mageuzi) Mwinyi disregards Nyalali Commission s recommendation for a new constitution No separation between the state and the ruling party Civil society constrained by state institutions National Election Commission neither independent nor competent 26

26 III. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS Mkapa achieves macroeconomic stability through cash budget and increased aid Restores government credibility to donors debt cancellation Privatizes state enterprises (except public utilities) Increases foreign direct investment in mineral sector (yet narrow tax revenue for the state) Increases primary school enrollment PRESIDENT BENJAMIN MKAPA (1995 2005)

III. REAL PER CAPITA INCOME (1995 2005) 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 In 2005 PPP $ 28

III. GROSS SCHOOL ENROLLMENT RATE (1985 1995) 120.0 100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0 Primary Secondary 20.0 0.0 % 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 29

III. CHILD MORTALITY RATE (1995 2005) 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Under 5 deaths per 1000 30

III. MKAPA S CLEAN IMAGE TARNISHED Mkapa establishes a private business while president Government purchases expensive presidential jet Government purchases BAe Radar for $40 million instead of actual price of $5 8 million $113 million stolen from the Central Bank in debt conversion scam Privatization of state property to public officials and CCM leaders below market price 31

III. SUPPRESSION OF OPPOSITION PARTIES AND VOCAL CRITICS Revoking Citizenship Rights Violence against the Opposition Journalist and activist Jenerali Ulimwengu denied citizenship, 2001 2004 Opposition Party leaders attacked, 2001 32

32 III. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION PRESIDENT JAKAYA KIKWETE (2005 present) Expensive election campaign financed by suspected corrupt sources Election pledge to better life for every Tanzanian yet to be met Weak and indecisive economic management International Development Association Country Performance declines from 4 th (2005) to 22 nd (2010)

III. PRESIDENT KIKWETE (2005 present) Positive Gains Strengthens parliamentary power Accepts resignation of corrupt PM Increases freedom of the press Accepts demand for new constitution Cause for Concern Lack of development vision Leadership vacuum Excessive travel abroad Lip service to fighting corruption Chinese leader Hu Jintao, President Kikwete, and Dr. Lipumba, 2008 President Kikwete meets with British PM Gordon Brown, 2008 34

III. REAL PER CAPITA INCOME (1960 2009) 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 In 2005 PPP $ 35

III. CHILD MORTALITY RATE (1960 2010) 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 36 Under-5 deaths per 1,000

III. GROSS PRIMARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOL ENROLLMENT RATE 120.0 100.0 80.0 60.0 40.0 20.0 Primary Secondary 0.0 % 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 37

IV. POVERTY: A SIGNIFICANT DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGE Poverty Indices 1992 2000 2007 Poverty headcount ratio at $1.25 a day (PPP) % 72.6 88.5 67.9 Poverty headcount ratio at national poverty line % 38.6 35.6 33.4 GINI index (Measure of Inequality) 33.8 34.6 37.6 38

IV. TANZANIA S DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL Coastal country surrounded by six land-locked countries Vast agricultural potential Only 9.6 million hectors utilized out of 35 million hectors Tourist attractions National parks, Mt. Kilimanjaro, beautiful beaches Mineral resources Gold, diamonds, gemstone, nickel, natural gas, coal, iron-ore, and uranium Population dividend Convergence opportunities 39

Poverty 40 IV. TANZANIA S CURRENT DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGES Corruption Limited state capacity Low levels of human capital High population growth Low agricultural production Poor infrastructure Debilitated Infrastructure

IV. STRATEGIES FOR INCLUSIVE EQUITABLE DEVELOPMENT Macroeconomic stability Conducive business environment Infrastructure development Structural transformation Agriculture Greenfield Special Economic Zones for manufacturing Effectively exploiting natural resource wealth Investing in human resource development Taking advantage of information communication technology in education, health services, etc. 41

IV. TANZANIA S DEMOCRACY AT A CROSSROADS Democratic retrenchment can have dire consequences (e.g. Kenya and Ivory Coast) President Kikwete is completing his last term in office. What will be the President s democratic legacy? Intense power struggle within CCM may promote democratization if properly exploited President Kikwete has accepted the writing of a new constitution With political will, Tanzania can emerge as a democratic and development-oriented state in Africa 42

IV. INSTITUTIONS FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Competent and Independent National Electoral Commission Competent and Independent Judiciary Vibrant Civil Society A Professional Civil Service Comptroller and Auditor General Anti-Corruption Bureau Revenue Authority Effective Public Expenditure system 43

IV. CONSOLIDATING DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT I. Establish strong governance institutions and open space for civil society through proposed constitutional review process II. III. IV. Take advantage of incumbent president s last term and his interest in international recognition as a democratic leader Forge alliances with democratic forces, including all serious political parties and factions within the ruling party and demand an independent and competent electoral body Propagate inclusive policies concerning poverty reduction and economic development V. Build a national constituency committed to the promotion of equitable growth 44

THANK YOU Prof. Ibrahim Haruna Lipumba