Long-term observation on electoral violence at municipal level The Guatemalan electoral process 2015 Project: More inclusion, less violence Supported and sponsored by
General considerations (1/6): Violence became a structural phenomenon in electoral processes in our countries. A worrying trend is recorded regarding an increase of incidents of various types.
General considerations (2/6): We past from violence caused by the State to violence generated by multiple actors from society itself, and from violence concentrated on national figures to violence affecting mostly local and regional candidatures.
General considerations (3/6): Another worrying trend is the discursive violence caused by both national and local candidates, who through their messages and oratory invite for and arouse violent attitudes. This means that from the same spaces of participation which an electoral process provides the integrity of the process itself is being attacked.
General considerations (4/6): Electoral authorities do not have the capacities nor resources to deal with this complex phenomenon and growing threat.
General considerations (5/6): We have definitively learned that in electoral matters there are no progress nor achievements gained and secured. Everything can be reversible and the emergence of new challenges and threats is constant.
General considerations (6/6): Thus, to face this scenario it requires the assistance and the openness of all actors: civil society, electoral authorities, government authorities, parliaments, the media, international cooperation, etc. Only under a cooperative model you can think about having some results.
Objective of electoral observation on violence in 2015: Leading a specialized electoral observation on conflict and violence to promote higher safety and quality of the electoral democracy in Guatemala. Develop a citizen election observation exercise on the phenomena of violence in order to help develop early warning indicators and support the public authorities to ensure the integrity of the electoral process.
National launch of the electoral observation on violence in Nebaj A Mayan ceremony was carried out to invoke a good electoral observation
How was it organized? Observation of main town Electoral observers on violence Municipality Observation of 17 communities +
How and when was it made? Process Preelection Team of electoral observation on violence Tracking data F1= Monthly monitoring form F2= Electoral violence report form Process Election Day (E Day) Team of electoral observation on violence Tracking data F1= Monthly monitoring form F2= Electoral violence report form F4= Election day form
Representatives from a local organization of the network More Inclusion, Less Violence
Methodology for a long-term observation on electoral violence
First period: Selection criteria of municipalities: Electorate size of municipality, electoral violence history and homicide rate Determining which municipalities to observe (eventually 20 municipalities where selected) Building a local organizations network Team building for electoral observation, consisting of: Recruitment of local organizations staff. Recruitment of long-term electoral observers.
Observation on electoral violence Workshop in West Guatemala
Implementation period: Identifying triggers for electoral violence to observe Design and development of data tools and observation methodology Tracking and systematization of data collection (AC used online forms to facilitate this process) Deployment of long-term observation on electoral violence (in communities of each the selected 20 municipalities) Frequency of deployment (at least 4 monthly visits)
Observation on electoral violence workshop in Guatemala City
Used tools (forms): 4 forms were used to observe electoral violence, 3 of them for long-term observations and one for election day. One form was used to verify the electoral violence reports with qualitative data.
The data collection techniques were: Non-participative electoral observation Interview Technical verification and validation of data: Focus group with a committee of honorable and recognized people of the community without links to political parties or the government.
Structural observation: National level Municipality level 20 municipalities at national level 17 communities in each municipality AC and NDI team From July to October Local team with 6 observers and 1 local coordinator Periodical pre-electoral observation reports Weekly submission of data and continuous tracking Early warning signs to mitigate electoral violence in municipalities
Deployment of observation on electoral violence: Western Guatemala La Democracia, Colotenango, Nebaj, Cotzal, Quetzaltenango, Coatepeque, Malacatán Central Guatemala Ciudad Vieja, San Lucas, Escuintla, La Democracia, Chinautla Eastern Guatemala Pueblo Nuevo Viñas, Oratorio, Atescatempa, Monjas, San Agustín Acasaguastlán, Quezaltepeque, El Estor, Usumatlán.
Fact sheet: 20 municipalities, 13 departments in 3 regions (Western, Center and East) 120 long-terms local observers, 20 local coordinators, 10 local partner organizations 1500 committees of honorable members 1460 monitoring electoral violence forms tracked after 5 visits in each municipality
Glossary: Electoral violence Verbal violence Physical violence Sexual violence Electoral violence is the use or the threat to use violence to harm people or damage property during the electoral process with the intention to influence the conduct of electoral actors and / or affect the election results. By its nature, verbal violence is the most common and widespread practice, both in electoral and non-electoral contexts. Verbal violence is the first manifestation of violence that may gradually escalate culminating in physical violence. Physical violence is a decisive moment in the manifestation of violence, mainly because it has a concrete effect on the integrity of others; It is one of the culminating points of violence, being within the range of undermining and even ending the life of others. It refers to sexually harassing comments and / or actions to compel a person to engage in sexual acts without his or her consent. Sexual violence includes verbal sexual harassment, sexual exhibitionism, denigration of women and transgender people, sexual exploitation and rape, among others.
Glossary: Coercion Political patronage Coercion is understood as the practice of influence, force or violence to urge someone to say or do something. It is a recurring practice in electoral processes. Political patronage is a common practice of political parties in several countries in Latin America. Currently, in Guatemala political patronage is provided through the benefits of social programs and direct delivery of various social benefits.
RELEVANT RESULTS OF LONG-TERM OBSERVATION ON ELECTORAL VIOLENCE
Violence categories: Verbal Violence Coercion Political patronage Voter hauling Physical violence
Number of electoral violence reports received from July to October 2015 3,208 Cases reported 436 801 Verbal Física Physical Clientelismo Political patronage Coacción Coercion Movilización Voter de votantes hauling 1161 30 780
Verbal violence: Percentage of victims of verbal violence per gender Verbal violence sub-categories No. cases reported Instigation of violence 164 Motivation of violence 62 Hate sermons from candidates 410 Discreditation of another candidate 165 23% Hombres Male Mujeres Female 77%
Coercion as electoral violence: Percentage per gender type Category of coercion No. cases reported 2% 1% Threat to withdraw from the list of social beneficiaries 252 Conditioning of the provision of social benefits to the voting intention in favor of a political party 111 51% Hombres Male 46% Forced political affiliation to receive social benefits 780 Mujeres Female Hombres Male transgender Trans Mujeres Female transgender Trans Indecent exposure 18
Bono Seguro Bolsa Segura Adulto mayor Fertilizantes Laminas Dinero Ropa Víveres Herramientas Vales Total Political patronage as a trigger for electoral violence: Political patronage through the delivery of social programs from government or political parties was identified as one of the triggers of electoral violence by the focus group in the initial phase. According to the political leaders of the partner organizations of AC, there is disagreement between those who receive benefits and those who do not, causing violence. Municipio RECURSOS DEL ESTADO RECURSOS PRIVADOS Malacatán 17 20 5 13 8 7 0 18 1 0 89 Atescatempa 1 0 2 0 2 11 3 35 22 0 76 Coatepeque 7 6 3 7 9 10 6 14 5 2 69 Quetzaltenango 5 26 0 10 4 3 1 20 0 0 69 San Lucas Sacatepéquez 3 8 4 11 3 7 2 12 1 1 52 Colotenango 2 1 1 0 8 5 4 17 7 0 45 Pueblo Nuevo Viñas 3 3 2 3 2 9 3 17 1 1 44 Ciudad Vieja 5 5 4 2 4 2 1 10 4 3 40 Oratorio 0 6 0 2 5 0 0 12 10 0 35 Monjas 2 9 0 0 5 7 0 7 0 0 30 Nebaj 5 0 0 7 4 4 2 5 2 0 29 Municipalities with most reports Municipalities above average La Democracia Escuintla 1 0 1 1 8 4 0 4 4 2 25 Chinautla 3 5 0 0 4 4 1 5 0 1 23 Cotzal 3 2 1 8 7 1 1 0 0 0 23 Escuintla 2 2 1 5 2 0 4 0 2 0 18 La Democracia Huehuetenango 1 0 0 1 0 2 2 9 3 0 18 San Agustín Acasaguastlán 4 3 0 0 4 0 1 5 0 0 17 El Estor 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 9 0 0 11 Quezaltepeque 1 1 0 1 1 2 0 2 1 2 11 Usumatlán 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Totales 65 98 24 71 80 80 31 201 63 12 725
Voter hauling as a trigger on electoral violence: The hauling of voters during the election process causes discomfort for the people in communities as they are fearing electoral fraud. Voters are being hauled from other constituencies. The potential for violence caused by voter hauling is higher on election day. 97,701 Voter hauling reports No. cases Municipalities reported Colotenango 44 San Lucas Sacatepéquez 36 Nebaj 30 Pueblo Nuevo Viñas 29 La Democracia Huehuetenango 29 Coatepeque 27 Quetzaltenango 26 Cotzal 25 El Estor 24 Usumatlán 22 San Agustín Acasaguastlán 21 Atescatempa 21 Malacatán 20 Escuintla 18 Quetzaltepeque 16 Chinautla 15 Ciudad Vieja 14 Oratorio 10 Monjas 7 La Democracia Escuintla 2
Physical violence: 30 cases of women who were used for fights between supporters of political parties. Escuintla Quezaltepeque San Lucas 1 1 1 This practice is new. The calculation is that women are not being attacked since this might constitute a crime of violence against women. Chinautla Ciudad Vieja Malacatán Coatepeque El Estor Nebaj La Democracia 2 2 2 3 3 4 5 Monjas 6
Observing electoral participation of transgenders LGBTI electoral participation to exercise the right to vote on election day
Observatory for the Promotion of Transgender Women s Vote
Working together with transgender women organization for electoral observation In 2015 AC worked together REDMMUTRANS (transgender social organization) to develop a methodology and tool to observe the vote of transgender women in Guatemala City. This was the first experience in Guatemalan electoral observation history, because the electoral participation of these persons has been low, almost extremely remote comparing to the rest of social groups.
Methodoly to improve the transgender vote The alliance between REDMMUTRANS and AC agreed to accredit members of this organization to exercise observation during the day of the runoff election. This process served to provide an environment of trust for future steps, particularly for first visits to polling stations which were made jointly on this occasion. Transgender electoral observer
Step by step The observation mission was made up of six female transgender leaders and trans activists, who were identified, trained and accredited to do electoral observation. They accompanied 30 voters in different districts of the city of Guatemala, Villa Nueva and Chinautla. They used an instrument of participatory electoral observation and semi-structured interviews conducted to identify the constraints and obstacles of Guatemalan trans women. Electoral observation mission to observe the voting of transgender women
Participation of transgender women in polling station as an act to exercise the right to participate in democratic elections The electoral observation form designed by AC asked the question: Was the participation of transgender women observed in the polling stations during the elections?" The result was the witness of two trans women s participation in the 25 polling stations observed. 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 Presidente Secretario Alguacil Vocal
Trans women participation is observed on election day? How many voted? How many did not vote? REDMMUTRANS noted the participation of 30 transgender women in 29 polling stations in different electoral precincts/ districts in the City of Guatemala, Villa Nueva and Chinautla. They observed that the right to cast the vote was not denied to any of the participants. 30 Cuántas votaron? 0 Cuántas no votaron?
But does the transgender voting implicate the free exercise of this right? Some obstacles were identified during this electoral observation
My only problem were the bad looks of the people in the polling station when I presented my identification (Testimony of trans voter in the voting center Francisco Fuentes and Guzman 11 Avenue 23 Street area 6)
Verbal violence and psychological torture were observed When one of the trans women came to the polling station she was verbally attacked by officers of the National Civil Police. They began to shout words of rejection and discrimination against trans women. Primarily two policewomen were the main aggressors. (Testimony of trans observer in Polling zone 6).
Conclusions: 1. On election day (second round) there was limited freedom to vote for transgender women. In some cases public servant and public security agents limited the access to the polling station at the time of admission. 2. Regarding the treatment of trans voters by members of the polling stations, a violation of their regulations regarding th procedure of attention of LGBTI persons was observed. 3. There are reasons to believe that transgender women in Guatemala have not the same freedom to exercise their right to vote as cisgenders do.
Submission of the results to the authorities
Three presentations of findings were prepared for the Supreme Electoral Tribunal aiming at the reduction of violence on election day. Public presentations in municipalities where greater risks were identified and in major cities of the 20 municipalities were made (Quetzaltenango, Malacatán, Chiquimula). The observation alerted the Supreme Electoral Tribunal about conflicts in two of the 20 municipalities on election day (Pueblo Nuevo Viñas and Malacatán). The participating LGBTI groups, AC and REDMMUTRANS presented the electoral observation result for reducing the violence against transgender women to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal promoting the free exercise of the right to vote and expecting more inclusion in the next elections in 2019.
Acknowledgement AC would also like to acknowledge the support provided by the NDI elections and gender teams in developing the program methodology
For more information please contact: Manfredo Marroquin Acción Ciudadana manfredomarroquin@gmail.com +502 54132390