NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA : A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY

Man In India, 92 (3-4) : 479-489 Serials Publications NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA : A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY Des Raj Sabharwal The present study shows the increasing dalits consciousness about rights and the possibility of upward mobility through education and change of occupational structure. Most of dalits gave up unclean traditional jobs, such as carrying and skinning dead animals, they adopted sanskrtization but few scheduled caste groups such as Balmiki still now engaging in sweeping as traditional occupation. In general sanskritization and education brought positional changes among dalits. In the surveyed village of Rohtak District it was found, the share of dalits in salaried employment increased. This meant that economic development, education and affirmative action policies together with the longer term process of democratization led to the assertion among dalits. Now dalits participate more vigorously in every election. There is increase in the number of dalits voting in every election. Dalit assertion through competitive electoral politics has been a feature of Haryana. The finding of the study showed that Socio-political activities are visible among dalits. Higher education, taking interest in dalit literature, celebration of Ambedkar s birthday, forming dalit associations to protect their interest and collective protest against atrocities are some of the activities which are exhibited among dalits. The study also shows that dalit students are very assertive about their rights. Dalit students have set up their organizations to protect their interests. Dalits youths are aware about their rights under different laws. Introduction Indian Society consisting number of castes and sub-castes, religious and ethnic communities has remained highly stratified. The Hindu social system of which the Dalits are largely a part is stratified on the basis of caste hierarchy. The Hindu social order made the distinction between high castes and lower castes, pure and impure castes. In common parlance, the former untouchables or the lowest castes are labeled as Dalits. The Constitution of India has termed these castes as scheduled castes. But the social activists and social scientists started calling them as Dalits. According to the 2001 census scheduled castes are 16.20 per cent of total population of India. The population of Scheduled Castes concentrated in five states, viz. Uttar Pradesh (21.35%), West Bengal (23.02%), Punjab (28.25%), Haryana (19.35%) and Tamil Nadu (19.00%). At all India level the Major dalit castes are Chamar and Bhangi, while certain castes are numerically greater in their states, for example, Mahar and Mang in Maharashtra, Chamar in UP, Punjab and Haryana, Mala and Madiga in Andhra Pradesh, Pulayan in Kerala etc. The population of Haryana accounts for 2.1 per cent of the country population and rank 16 th amongst the state. The predominantly rural characteristics of the population of the state can be seen from the fact that 71.1per cent population is Address for communication: Dr. Desraj Sabharwal, Reader, Department of Sociology, M. D. University, Rohtak-124001, Haryana, India, E-mail: desraj.sabharwal@yahoo.in

480 MAN IN INDIA residing in the rural areas against 28.9 per cent in urban areas. The major proportion of the scheduled castes population still engaged in agriculture. The proportion of the scheduled castes to the total population at state level is higher at 19.35 per cent as compared to national average of 16.20 per cent in 2001 census. The proportion of SC population has decreased slightly in the state from 19.75 per cent in 1991 to 19.35 per cent in 2001 census. However, in absolute terms, the population of SC has increased from 3,250, 933 in 1991 to 4,091,110 persons in 2001 census. Fatehabad district has the highest proportion of the SC population i.e. 27.43 per cent, followed by Sirsa (26.65 per cent). There are 37 scheduled castes groups in Haryana but three major scheduled caste groups namely Chamar, Balmiki and Dhanak as they constitute about 80 per cent of scheduled caste population of the state. Status of Dalits in Traditional Caste Hierarchy The status of Dalits in the traditional caste system was at bottom in the social hierarchy. A number of social restrictions were imposed on them. Their entry into temple was barred. The social restrictions varied region to region. But these were more rigid in the southern states. They were not allowed to use public wells, road etc. They were forbidden from entering Hindu temples, attending public school, wearing colorful cloths, using umbrella etc. Dalits had to maintain distance from members of the pure castes. The dalits were also not allowed to change their caste occupation. The extent of disabilities was such that they were made to live on the outskirts of villages and towns. It is recorded that under the Marathas and Peshwas in Maharashetra the Maharas, Mangs and others dalits were not allowed to enter gates of Poona city during 9.00 a.m. to 3.00 p.m. because in the morning and afternoon their bodies cast a long shadow which was considered defiling. The downtrodden Dalits raised various struggles to fight their social exploitation in all forms. Two factors had made deep impact on caste system which also brought social awakening among Dalits. First, the western impact with its ideas and values of liberality of thoughts and second the British administration with equality before law and introduction of modern technology created the necessary intellectual and psychological climate for the emergence of social reforms movements. To fight against untouchability and other forms of injustice and exploitation, social reformers launched social movements in pre-independence India. Mahatma Phule s (1827-1890) formed the Satya Shodak Samaj in 1873 with the aim of liberating non-brahmins from the clutches of Brahmanism. Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj (1871-1922) of Kolhapur started Satya Shodak Mandal in 1912 and he carried forward the movement started by Mahatma Phule. In pre-independence period, the Dalit movements comprised of a strong non-brahman Movement against Brahmanism in Maharashtra, Shri Naravan Dharma Paripalan movement in Kerala and Periyar Ramashwami Naicker in Tamil Nadu and the like. There were, of

NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA 481 course, reformist trends in some of the movements. Similarly reformers of the 19 th century were influenced by the work of Christian missionaries in India. The Brahmo Samaj (1828), the Prarthana Samaj (1867), the Ram Krishna Mission, and the Arya Samaj (1875) are the examples of such institutions founded with a view to fight against social evils i.e. (untouchability) practiced by the caste Hindus. Depressed class mission and Babasahab Ambedkar s (1891-1956), contribution to liberate the dalits can not be forgotten. All these movements led to, some extent, the social and political upliftment of Dalits (Shah, 2001). Constitutional Provisions and Dalits The Constitution of India has played important role in the overall upliftment of the Dalits. In post independent period, the constitution guaranteed various social, economic, educational and political rights to Dalits. By Article 17 of constitution the untouchability has been abolished and its practice is forbidden. In part IV of the constitution, certain fundamental rights are guaranteed to the citizens. Article 15(2) states that no citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth be discriminated with regard to (a) access to shop, public restaurants, hotel and public entertainment; or (b) the use of wells, tank, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resorts. Under Article 15(4), the State is permitted to make any special provision for advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the SCs/STs. In the field of education, there is reservation of seats in admission of the scheduled caste and tribes students in school, college and university. Also there is a provision of scholarship for the students belonging to SCs/STs. All these constitutional provisions have helped the members of various scheduled caste groups to make progress in every sphere of life. Since independence, the Indian society has also vastly changed. The education as a means of achieving upward social mobility has proved to be very useful to the Dalits and there is conscious effort on their part to get their children educated. Education institutions provide indispensable avenues of mobility to a large number of individuals from dalits community. The government policy of reservation in employment has increased the representation of dalits in all the government services. Similarly in the political field, reservation of seats for SCs/STs in the house of the people, legislative assemblies granted political rights (Omvedt., 1994). The government policy of reservation in Panchayati Raj institutions has also enhanced the political representation of the members from dalit community. Identity Formation of Dalits In the social history of identity formation of the Dalits castes, Ambedkar s name is the most prominent as he was the thinker who successfully formulated an assertive and separate Dalit identity. Dalits understand that their status at the bottom of the

482 MAN IN INDIA social and economic hierarchy is because of the dominance of Brahmins and other upper castes. Dalit resistance to injustice takes many forms, from passive resistance to militant retaliation. Their ability to articulate their aspirations and secure their rights depends on the relations of power between them and dominant castes, and the availability of institutional space and support for dalits collective action in the public domain. Dalits continually struggled to shed the stigma that shadows their lives. The Dalits youths in particular, resents traditional caste labels and the derogatory tone and style in which they are usually addressed. Dalits adopt upper caste or western names or refer to themselves by the generic secular label of scheduled caste. Dalits have been denied the use of many items bright clothes, umbrellas, shoes that upper castes take for granted, many dalits make it a point to dress as well as they can. Now Dalits owning and driving vehicles such as scooters, motorcycles and car is not merely a convenience but a mark of social status that is all the more significant because such forms of property have traditionally been the monopoly of upper caste Hindus. If using these objects invites upper caste wrath, today Dalits are willing to stand up for their rights (Shah et al., 2006). The study of Dalit assertion in a Gujarat village shows that Dalits have individually and collectively migrated from their ancestral village in order to escape continued humiliation and oppression. In the 1980s in Gujarat, for instance, there were reports from six villages of Dalits deserting their small farms and houses. One of these was Sambarda. There were a number of instances in the 1980s in which Dalit boys were frequently beaten up and insulted for wearing decent clothes. Even their guests were not spared. For instance in early 1989, a vankar, (Dalit) Dharmbhai Devabhai of Kanodi Village who had come to Sambarda on a social occasion, was beaten up by Gadhavis (Caste Hindu). His fault was that he wore decent clothes. He was insulted, called Dheda (traditional Gujarati word for Dalit, now proscribed) by the Gadhavis, and subsequently his clothes were torn. In 1989 Dalits declared that we do not want to return to Sambarda under any circumstances, no matter what guarantee or protection the government offers to us. We become slaves the moment we enter the village. For us, there will only be justice if the government, after having assessed our property, gives us land and helps us to settle elsewhere. We want our self respect, not mercy. Getting our selfrespect back is our constitutional right (Desai and Maheria, 2002). This protest was not merely symbolic. They wanted a material response from the government in the form of alternative land where they could settle and live with dignity and in peace. To achieve this they camped in the open like refugees outside the district collector s office for 131 days. Ultimately, despite collusion between the ruling elite and vested interests, they succeeded in achieving part of their goal. Analyzing the incident of caste conflict and Dalit identity in the rural Punjab in which Dalit caste of ad-dharmis and dominant land owning Jat Sikhs were involved in caste conflict over the management of local shrine in Telhan village.

NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA 483 The demand by ad-dharmis or erstwhile untouchable caste for representation in the management committee of Baba Nihal Singh Samadh-Gurudwara is not just a demand for equal share in economic resources but it is an indication of dalit assertion for equality and equal rights. Dalits in general and the Ad-Dharmis in particular have slowly and steadily moved away from traditional occupation and agricultural sector. They are independent and thus can challenge the caste atrocities and caste system itself (Louis and Jodhka, 2003). The empirical study of Barwali Khurd village in Punjab identifies a process of identity formation among the Dalits. The study shows that number of local weaver attained higher education and improved their social and economic condition. In this way, apart from taking up various skilled occupations, a number of weavers came to have sufficient qualifications to take up teaching, military, administrative and professional jobs (Abbi and Singh: 1997: 40). Political consciousness and participation in politics by the scheduled castes in UP have traditionally been low. The states witnessed no anti-upper caste movement as in west and parts of South India during the colonial period. It was only in the immediate post-colonial period that a small, upwardly mobile section of the community, influenced by the ideal of Ambedkar and under the Republican Party of India, was able to mobilise SCs for a short period of time. Except for small elite in the community, the benefits of economic development in the post-independence period have also not trickled down to the SCs. However, since the mid 1980 s, a new wave of caste-based mobilisation in north India has brought the SCs into politics in UP under the leadership of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) formed by Kanshi Ram. The formation of the first dalit led government in UP, have introduced far reaching change in the politics of UP (Pai, 2001). The recent efforts of Dalits to assert in electoral politics show their concern to gain political strength in order to occupy political and economic space. Post-poll survey data of the 1996 and 1998 Lok Sabha Elections, collected by the centre for the study of Developing societies (CSDS), Delhi revealed that recent efforts by SCs to put their firm signature on electoral outcomes emerges as a culmination of their consistent struggle and collective strength. There is definite patterns in the party preference of Dalit who have gradually shifted from the congress and opted for alternatives wherever they could find them (Pushpendra, 2001). Above studies shows that the process of democratization, constitutional safeguards, educational attainment, helped the Dalits to raise their status in ascriptive social system and formation of new assertive identity. The communities who have till now being marginalized by the caste system are claiming an identity for themselves. The present study was conducted in rural and urban area of Rohtak district to examine the formation of identity and assertion among Dalits of Haryana. In this study an attempt to analyse the political participation of Dalits, role of caste based

484 MAN IN INDIA organisation in dalit identity and to study of dalits protest against discrimination has been focused. The study is based upon extensive field work in rural as well as urban area of Rohtak district and interviews of dalit activists. Dalit assertion, in the context of Haryana, means assertion against upper caste domination and more particularly, against the state for its failure to improve the socio-economic conditions of Dalits and sudden upsurge of caste violence in which Dalits are targeted at various places in Haryana. The incidents of violence, Dulina in Jhajjar, Harshola in Kaithal, Jattu Lohari in Bhiwani and Gohana all still fresh in the minds of Dalits. As a result, dalits assertion against upper-caste domination was seen. Today, dalits assertion against oppressive practices is countered by an increasing spate of caste-based atrocities. Traditionally Dalits were not allowed to join the schools set up by caste Hindus. Now this picture has been changed because schools and other educational institutions set up by government. Today Dalits has understood the importance of education in social life. Even very poor Dalits in the village want to educate their children if they can. Now Dalits dream that their sons and daughters should become government officers, doctors and engineers. Many Dalits are inspired by Dr. Ambedkar s call to educate, organize and struggle. It was found in the surveyed village that Chamar are most socially conscious and upwardly mobile dominant group and respected by other scheduled caste group in Haryana. Initially affected by the Arya Samaj Movement, which swept through Punjab, they adopted sanskritisation in their social life. Symbols and Rituals of Dalits Identity In order to overcome centuries old practices of exploitation and humiliation which have left a deep imprint on their psyche, Dalits have had to create alternative system of belief to give meaning to their lives. This quest for an identity that allows Dalits self-respect and dignity has resulted in the invention of new idioms, symbols, vocabulary and various rituals. Instead of using derogatory caste names, Dalits prefer to call themselves Satnami, Adi-Dravidian, Parayar, Buddhist, Ambedkarite and of course, Dalit. Many of them, especially in Maharashtra, Bihar, UP and Andhra greet each other with the phrase Jai Bhim (literally, Victory to Dr. Ambedkar, (Shah, 2006 : 146). Most of Dalits leaders and activists in Haryana using same phrase Jai Bhim while greet each other in their daily routine. These expression and rituals evoke solidarity and sense of community among Dalits. Another important symbol of Dalit assertion is the statues of Dr.Ambedkar that are now found not only in urban Dalit localities but also in a large number of villages. This development can be traced to the rise of dalits politics in the 1990s when Mandal Commission Report was implemented which granted 27 per cent reservation for OBCs. Statute of Dr. Ambedkar in public places and photographs in private homes and offices signify both the proud presence of dalits in civil society and the inspirational quality of Ambedkar as an icon. Especially in Haryana

NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA 485 the statute of Dr. Ambedkar has been installed in chopals and communities temples as a symbol of dignity in various villages. Eleanor Zelliot vividly describes the empowering image of Ambedkar. The meaning of this symbol, of statue, or, the photo, grows from the life and work of Ambedkar. The image is always clad in a western suit, white shirt, red tie, pen in pocket, book in hand. The image usually represents Ambedkar with an upraised arm, teaching or declaring the message of courage and equality. This is what the image represents: education, success, contribution to the political world of India. The book that Ambedkar carries is the constitution, and his role as Chairman of the drafting committee has assumed great important and symbolic value. He is without specific caste. He is the Dalit of Dalits. He has no identity as a Maharashtrian. He is for all India (Quoted in Jayal and Pai 2001: 239). The figure of Ambedkar evokes a boundless pride among Dalits who see him as an inspiration for the entire community, an icon, a personal hero whose memory they embrace and celebrate. In 2007, Dalit of Baliana village in Rohtak District, mobilized to get land to establish Ambedkar Bhawan and to install statue. In the memory of Ambedkar even poor Dalits in villages enthusiastically contribute to establish any institution i.e. (school/college/library) or hostel etc. On the other hand there have been several instances of caste Hindus attempting to destroy or disfigure Ambedkar statute. In 1990, in Rohtak town, during anti reservation movement (Mandal Commission Report) Ambedkar statute was destroyed by dominant caste people. After this incident, thousands of Dalits protested, raised the demand of arrest the culprit and re-install the statue. Dalits also register their complaint not only to the district administration but to the state and central Government. After this incident situation was very tense and possibility of clash between dalits and non dalits. The situation was handled by district administration immediately; heavy police force was deployed to avoid any mishappening. District Administration considered the demand of Dalits and after few days statue was installed by own their own. The process of Ambedkarisation, which has resulted in the appearance of new form of dalits assertion. Ambedkar Jayanti (his birthday) is widely celebrated in town and cities by various dalit organizations. In Rohtak town celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti by Scheduled Caste Employees Welfare Association and Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation (BAMCEF), jointly is a regular feature. The school and libraries, named after Ambedkar, have been set up in this town, his statue installed. Dalits has constructed the temples of their own i.e. Balmiki, Ravidas and Kabir. The prabhat pheris and processions to the accompaniment of songs and praise of Ambedkar are taken out. The processionists urge strongly, Dalits to read Dalit literature, not to compromise dignity, use Jai Bhim, as a greeting instead of the traditional, Ram Ram. In contemporary India, Ambedkar is their hero, social revolutionary, philosopher, the leader for their struggle and aspiration for justice and equality for Dalits. The establishment of Dalit organizations is an economic and political activity to help

486 MAN IN INDIA dalits solve their problems and protect their interests. Dalit organizations were flourishing all over the country in general and Haryana in particular. Some organizations in Rohtak has started libraries and group discussion on Dalits problems regularly. Some organizations have launched struggles against atrocities. Most of the organizations have included Dr.Ambedkar s name in their title, representing their collective identity and aspirations, calling themselves the Dr.Ambedkar Education Society Haryana, Haryana Buddha Mahasabha, Scheduled Caste Employees Welfare Association, Chamar Education Society, Attama Nand Education Samiti, Balmiki Education Society and so on. For instance, in Rohtak town, Haryana Buddha Mahasabha (HBMS) have started monthly meetings, where dalit activists come together to discuss their problems. These Dalit activists are convening their monthly meeting turn by turn at their residence. Similarly Dr. Ambedkar Eduction Society, Chamar Education Society and Balmiki Education Society are running primary and secondary school for dalit students. These Dalit organizations set up to protect the interest of their community. It was felt that state was controlled by the upper castes and political parties representing them. These organizations have mobilized dalits, created political awakening, enhanced literacy and prosperity among them. It was also noticed a new form of assertion among dalit students. In Rohtak town under graduate and post-graduate students have set up their independent organizations. Ambedkar Students front (ASF), Ambedkar Missionary Vidyarthi Sangh (AMVS) and Ambedkar Missionary Vidyarthi Association (AMVA) are mobilizing the Dalit students to protect their interests. In group discussion and personal interviews of dalit students and activists we found that most of dalits, especially the younger generation, are aware about their rights under different laws. They believe that discrimination is not only unjust but also illegal and that they have legal recourse when their rights are violated. The younger generations are aware that police have to register their complaints and guilty must be punished. Most of Dalits believe that the democratic political system, elections and political reservations is an important mechanism for asserting the rights after independence. Now Dalits increasingly exercise their franchise. They participate more vigorously and in large number compared to the upper caste in the state assembly, parliament election and even in panchayat election. This trend was also found in recent parliament elections, 2009, in many villages of Rohtak district. After the 73 rd and 74 th constitutional amendments for democratic decentralization, several Dalits have become member panchayat, Sarpanch and member of block samiti and zila parishad. Participation of Dalit women in panchayati Raj institution, encouraged the process of dalit assertion in the state. The process of democratization enhanced the bargaining power of Dalits. Young and educated Dalits now have the confidence to attempt to use the legal system to redress their grievances and assert their dignity and rights. For

NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA 487 instance, Dalits were harrased, Harshola in Kaithal, Jattu Lohari in Bhiwani and Masndpur Village of Rohtak by the upper caste people. In every case dalits youths went to the police station and filed a complaint. Even they registered their complaint to the national SC/STs commission. The present study shows that the younger generation of dalits are aware about their rights. Many local dalit leaders told us, when dalits people harassed, they preferred to register their case under the SC/STs Act, because the Act is more favourable towards them and their chances of getting justice are higher under this Act. Most of educated dalit youths have become aware of the scheduled caste and scheduled tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989. The present paper highlights the increasing, Dalit consciousness about rights and the possibility of upward mobility through education and change of occupation. The socio-political system of our country has been transformed by the growing strength of Dalit electoral power. The process of urbanization has created new opportunities for migration among dalits. The sanskritization process created a suitable environment of social mobility among dalits. The Government affirmative policies and growth of the mass media has expanded the new avenues for dalits aspirations. All these changes have lent a greater urgency to the concerted struggles of Dalits against caste based oppression. Awareness among Dalits about rights has led to individual and collective assertions against social discrimination. Conclusion The present study shows the increasing dalits consciousness about rights and the possibility of upward mobility through education and change of occupational structure. A number of significant socio economic changes within the Dalit community by the 1990s made this possible. There were considerable improvements in the condition of Dalits. The poverty and absolute dependence on land owners and old patron-client relations disappeared in rural setting. Urbanization increased new opportunities of employment for dalits. Most of dalits gave up unclean traditional jobs, such as carrying and skinning dead animals, they adopted sanskrtization but few scheduled caste groups such as Balmiki still now engagging in sweeping as traditional occupation. In general sanskritization and education brought positional changes among Dalit. There is improvement in literacy among Dalits in Haryana. Now, small section urban elite also arose, primarily among the chamar. They were the first to take education and avail of reservations, leading to a white collar middle class and class-1 government officers. These changes have created a small, educated core in the Dalit community, which has been the vanguard of the new Dalit assertiveness. Thus, education has contributed to increased awareness of low socio-economic status and desire to change it. The study shows that each caste group shows considerable occupational diversification and that a small proportion of lower castes has found employment in salaried occupations. In the surveyed village of Rohtak District it was found, the share of dalits in salaried

488 MAN IN INDIA employment increased. This meant that economic development, education and affirmative action policies together with the longer term process of democratization led to the assertion among Dalits. Now Dalits participate more vigorously in every election. There is increase in the number of dalits voting in every election. Dalit assertion through competitive electoral politics has been a feature of Haryana. The findings of the study showed that Socio-political activities are visible among Dalits. Higher education, taking interest in dalit literature, celebration of Ambedkar s birthday, forming dalit associations to protect their interest and collective protest against atrocities are some of the activities which are exhibited among dalits. Dalits have made an attempt to improve their living standards, compete with the upper castes in all walks of life. The study also shows that dalit students are very assertive about their rights. Dalit students have set up their organizations to protect their interests. Dalits youths are aware about their rights under different laws. They believe that any form of discrimination is not only unjust but also illegal. Educated dalit youths now have the confidence to attempt to use the legal system to redress their grievances and assert their dignity and rights. They preferred to register their case under the SC/STs Prevention of Atrocities Act, when they harassed or discriminated because the Act was more favourable towards them and chances of getting justice are higher. The process of Ambedkarisation expanded the scope of dalits assertion, which began in the educated sections of Dalits, but which has broadened today, encompassing even the uneducated and poorer sections of Dalits. References Abbi, B. L. and Kesar Siingh (1997). Post Green Revolution Rural Punjab: A profile of Economic and Socio-Cultural Change (1965-1995), Chandigarh: Centre for Research in Rural & Industrial Development. Bosh, P. K. (1985). Social Mobility and Caste Violence: A Study of The Gujarat Riots, in Centre for Social Studies (ed.), Caste, Caste Conflict and Reservations, Delhi : Ajanta Publications. Desai, H. and C. Maheria (2002). Dalit Assertion for Self-esteem : from Sambarda to Swamannagar, in Ghanshyam Shah, Mario Rutten and Hein Streefkerk (eds.), Development and Deprivation in Gujrat, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Jayal, N. G. and Sudha Pai, (eds.) (2001). Democratic Governance in India, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Jodhka, Sureinder S. and Murli Dhar (2003). Cow, Caste and Communal Politics, EPW, Vol. XXX No. 3, pp. 174-76. Keer, Dhananjay (1962). Dr. Ambedkar s Life and Mission, Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Louis, Prakash and Surender. S. Jodhka (2003). Caste, Conflict and Dalit Identity in Rural Punjab: Significance of Talhan, Social Action, Vol. 53, pp. 335-59. Louis, Prakash (2003). The Political Sociology of Dalit Assertion, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House.

NATURE OF DALITS ASSERTION IN HARYANA 489 Omvedt, Gail (1994). Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Pai, Sudha (2001). From Harijans to Dalits : Identity Formation, Political Consciousness and Electoral Mobilization of the Scheduled caste in Uttar Pradesh, in Ghanshyam Shah(ed). Dalits Identity and Politics : Cultural Subordination and Dalit Challenge, pp. 258-87, Vol. II, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Pai, Sudha (2002). Dalit Assertion and Unfinished Democratic Revolution: The BSP in UP, New Delhi: Sage Publication. Pushpendra (2001). Dalit Assertion through Electoral Politics, in Ghanshyam Shah (ed.), Dalit Identity and Politics : Cultural Subordination and Dalit Challenge, Vol.-II, New Delhi: Sage Publication. Shah, Ghanshyam (2001). Dalits Identity and Politics : Cultural Subordination and Dalit Challenge, Vol. II, New Delhi: Sage Publication. Shah, Ghanshyam et al. (2006). Untouchability in Rural India, New Delhi: Sage Publication. Zelliot, E. (1996). From Untouchables to Dalits : Essays on Ambedkar s Movement, New Delhi: Manohar Publications.