José Alberto Azeredo Lopes Ministro da Defesa Nacional Intervenção no almoço com os Embaixadores dos Estados-membros da União Europeia e dos Estados candidatos à adesão acreditados em Lisboa, oferecido pelo Embaixador do Reino dos Países-Baixos, Govert Jan DE VROE, Chefe de Missão da Presidência rotativa da UE, no 1º semestre de 2016 (EN) Lisboa, 14 de Março de 2016 1
Dear Ambassador DE VROE, (Dear Host), Dear Ambassadors of the European Union Member States, Dear Ambassadors of the EU acceding countries, Dear Deputy Heads of Mission, Introductory Remarks I am honored to participate, as Minister of Defense of Portugal, for the first time, at the luncheon of the European Union and acceding countries Ambassadors in Lisbon. Thank you, Govert, for inviting me and for creating this opportunity for us to share some notes on defense, notably in its European dimension. I must say I already had the benefit of enjoying Dutch hospitality, in Amsterdam, at the beginning of February, where I took part in the informal meeting of the EU ministers of defense. Representing the rotating Presidency, Minister Hennis was a very generous host, who conducted our meetings, at the elegant National Maritime Museum, with firmness of purpose and a decisive commitment to foster defense cooperation in Europe. Thus, we had very fruitful discussions on the main topics of our agenda: i) the current European operations and missions; ii) the drafting of the European Defense Action Plan and, finally, together with our colleagues, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, iii) the ongoing works on the European Global Strategy. 2
As you might expect, in the first part of my talk today, I will elaborate on Portugal s perspective on these subject-matters. In the second part, and as not all of you represent NATO member states, I will only very briefly summarize the challenges ahead of the Warsaw Summit and how Portugal is preparing for them. Thirdly, moving on to Portugal s other multilateral affiliations with a defense component, I will shortly review our participation in four fora: i) the UN, with a particular insight to the future of our contribution to UN operations and missions; ii) the 5 + 5 Defence Initiative; iii) the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries and iv) the anti- ISIL coalition. And I as I know you have all been following with the utmost attention our protracted - but highly successful - budget discussions, I will finalize with a brief overview on the state of the art concerning defense spending. Before I start, however, allow me to recall, Ambassadors, that, this year, we commemorate the 30 years of Portugal s accession to the European Union. And in this regard, I avail myself of Hegel s famous aphorism - World history is not the soil in which happiness grows. Periods of happiness are empty pages in it. to affirm that our three decades of belonging to this Union have been mostly blank, happy years Socioeconomic development has thrived in our country, so has our democratic consciousness and our cultural openness and diversity. Notwithstanding the recent crisis, which has unleashed the cynicism of many, let me assure you, Ambassadors, we remain proud and confident members of the EU. 3
European Union That is why the exercise we are now engaged in that of drafting and adopting a European Union Global Strategy - has been long overdue, as, I believe, we can all agree. Thus, Portugal has been contributing to the works on this Strategy, welcoming the fact it opens opportunities to all relevant stakeholders, as Member States, institutions and civil society have, here, an opportunity to contribute to strengthen our global position and agree on a clear definition of our own strategic interests. Portugal values the priorities outlined for the Global Strategy: supporting democratic resilience both internally and in the neighbouring regions is the paramount goal of this exercise. Therefore, the Strategy s proposal of a comprehensive and multidimensional approach to crisis management and conflict resolution is indisputable and almost obvious. The vision it carries directed at the four quadrants of the compass is most welcome: one needs only to recall that to the East, we face the agendas of actors such as Russia and that, to the South, we have an obligation to provide protection to the victims of the conflict in Syria, to defend our interests and values against the terrorism of Daesh and to fight poverty and hopelessness in the African continent. In addition, other challenges to our environment which hardly need to be named - such as cybercrime, trafficking in human beings and nationalist recidivism - call out for the mainstreaming of security and defense in European policies. Against this background, Europe cannot fail to consolidate its role as a major international actor and take the lead regarding its own defence and security. That is 4
why, Portugal welcomes the preparatory works to draft and adopt a European Defense Action Plan, in close articulation with the Global Strategy, of which it should become a key instrument for countering the growing threats to our security environment. But above all it is urgent we commit ourselves to implementing it, once it is approved. In this regard, let me highlight three points in this Plan, which will be capital in fostering the strategic autonomy the EU is lacking: i) We need to further develop the technological and industrial defense base of the EU. In this regard, the investment in the scientific and research dimensions of our defense industries of dual use civilian and military - is fundamental. ii) Then, we need to set up mechanisms, which enable us to use our defense technologies in an integrated manner, so as to maximize its benefits to us all. iii) Finally, we have to take seriously the need to counter our dependency from non- European resources, which undermines our ability to use our defense capacities according to our needs, and develop an internal market of defense. A European common defence must be an essential instrument of foreign policy, placed at the service of Europe s geopolitical and diplomatic priorities: from maritime security to the fight against proliferation of chemical weapons and to criminal tribalism online. That is why defence cannot be consumed by security, as the first is increasingly an advanced guardian of the second, which requires we maximize the potential of the D component of our Common Foreign and Defence Policy, enabling it to act preventively rather than reactively. 5
In this regard, and coming back to our meetings in Amsterdam, as you know, we had an opportunity to review our on-going CSDP missions. Portugal participates, without exception, in all of them: EUNAVFOR ATALANTA and EUTM Somalia, in the crucial Horn of Africa, EUMAM in Central African Republic, EUTM in Mali and, finally, we will also participate in SOPHIA, to help in the critical efforts to stabilize Libya. North Atlantic Treaty Organization As you already understood by now, I belong to the group of those who believe there is room for a stronger complementarity between NATO and the EU and for an enhancement of the strategic autonomy of the EU. But it goes without saying, though, that NATO constitutes the DNA, the true genetic code of our defence, and that Portugal, as a founding Partner, remains a transatlanticminded member of the Alliance, an advocate of our strong ties with the United States. So, moving on to my second topic (NATO), in the run-up to Warsaw, in our view, it is crucial that we balance the approaches of the Alliance s Eastern and Southern flanks and that we adjust our priorities considering the current security environment with a 360º degrees amplitude. We have been actively engaged in KFOR, the Readiness Action Plan, the Baltic Air Policing, SNMG1, Trident Juncture and the VJTF, as a proof of our full support to our Allies and of our belief in the unity and indivisibility of the Alliance s security. But we believe that, in the spirit of solidarity, the Alliance s new deterrence posture should be encompassing. In this regard, our perception is that the southern flank of NATO is under pressure by terrorist state-like entities, whose activity has geostrategic implications beyond the Euro-Atlantic area and it became necessary to respond to them 6
Coherently, thus, we support the development of the Defense Capability Building Initiative (DCB) with our southern neighbors and we are envisaging a contribution in this context, possibly with regard to its maritime dimension. On a different front, I hardly need to emphasize the relevance of cyberspace at all levels; by its very nature, achieving a cyberspace that is open, interoperable and secure requires that we reach a global consensus on its governance, so that it can serve the social and economic aspirations that our civil societies bestow upon it. Thus, we favour a Cyber Defence Commitment at the highest level in Warsaw, provided its implementation can be periodically assessed, so as to ensure its credibility and effectiveness. Let me announce to you, in this regard, that Portugal is working at a steady pace to host in Oeiras the NATO CIS School (the Communications and Information System School) which will be upgraded to Academy, upon transfer to our country. In a field where, once again, cooperation between the EU and NATO is essential, the Academy and the NATO Cyber Range Capability, which will integrate the Estonian Range, could be explored as instruments to further reinforce NATO/EU cooperation in this key area. Hybrid warfare is another complex and multi-layered threat NATO cannot address on its own: one more field where synergies with the European Union must be strengthened in due time. Thus, the recent Technical Arrangement between the NATO Computer Incident Response Capability and the European Union Response Team should be viewed as one first step towards a stronger cooperation of both organizations on this matter. A final word on the institutional adaptation of the Alliance, which, of course, must be continuous, if we are to face the challenges lying ahead. However, at this point, we need 7
to consolidate the implementation of the Reform Agenda launched at the Lisbon Summit, including the full manning of the NATO Command Structure, before considering any new institutional arrangements. 5 +5 Defence Initiative In line with our southern flank concerns and in recognition of the fact that the Sahara- Sahel region is a key strategic area for our security, Portugal is an active participant of the 5+5 Defence Initiative, whose potential for stabilizing the Mediterranean we believe can be further explored. Allow me to recall, in this regard, we have undertaken the Presidency of the 5 +5 in 2013 and as I took office, late November 2015, I flew to Tunis for the Ministerial Defence meeting, where robust and frank discussions were held on security needs, from the perspective of the two banks of the Mediterranean. But our cooperation in the framework of the 5 + 5 Defense Initiative is far from being merely rhetorical. As a matter fact, last year, for example, Portugal was host to the maritime security exercise of the 5+5, the SEABORDER. All parts considered it a great success, as it helped us agree on good practices in countering unlawful activities, notably with regard to communication, data sharing and analysis. This year, in May, we will be organizing, in Lisbon, the 6 th meeting of Defence Inspectors of the 5 + 5 Initiative and I hope, on the occasion, to deliver the opening speech, to which I will invite the Ambassadors of the member states of the initiative, with the aim of reinforcing our political commitment to the further development of this initiative. 8
Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries As you know, our participation in a multilateral organization based on a shared past and a common language but also on strategic collective goals, notably at the economic level - such as the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries, remains a priority of our overall foreign policy. Thus, I am happy to convey that the Defence sector of the CPLP is one of the most active. Next May, I will fly to Dili, in Timor-Leste, for the annual defense ministerial meeting of the CPLP, which will be the 17 th of the kind: a regularity that bears witness to the goal of further consolidating a common grammar in what concerns defense. The Permanent Secretariat on Defence Matters, gathering the 8 member-states senior officials for defense policy, is tasked with proposing how to advance our agenda. Therefore, in parallel with the high-level political meetings, our armed forces hold a yearly exercise, called FELINO, whose main purpose is to enhance interoperability, with a specific focus on scenarios mirroring UN peace-keeping operations and humanitarian missions. The exercise represents an added value to our bilateral military cooperation with the member-states of CPLP. A Strategic Analysis Centre has been established in Mozambique, there is a specific forum on military health and, as in Dili we will all gather in commemorating the 14 years of Timor-Leste s independence, honoring the self-determining will of the Timorese, we will be more ambitious than usual: the defense ministerial meeting is aiming at establishing, on that occasion, the CPLP Defence College. 9
Anti-ISIL Coalition Among the current overseas engagement of our national forces, I must, most prominently, even if only very briefly, mention our efforts in the anti-isis coalition. Since May 2015, we have deployed our military to Besmaya, near Bagdad, where we are integrating Inherent Resolve, with a mission to help train and to mentor Iraqi armed forces. I participated in the anti-isis coalition ministerial meeting, convoked by Ashton Carter, in the margins of NATO s February council. Like many of you, we have received insistent requests to reinforce our contribution to the fight against terrorism, in face of the spread of ISIS to Libya and of its resilience in Iraq and Syria. We are carefully analyzing our options, in this regard. United Nations Last, but not least, a word for our prospective participation in the United Nations family operations, in line with our foreign policy and diplomatic priorities. Notwithstanding their shortcomings, which have largely been overcome, in the course of the years, thanks to lessons-learned, we still believe UN operations are a unique and dynamic instrument developed by the Organization as a way to help countries torn by conflict to create the conditions for a lasting peace. If you look carefully at the map our national forces overseas, it is clear the UN has not been a priority of Portugal s defense engagements in recent years, as we maintain only 10
very small contingents for example in MINUSCA, in Central African Republic, and in UNAMA, in Afghanistan. Returning to the UN, which we continue to view as the paramount organization in guaranteeing international peace and security, is a key priority of this Executive. Thus, we are currently studying the best way to match this design of ours, whilst also responding to France s request, under article 42º7 of the Treaty on the European Union, to free its armed forces from some operational theatres, notably in the Central African Republic, to enable it to strengthen its efforts against Daesh. The Defence Budget We need to have the means to match our ambitions in this different frameworks. Thus, allow me some brief words on how we plan to achieve this. Let me start by saying that the overall defence spending of the national budget is certainly a common concern of all our countries. It is not easy to explain to societies which have not faced war for more than 40 years the precautionary need to retain active, modern and highly prepared armed forces and, even more, if austerity policies have a direct impact on the common, ordinary lives of our citizens. In this regard, let me assure you that, for 2016, our budget will be 7, 4% higher than what we have de facto implemented in 2015. Our option, given our well-known constraints regarding public finances was to bet on our human resources, in the modernization of our human capital. 11
In relation to procurement, the total amount we will allocate to our Framework Planning on Procurement under our Law on Military Programming, will go up of more than 20% net. We also reinforced the defence external s component, with a total of 56,5 million for our national defence forces abroad, which represents 13% more than last year, in line with the ambitions I have earlier outlined, notably with regard to the UN operations and missions. Concluding Remarks Ambassadors, Dear Friends, I have talked for long enough I had decided not to conclude my speech, in order to leave the floor open for your questions, comments, suggestions However, I cannot resist ending on a note of trust in the vitality of the European project to overcome the many challenges ahead and the somber shadows left by the three-fold crisis we have been suffering from: i) the financial crisis; ii) the socioeconomic crisis, which has mostly affected the southern European countries and iii) the generic crisis of the democratic legitimacy of the European process and institutions. I am convinced a credible common European defense, that is capable of countering our citizens feelings of unrest and able to deter threats to the enjoyment of human rights at home and abroad, can decisively contribute to our ever closer union. That is, in my view, the role defense can and should play in materializing the dream of our inspiring founding fathers. *** 12