Appendices. Appendix 1: List of Members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC ( ) Number

Appendices Appendix 1: List of Members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC (1927 2011) Meeting Enlarged Meeting of Fifth Political Bureau of the Central Committee of CPC First Plenary Session of Sixth National Congress Third Plenary Session of Sixth National Congress Fourth Plenary Session of Sixth National Congress Time After Xiang Zhongfa was executed in June 1931 Fifth Plenary Session of Sixth National Congress Number of members Members July 1927 5 Zhang Guotao, Li Weihan, Zhou Enlai, Li Lisan, Zhang Tailei July 1928 5 Xiang Zhongfa, Zhou Enlai, Su Zhaozheng, Xiang Ying, Cai Hesen Sept. 1930 3 Xiang Zhongfa, Zhou Enlai, Qu Qiubai Jan. 1931 3 (4) Xiang Zhongfa, Zhou Enlai, Zhang Guotao (Chen Shaoyu was added in Feb. 1931) 4 (3) Lu Futan, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhang Wentian (replaced by Bo Gu, Zhang Wentian, Lu Futan in Sept. 1931) Jan. 1934 4 Bo Gu, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Enlai, Xiang Ying Zunyi Meeting Jan. 1935 5 Zhang Wentian, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Bo Gu, Xiang Ying (continued) A. Hu, China s Collective Presidency, DOI 10.1007/978-3-642-55279-3, Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014 137

138 Appendices Meeting Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee Sixth Plenary Session of Sixth National Congress Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee (which set up the position of Chairman of the Political Bureau) Seventh Plenary Session of Sixth National Congress (which set up the position of Chairing Group of the Political Bureau) First Plenary Session of Seventh National (which set up the Secretariat of the Central Committee of CPC) Time Number of members Members Dec. 1937 5 Zhang Wentian, Mao Zedong, Chen Shaoyu, Chen Yun, Kang Sheng Sept. to Nov. 1938 5 Mao Zedong, Zhang Wentian, Kang Sheng, Chen Shaoyu July 1940 6 Mao Zedong, Zhang Wentian, Kang Sheng, Chen Shaoyu, Ren Bishi Mar. 1943 3 Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Ren Bishi (Mao Zedong was elected chairman of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee ) May 1944 5 Mao Zedong was elected chairman of the chairing group, Zhu De, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Ren Bishi were elected vice-chairmen of the chairing group. June 1945 5 Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Ren Bishi Oct. 1950 5 Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Chen Yun First Plenary Session of Eighth National Congress Fifth Plenary Session of Eighth National Congress Eleventh Plenary Session of Eighth National Congress First Plenary Session of Ninth National First Plenary Session of the Tenth National Congress Sept. 1956 6 Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Deng Xiaoping May 1958 7 Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Lin Biao, Deng Xiaoping Aug. 1966 11 Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, Tao Zhu, Chen Boda, Deng Xiaoping, Kang Sheng, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Li Fuchun, Chen Yun Apr. 1969 5 Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, Chen Boda, Kang Sheng Aug. 1973 9 Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Wang Hongwen, Kang Sheng, Ye Jianying, Li Desheng, Zhu De, Zhang Chunqiao, Dong Biwu (continued)

Appendices 139 Meeting Second Plenary Session of the Tenth National Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee (fall of the Gang of Four ) First Plenary Session of the Eleventh National Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh National Fifth Plenary Session of the Eleventh National Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh National First Plenary Session of the Twelfth National Fifth Plenary Session of the Twelfth National Enlarged Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of CPC First Plenary Session of the Thirteenth National Time Number of members Members Jan. 1975 9 Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Wang Hongwen, Kang Sheng, Ye Jianying, Zhu De, Zhang Chunqiao, Dong Biwu, Deng Xiaoping Apr. 1976 6 Mao Zedong, Hua Guofeng (first vice-chairman of the Central Committee of CPC), Wang Hongwen, Ye Jianying, Zhu De, Zhang Chunqiao Oct. 1976 2 Hua Guofeng (chairman of the Central Committee of CPC), Ye Jianying (Mao Zedong and Zhu De passed away; Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao were isolated for investigation) Aug. 1977 5 Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, Wang Dongxing Dec. 1978 6 Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, Wang Dongxing, Chen Yun Feb. 1980 7 Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang June 1981 7 Hu Yaobang, Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Zhao Ziyang, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun, Hua Guofeng Sept. 1982 Sept. 1985 6 Hu Yaobang, Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Zhao Ziyang, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun 5 Hu Yaobang, Deng Xiaoping, Zhao Ziyang, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun Jan. 1987 5 Zhao Ziyang, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, Chen Yun, Hu Yaobang Nov. 1987 5 Zhao Ziyang, Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Hu Qili, Yao Yilin (continued)

140 Appendices Meeting Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth National First Plenary Session of the Fourteenth National First Plenary Session of the Fifteenth National First Plenary Session of the Sixteenth National First Plenary Session of the Seventeenth National Time Number of members Members June 1989 6 Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Yao Yilin, Song Ping, Li Ruihuan Oct. 1992 7 Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Li Ruihuan, Zhu Rongji, Liu Huaqing, Hu Jintao Sept. 1997 7 Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, Li Ruihuan, Hu Jintao, Wei Jianxing, Li Lanqing Nov. 2002 9 Hu Jintao, Wu Bangguo, Wen Jiabao, Jia Qinglin, Zeng Qinghong, Huang Ju (who passed away in June 2007), Wu Guanzheng, Li Changchun, Luo Gan Oct. 2007 9 Hu Jintao, Wu Bangguo, Wen Jiabao, Jia Qinglin, Li Changchun, Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, He Guoqiang, Zhou Yongkang Note: This table was compiled by the author. Source: CPC History Study Room under the Central Committee (2002, 2011) in the table indicates that no exact name of the meeting has been identified; Chen Shaoyu means Wang Ming Appendix 2: Division of Work Among Members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee from the Twelfth to Fifteenth National Congresses Meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee Number Name Job title First Plenary Session of the Twelfth National Congress 1982.09 6 Hu Secretary-general of the Yaobang Central Committee Ye Jianying Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People s Congress, vice-chairman of the Military Commission of the Central Committee Representative office anddivisionofwork Central Committee National People s Congress (continued)

Appendices 141 Meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee Number Name Job title Fourth Plenary Session of the Twelfth National 1985.09 Enlarged Meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee 1987.01 Deng Xiaoping Chairman of the Central Military Commission, director of the Central Consultative Council, Chairman of CPPCC National Representative office anddivisionofwork Central Military Commission, Central Consultative Council, CPPCC Zhao Ziyang Premier of the State Council State Council Li Xiannian He was elected chairman of the People s Republic of China in June 1983 Highest representative of the country, central foreign affairs work Chen Yun First secretary of Central Commission for Discipline Inspection 5 Hu Yaobang Secretary-general of the Central Committee of CPC Deng Xiaoping Chairman of the Central Military Commission, director of the Central Consultative Council, Chairman of CPPCC National Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Central Committee PLA, Central Consultative Council, CPPCC Zhao Ziyang Premier of the State Council State Council Li Xiannian Chairman of the People s Republic of China Highest representative of the country, central foreign affairs work Chen Yun First secretary of Central Commission for Discipline Inspection 5 Zhao Ziyang Secretary-general of the Central Committee of CPC, premier of the State Council Deng Xiaoping Chairman of the Central Military Commission, director of the Central Consultative Council, chairman of CPPCC National Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Central Committee, State Council Central Military Commission, Central Consultative Council, CPPCC (continued)

142 Appendices Meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee Number Name Job title Li Xiannian Chairman of the People s Republic of China First Plenary Session of the Thirteenth National Congress 1987.11 Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth National Congress 1989.06 Chen Yun Hu Yaobang 5 Zhao Ziyang Li Peng Qiao Shi Hu Qili Yao Yilin First secretary of Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Secretary-general of Central CPC Committee, first vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission Representative office anddivisionofwork Highest representative of the country, the Central Foreign Affairs Work Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Central Committee He was elected premier of State Council the State Council at the First Session of the Seventh National People s Congress in March 1988 Secretary of the Secretariat Central Commission of the Central Committee for Discipline of COC, secretary of Inspection, Central Commission for Committee of Discipline Inspection, Political and and secretary of Legislative Committee of Political Affairs and Legislative Affairs Secretary of the Central Publicity Secretariat Vice premier of the State Economic Work of Council CPC 6 Jiang Zemin Secretary-general of Central Committee ; he was elected chairman of the Central Military Commission at the Fifth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth national congress in Nov. 1989 Li Peng Central Committee, Central Military Commission Premier of the State Council State Council (continued)

Appendices 143 Meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee Number Name Job title Qiao Shi Secretary of the central commission for discipline inspection, secretary of Central Committee of Political and Legislative Affairs First Plenary Session of the Fourteenth National Congress 1992.10 Yao Yilin Vice premier of the State Council Song Ping Head of the Organizational Department of the Central Committee of CPC Li Ruihuan Secretary of the Central Secretariat Secretary-general of Central Committee, Chairman of the Central Military Commission; he was elected chairman of the People s Republic of ChinaattheFirstSession of the Eighth National People s Congress 7 Jiang Zemin Li Peng Qiao Shi Representative office and division of work Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, Committee of Political and Legislative Affairs Economic Work of CPC Organizational Work Publicity Central Committee, the Central Military Commission, highest representative of the country Premier of the State Council State Council He was elected chairman of National People s the standing committee Congress of the National People s Congress at the First Session of the Eighth National People s Congress in March 1993 Li Ruihuan He was elected chairman of CPPCC in Eighth National Congress of CPPCC in March 1993 Zhu Rongji Vice premier of the State Council Liu Vice chairman of the Central Huaqing Military Commission Hu Jintao Secretary of the Central Secretariat CPPCC, United Front Economic Work of CPC PLA work (assistant) Organizational Work (continued)

144 Appendices Meetings of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee Number Name Job title First Plenary Session of The Fifteenth National Congress 1997.09 7 Jiang Zemin Secretary-general Central Committee, chairman of the People s Republic of China, chairman of the Central Military Commission Li Peng Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People s Congress Representative office and division of work Central Committee, the Central Military Commission, highest representative of the country National People s Congress Zhu Rongji Premier of the State Council State Council Li Ruihuan Chairman of CPPCC CPPCC, United Front Hu Jintao Secretary of Central Secretariat; he was elected vice-chairman of the People s Republic of China at the First Session of Ninth National People s Congress Organizational work, assisted Jiang Zemin in governing the CPC, PLA, and the People s Republic of China Wei Jianxing Secretary of the Central Secretariat, secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Li Lanqing Vice premier of the State Council Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Economic Work of CPC Note: At the First Session of the Sixth National People s Congress in June 1983, Ye Jianying stepped down from the position of chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People s Congress in favor of Pen Zhen. At the Fourth Plenary Session of the Twelfth National Congress of the CPC convened in Sept. 1985, it was agreed that Ye Jianying, advanced in years, should step down as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central CPC Committee, member of the Political Bureau, and of the Central CPC Committee, and the National People s Congress was temporarily absent from the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau

Postscript After several thousand years of travel on the vast seas of turbulent world civilizations, this great ship, China, finally took on a new state helmsman in 1949 the Communist Party of China (CPC). Since then, China has entered a new phase in its history. The 63 years of the CPC s rule of China have witnessed the glorious course of Chinese socialist construction as well as the radiant progress that the CPC has made in its constant maturing, innovative, and self-refining efforts. In 1978, China launched a new era of reform and opening-up, and in this period of economic growth, China has demonstrated enormous success in its rejuvenation and rapid rise as a world power. In this period, the great success of the CPC in ruling both itself and the country has also become evident. In all these achievements, the collective leadership system of the CPC Central Committee has played a key role. In 2012, China has gained international attention. In the second half of this year, the Eighteenth National Congress of the CPC will be held. Hu Jintao, president of China, will deliver a political report at the congress on behalf of the Seventeenth CPC Central Committee. The report will outline future development targets and blueprints for China. Members of the Eighteenth Central Committee of the CPC, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC, and the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC will also be elected at that congress. A new leadership team will replace the old one, and this smooth process will guarantee the sustainability, succession, and innovation of the CPC s ideological, political and organizational guidelines. The new leadership will guide the great ship China to triumph over the strong winds and surging waves and help it sail all the way to the far shore of socialist modernization. In early 1990, Deng Xiaoping stated, The key issue for China is that the CPC should create an excellent Political Bureau, especially an excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau. As long as there are no problems in this area, China is assured of a stable future. Deng also declared, The most important thing is to have a united core leadership. If this united leadership is maintained for 50 years up to 2040 and for 60 years up to 2050, China will be invincible in its socialism. (Xiaoping Deng 1994a) History will show the proof of this prophecy. A. Hu, China s Collective Presidency, DOI 10.1007/978-3-642-55279-3, Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014 145

146 Postscript Over the past 20 years, a united, strong, highly effective Standing Committee of the Political Bureau has played the most important role in keeping China united and strong in the face of a worldwide low tide of socialism. Through all this China hs continued to achieve outstanding growth despite the worldwide crisis of capitalism. Efforts on the part of the Standing Committee have ensured China s stability and development. This has been achieved despite complex and changing developments in international affairs and external shocks, such as the disintegration of the Soviet Union, upheaval in Eastern Europe, the Asian financial crisis, and the recent international financial crisis. Stability and development have been achieved despite profound domestic reforms, as well as internal imbalances with respect to macroeconomic stability, economic structural adjustment, rapid social transformation and intensified social conflict. It might be asked, what kind of system can be relied upon to provide an excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau that can make correct important decisions? In other words, what are the basic qualities of an excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau? Following my own in-depth research into China s political and economic history since 1949 and a profound examination of its successes and failures (Angang Hu 2007a, 2008, 2011a), I would argue that the most important feature is the level of systematic, standardized, democratic and institutionalized mechanisms of organization among the central leadership. The basis of an excellent Political Bureau, especially an excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, lies in establishing and implementing a set of new systematic, democratic, and efficient collective leadership mechanisms that will withstand scrutiny by the people, practical application, and historical assessment (Angang Hu 2007b). China s development largely depends on the CPC. The CPC s development largely depends on the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau. The development of the Standing Committee largely depends on the organizational system of its leadership, which is characterized by collectivity. I refer to this leadership system as the collective presidency to distinguish it from the personal presidential system that exists in other countries. History has shown that the functioning of the collective leadership of the Standing Committee has been closely linked with the development of the CPC s cause. When it functions effectively, the CPC thrives; when it functions badly, the CPC suffers setbacks and serious losses. The focus of this book is a systematic study of how collective leadership functions within the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC. It might be asked why I should write this book or why I conducted this research. I would like to explain this from three perspectives those of history, China, and the world. First of all, from a historical perspective, it is necessary to gain a deep understanding of the history of China s political system in terms of its innovation and practice. It is also essential to learn how the leadership system of the CPC Central Committee has developed to be able to guide its future progress.

Postscript 147 Using bronze as a mirror, we can get neatly dressed; using history as a mirror, we can understand how the world developed. 1 For a modern political party and modern nation, having a proper grasp of history and learning from its lessons are vitally important for continued growth and expansion. This historical perspective is also necessary in achieving good governance, continual stability, and long-term development. In the present study, I have focused my attention on the collective leadership system implemented by the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Standing Committees of the Political Bureau. Only through a thorough understanding of the origins of this system is it possible to see that it has been the outcome of constant trials and errors over a period of more than 80 years especially the 60 years of the CPC s governance of China. In this way, it is possible to grasp the historical turning points and rationale behind the establishment and development of this form of leadership. Let us examine the future through the mirror of history. In this book I have examined how, historically, the highly efficient operation of the collective leadership of the CPC s Central Committee has been a necessary condition for the party to succeed in its aims. That is to say, the reliability, stability, and succession of the party s core leadership is achieved through a collective handover by means of the collective leadership system. Uncertainty, asymmetry, and incompleteness of decision-making information or knowledge are effectively reduced through the division of work duties, exchange of information, collective learning, and collective research. These processes are also conducive to forming a political consensus. Asymmetries and imbalances of decision-making power within the collective leadership are effectively reduced through the collaboration that takes places among its members in the collective decision-making process. This ensures that the decision making carried out on behalf of the party and the country is done in a systematic, appropriate, and efficient manner. As long as there is adherence to the five systems of the collective presidency with Chinese characteristics, important decisions about China s future will continue to be made successfully. That is the most important historical inspiration provided by the Standing Committee since its creation 85 years ago, particularly since the founding of the People s Republic of China. Thus, from the viewpoint of China, it is necessary to establish a clear system of Chinese standards to measure the pros and cons of its political system and the successes and failures of that system. It is also imperative to enhance the political consciousness, political confidence, and political self-improvement of the CPC membership and the Chinese people. If the political system of a modern nation-state has successfully undergone continuous improvement over a long period of time, this does not mean that it is the best political system; it means that it is the most appropriate system for the national and political circumstances of the country in question. For example, 1 See Chiu T ang Shu, v 71, Biography of Wei Zheng.

148 Postscript the presidential system of the United States is successful, and China s collective presidency is likewise successful. However, China has bettered the United States in terms of its leadership system. In 1980, Deng Xiaoping posed a key question: what standards should be applied to assess whether the various systems of a country are good or bad, perfect or imperfect? He provided a very clear answer to this question. He stated, The purpose of our construction of socialist modernization is to catch up economically with the developed capitalist countries, to create a better and more practical democracy than that of capitalist countries, and to cultivate a higher level of individual talents than exists in other countries. (Xiaoping Deng 1994b) I refer to these standards as Chinese standards or the standards of Deng Xiaoping. These standards are clearly based on the fact that China is a modern country whose goal is to catch up with and exceed developed capitalist countries in terms of economics, politics, and human resources. It is widely held that capitalist countries, especially the United States, are the most advanced, developed, and democratic. However, if China can achieve the three goals of being more advanced, more developed, and more democratic, it will be proved that socialism is superior, more appropriate, and more developed. Indeed, the competition among the world s 239 countries is a competition among nationstates in terms of their innovative capacity and, ultimately, the systems under which the they operate. We Chinese are not afraid of competition. We dare to compete with others. It is through a competitive spirit that China is catching up with the United States and will exceed it. It is natural to ask whether China has achieved the standards of Deng Xiaoping. In the first chapter of this book, I gave a very clear answer to this question. First, China s economy is rapidly catching up with that of the United States, and China will exceed it in the near future. According to data in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP) calculated in 1990 international dollar terms provided by economist Angus Maddison, the GDP of the United States was nearly six times that of China in 1950. By 1978, that figure had dropped to 4.4, and by 2008 to 1.07. 2 According to my forecasts, by 2020, China s GDP (in PPP in 1990 international dollar terms) will be 1.74 times that of the United States. Even when calculated using the current rate method, the GDP of the United States has fallen from 8.25 times that of China in 2000 to 2.53 times in 2010; China s GDP will exceed that of the United States by the year 2020 (Angang Hu 2011b). Second, China has cultivated greater individual talent than the United States. China exceeds the United States in terms of the quality and innovative achievements of that individual talent. By 2010, more than 30 million students 3 had enrolled in various institutions of higher education in China; that number far exceeded the 18 million in the United States (VOA 2009). The number of Chinese graduate students in 2010 amounted to 1.53 million (National Bureau of Statistics 2011), which was 2 Angus Maddison, Historical Statistics of the World Economy: 1-2008 AD. http://www.ggdc.net/ maddison/ 3 Data from the Web site of the Ministry of Education.

Postscript 149 twice the number in the United States. 4 The number of Chinese people who possess a bachelor s degree is now 120 million, 5 and this figure will rise to 200 million by 2020. The number of Chinese people who have a bachelor s degree or high school diploma has reached almost 400 million, which is far larger than the entire population of the United States (about 340 million) and almost twice the number of American working people (about 170 million). China has more scientists and engineers engaged in research and experimental work than the United States. 6 China has become the world s largest country in terms of R&D talent. Third, China has created a superior, more practical system of socialist democracy, in which decision making is more democratic, more efficient, and achieves greater consensus than those of other countries. Here in this book, the collective leadership system of the CPC s Central Committee the collective presidency is provided as an example. Compared with the American presidential system, this leadership system is a democratic decision-making system that features Chinese characteristics; it is politically superior and is characterized by high efficiency. The present book was written with the purpose of presenting to the world the political process behind the Chinese miracle. It is necessary for China to make constant efforts to improve its collective presidency. These efforts were once described by Mao Zedong: when beaten by wind and waves, we should remain as calm as if we were taking a stroll in the yard (Zedong Mao 1956). Finally, from a world perspective, it is necessary to present all nations with information and an authoritative interpretation about the wonders of China and the road that China has pursued. It is also necessary to provide valuable references so that the world can learn from China s experience. Let us examine how the world understands and assesses China. David Shambaugh, professor of political science and international relations at George Washington University in the United States and director of a Chinese policy research program, attributes the achievements of the CPC to its insistence on reform. He wrote: The CPC has found itself in a perpetual loop which is the recycle of reformsadjustments-reforms-readjustments ::: The most important thing for the CPC is to maintain its flexibility and adaptability. (Shambaugh 2011) Archibald Brown, emeritus professor of Oxford University s Political Science Department, thought highly of the CPC and once wrote, It is this group of outstanding party members that has brought together in China different ideas like nationalism and socialism and established a successful political party. 7 Richard McGregor, the deputy editor of the British Financial Times, believes that the adaptation of the CPC s system in China is beyond the imagination of many people. It has contributed largely 4 UNESCO, Institute for Statistics. 5 Communiqué of Major Statistics of the Sixth Population Census in 2010, No.1 (April 4, 2011), No. 2 (April 29, 2011). 6 National Science Foundation (NSF), Science and Engineering Indicators 2010. 7 Brown (2009). This group of party members refers to Mao Zedong, Chou En-Lai, Liu Shao-Qi, etc.

150 Postscript to the economic prosperity of China (McGregor 2010). I believe that more and more foreign academics will continue to discover the uniqueness and advantages of China s political system. The aging and rigidity of political systems in capitalist countries mean that they have difficulty in adjusting, and the result has been ongoing financial, economic, and social crises. As a result, foreign scholars will pay increasing attention to the Chinese system, particularly the system of collective presidency. As a Chinese academic, I have objectively introduced the political facts about China, rationally summarized its experience, and displayed its wisdom from the perspective of internal observation, analysis, and interpretation. I will work further in collaboration with internationally renowned publishers and publish foreign-language editions of my work to present the frontiers of contemporary Chinese studies on a global stage. Social existence determines social consciousness, and social consciousness reflects social existence. Here, social existence refers to the realities of China s reforms, development, and successes. Social consciousness refers to Chinese scholars exploration of the course that China has taken, their thinking about the Chinese way, and their understanding of the Chinese method. I have always believed that China is a sealed book. And it is because the development of China is so grand and great that I observe it, read about it, and conduct research about it every day. In this way, I conceptualize a social awareness about China in terms of its evolution and changes. The basic reason why I diligently think, study, write, make continual innovations in academic achievements, and constantly come up with new policies is that China s practical development provides me with rich materials; these are the main sources for me to formulate my own self-reliant social awareness. Readers may naturally ask how this book came to be completed. The writing of this book has been a long process. I focused on a set of challenging core questions. How has China s political system operated and developed? What effects has the system had on China s development? Compared with foreign countries, especially the United States, what kind of original political advantages does China possess? How should there be constant reform and refinement of the political decision-making process in China? To answer these questions requires long-term thinking, analysis, study, and writing. As a researcher and advisor, I provide the collective leadership of the CPC s Central Committee with information on the subject of public decision making in the form of National Situation Reports. I have thus established a long-term interactive relationship with this committee. Eight significant reports have been published on this topic alone. The present book is a synthesis and up-to-date summary of my studies of the past decade (National Situation Research Centre 2000; Angang Hu 2002a, b, c, 2007c, 2010, 2011c, 2012). In December 1998, I pointed out in the article China: Political Reforms Aimed at Promoting Economic Development that Chinese political reforms will take place at the centre of the decision-making organization (the central government) and develop according to a political rationale. The major purposes and directions of Chinese political reform are as follows: first, to make substantial progress in the succession of the highest leadership; second, to reform the decision-making process including the systematic, democratic, and professional character of that

Postscript 151 process and achieve continuity and stability of public policy thereby eliminating incomplete information in decision making; third, to speed up the modernization of national institutions and transform government functions. These features are different from the pursuit of Western-style democracy, such as the direct election of presidents and the implementation of multi-party and bicameral systems: these simply pursue formal democracy rather than real democracy. I am more concerned about political development and political progress in the above three areas, and I present suggestions that are constructive, reasonable, and feasible in a specific, progressive manner. In August 2000, a democratic supervision system was developed within the CPC. This was to ensure that the succession of leadership of the CPC would proceed in an institutionalized and stable fashion. 8 On June 12, 2002, I addressed the Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC. I pointed out in a National Situation Report entitled The Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC and the Direction of China that the most important task of that congress was to elect and determine the core collective leadership. I further stated that that leadership was also highly relevant to the direction of China s political development. I stated that it was necessary for the leadership succession in China to be institutionalized, regularized, and routinized. The first important symbol was that the party leaders should retire at a certain time instead of half retiring or being transferred. The second significant symbol was that the leaders of the leading body of the CPC (members and secretary of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau) should be young enough to attain the average age of the members of the Thirteenth CPC National Congress (Angang Hu 2002a). At that time, discussing such issues within the party was sensitive, and it came with political risks. So it took political courage to bring up such a bold idea. However, in the interests of the party and our nation, I presented the above ideas. I concluded in that National Situation Report that without political leaders possessing a revolutionary spirit, China s development could not advance and that without a good political system, the development of China would not be sustainable. From a historical perspective and through historical evaluation, the most important task for China s leaders is to construct the country s system, and the most important historic contribution is that 8 According to the statutes of the CPC, it is necessary to implement supervision within the party from the bottom up, in particular the Central Committee s supervision of the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee and the CPC National Congress s supervision of the Central Committee. In addition to the authority of the National Congress, under the statutes of the CPC, it is necessary to expressly stipulate the authority of the Plenary Session of the Central Committee; this includes listening to and auditing the reports of the Central Political Bureau and its Standing Committee. It is also necessary to stipulate the authority and tenure of office of the secretary-general as well as the by-election procedures of the secretary-general during his absence. In addition, it is necessary to restrict the tenure of the members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau to no longer than three terms. It was decided that leaders were not allowed to write personal inscriptions and their personal signatures on public buildings and public places should be properly disposed of. National Situation Research Centre (2000), Joint Research of Hu Angang, Kang Xiaoguang, Wang Shaoguang, Zhou Jianming, etc.

152 Postscript of innovating the system (Angang Hu 2002a). It is my hope that my analysis will provide a strong political stimulus for China s leaders. Later, my ideas proved to be consistent with those of the CPC s Central Committee. In September 2004, in a letter to the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, Jiang Zemin introduced the ideas I had articulated. He said, Before the Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC, I had raised the idea of institutionalizing, regularizing, and routinizing the leadership succession of the CPC and our nation. And I requested to retire from the Central Committee. (Zemin Jiang 2006a) At that congress, a new Central Committee was elected, and there was a smooth succession of the collective leadership of the Central Committee. The results were actually beyond my expectations and even caused shock in China and the world at large. In December of the same year, in a National Situation Report entitled The Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC and Leadership Succession, I analyzed the historical procedures of the leadership succession; I summarized both the positive and negative aspects of that experience from which we should learn. My basic notion was that since the CPC was established 80 years ago but particularly since the founding of the new China in 1949 as long as democratic, institutionalized processes were maintained within the party, the system was stable; in this way, political census could be easily reached and China s prosperity could be achieved. China depends on political stability, and this requires a stable leadership. The core principle of a stable leadership is an institutionalized, democratic, regularized, and routinized leadership system. My response to queries as to why Jiang Zemin did not completely retire at the end of his term is that actually Jiang s practice was similar to that of Deng Xiaoping. The leadership system cannot be achieved all at once; it requires a process for institutionalization to implement a smooth transition. My evaluation of the Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC was as follows: once the leadership succession becomes an institutionalized, regularized, and routinized process, it will form and follow its own logic of development and thereby become irreversible (Angang Hu 2002b). At that time, I did not know that the Central Committee would decide to let Jiang Zemin remain as chairman of the State Central Military Commission (Zemin Jiang 2006b) until September 2004. At that point, at the Fourth Plenary Session of Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC, Jiang Zemin s resignation as chairman of the Central Military Commission was approved, and Hu Jintao was appointed the new chairman of the Central Military Commission. The actions of Jiang Zemin in September 2004 at the Fourth Plenary Session of Sixteenth National Congress demonstrated the peaceful succession of China s senior leadership of the CPC, the nation, and the army (Zemin Jiang 2006b). On October 22, 2007, at the closing ceremony of the Seventeenth CPC National Congress, the report of the First Plenary Session of that congress was announced. That evening, I gave a special lecture entitled China in 2020. Students of the entire university as well as from other universities packed the auditorium and even gathered at the gate, which surprised the organizers. Thus, I was asked to give another lecture before leaving. I gave another two lectures at Tsinghua University, and those lectures formed the basis for two National Situation Reports. One of the

Postscript 153 two reports was entitled Institutionalization, Regularization, and Routinization of the Leadership Succession in China ; it summarized the historical processes, experience, and lessons learned from China s leadership succession. It illustrated that institutionalization, regularization, and routinization of the leadership succession is the basis for replacing old cadres with new ones; this process is also a systematic guarantee of the CPC s long-term governance and China s sustainable peace and stability. Zeng Qinghong once said that generations of party leaders at all levels were just like flowing water, whereas the socialist cause with Chinese characteristics was like an iron camp. 9 This means that when each leader joins the leadership team, we can predict when he will retire; this adds transparency and predictability to the leadership system. It is also a symbol of the increasingly institutionalized, regularized, and routinized character of the leadership succession. This is the basis for China s long-term peace and stability (Angang Hu 2002c). The other report I wrote was An Excellent Political Bureau Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the CPC and Its Mechanism Design: Taking the Sixteenth Central Committee of the CPC as an Example. In that report, I brought up a number of key questions. How should the Central Committee, especially the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau, operate? How should an excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau be established? How should it make its decisions? What forms the basis for its decisions? What mechanisms does it rely upon to guarantee the correctness of its decisions? As the title of the report indicates, I used the example of the Sixteenth Political Bureau Standing Committee. I divided its working system into five major parts: collective learning; domestic research; foreign visits; democratic collective decision making; and self-discipline. Among these five, the core system was decision making. These five systems are mutually complementary; they operate together to ensure the successful implementation of the CPC s goals (such as the goals indicated in the report of the Sixteenth National Congress of the CPC in 2002) (Angang Hu 2007d). They form the framework and basis for the five systems discussed in this book. My basic conclusion is that establishing an excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau requires both a good organizational system and a good leader. A good system alone is insufficient to guarantee good results. It is a necessary condition; however, a good system could also come under attack and be destroyed by the people. An excellent Standing Committee of the Political Bureau requires a good leader who takes the lead in adhering to the rules, implementing those rules, and objecting to violations of the rules (Angang Hu 2007d). Thus, the secretary-general is a good squad leader of the 9 Xinhua News Agency, October 15, 2007 in Beijing. The first person to propose this idea was the previous secretary of the CPC Hebei Provincial Committee, Bai Keming. On July 2, 2006 at the Tenth Session of the Sixth CPC Hebei Provincial Committee, he said that members of the leadership team are like flowing water, but the leadership team must be like an iron camp. This means that despite the mobility of the cadres, the leadership team must be strong and firm as a rock. The arrival of new cadres and their eventual retirement represent the drive of our party and our people. With a strong party spirit, we should have the right attitudes toward ourselves as well as toward the decisions of our party. Hebei Daily, July 3, 2006.

154 Postscript central leadership group; he is also a good leader who will guide the group, help it to keep going, advance with the times, and make continuous innovations. On December 14, 2007, I attended an expert seminar held by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the Ministry of Supervision. He Guoqiang, He Yong, and other party members also attended. There, I presented six specific recommendations on ways of improving self-construction of the Central Committee of the CPC. On September 18, 2009, the document entitled A Variety of Major Decisions on Strengthening and Improving the CPC s Construction under the New Situation was adopted at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Seventeenth National Congress of the CPC. This document pointed out that one of the major tasks was to insist on and improve democratic centralism and intensively develop democracy within the party. On October 27 of the same year, I participated in an expert seminar held by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. He Guoqiang, He Yong, and other party members came to hear my suggestions. Following the decision of the Central Committee of the CPC, I gave a speech concerning eight proposals for improving the structure of the democratic decision-making system of the Central Committee of the CPC. These eight suggestions were later compiled in a National Situation Report (Angang Hu 2010). On January 17, 2011, President Hu Jintao took part in written interviews for the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post on the eve of his state visit to the United States. In terms of China s future development, Hu Jintao said that China would continue to develop socialist democracy. He also pointed out that the economic achievements of the previous 30 years had validated the success of China s current political model. His words received considerable attention in the Western media. Thereafter, on January 24, I wrote a National Situation Report entitled Discussions on Why China s Political System is Continually Successful. I gave direct answers to the following three questions. Why is China s political model successful? What criteria are used to evaluate this success? How will this political model develop? In my opinion, both historical facts and international comparisons have indicated that although the Chinese political system is not perfect, it is appropriate for the basic conditions of China and its current stage of development; the system is also appropriate for the increasingly open domestic and international environment in which China finds itself. With this system, China can respond to various challenges at home and abroad; it is able to fully make use of its unique advantages in terms of development and competition in the face of fierce international rivalry. These results are due to three factors. First, the reconstruction and reforms of the Chinese political system over the past 30 years including the institutionalization, regularization, and routinization of the collective leadership handover have guaranteed stability, continuity, and succession in the political leadership. Second, China s leaders have adhered to the ideology of seeking truth from facts and liberating people s minds. Third, the decision making by public policy institutions has been democratic, methodical, and systematic. This is the root cause of China s continual success (Angang Hu 2011d). It also helps to make my understanding of the features and

Postscript 155 advantages of China s political system more profound, more mature, and more confident from the perspective of international competition. On July 1, 2011, in a speech to the Conference Celebrating the Ninetieth Anniversary of the CPC, Hu Jintao confidently outlined the historical progress that had been made by China s socialist system as well as its huge political advantages. He also stated how this system promoted its own self-improvement and development. 10 This was a major highlight of the speech, and it has enlightened academics in their study of the key role and institutions of the collective leadership of the Central Committee of the CPC. In August 2011, focusing on the theme of Research and Important Decisions by Central Government Leaders, I directly supervised Yang Zhusong, a doctoral candidate. Yang was making a qualitative and quantitative study of important decisions made by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau. This provided materials and data for some chapters of the present book. It was not until March 12, 2012 and with the help of Yang Zhusong that I completed the National Situation Report entitled Collective Presidency With Chinese Characteristics. That was submitted to the members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC and the Secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee. Leaders of the central government attached great importance to this document and recommended it to relevant provincial secretaries. Subsequently, based on the framework of that report, I made adjustments to the structure of the manuscript and added a great deal of information, especially international comparisons. Assisted by Yang Zhusong, I finalized the present book after repeated revisions. The topic of collective presidency is a very sensitive one, though it is of great political importance. China has adopted a collective central leadership system, which cannot be understood by foreigners; they think of it as a one-party, undemocratic, or autocratic system. It is therefore necessary to introduce the concept 10 Hu Jintao pointed out that the socialist system with Chinese characteristics is the basic guarantee for development and progress of modern China and he reflected on the features and advantages of that system: We should promote its self-improvement and development and form a set of systems that are correlated in areas of economics, politics, culture, society, and so on. We have a political system that consists of the National People s Congress, multi-party cooperation and a political consultation system led by the CPC, a regional ethnic autonomy system, a grass-roots mass autonomy system, etc., a legal system with Chinese characteristics, a basic economic system with public ownership as the mainstay and joint development of the economy with diverse types of ownership in addition to specific structures, such as the economic structure, political structure, cultural structure, and social structure based on basic economic and political systems. All of these systems are in accordance with our national situation and have adapted to changing times. They are conducive to maintaining the vitality of our country, mobilizing the enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity of our people and other social sectors, liberating and developing social productive forces, promoting the overall development of the economy and society, maintaining and promoting social justice and achieving common prosperity for the whole country, uniting efforts to make a major difference, coping with all kinds of risks and challenges ahead, and maintaining ethnic unity, national unity, and social stability. Hu Jintao: Speech at the Conference Celebrating the Ninetieth Anniversary of the CPC, July 1, 2011.