The red ink that never dries

The red ink that never dries

Background: The Red Ink is the SACP Eastern Cape monthly journal The Red Ink is a medium of the SACP for propagating its views with the working class in an unmediated fashion. While it is important to constantly engage and contest ideas within the bourgeoisie commercial media but SACP is alive to the reality that any commercial media is first and foremost inclined to reflect views of its masters (monopoly capital). Guidelines for Submission of Articles Style and Length: The length for feature articles is 1200-1800 words. Letters to the editor must not exceed 300 words and opinion pieces must not exceed 800 words. Articles must be written in plain and simple English. Articles may contain words in other South African languages, with the English meaning bracketed. Articles must be relevant to membership of our party and the working class in general, exciting and solicit debate and discussions. Articles about recent events or contemporary issues in South Africa and the world will be given preference for publication in the Red Ink. All SACP District Spokespersons, YCLSA Spokesperson and other Spokespersons of the MDM fraternal organisations are encouraged to submit articles about the recent activities; as they might not be covered in the mainstream media. Due Date: The Red Ink is published monthly (12 issues per annum). The due date for the submission of articles is the 20 th of each month. Late submissions will not be considered for an edition of such month but for future editions. Originality: The Red Ink publishes original articles. We also publish articles which have appeared elsewhere in whole or in part. Should you feel that republishing an article would be beneficial to Red Ink readership and that the article will reach a broader readership through our medium than the medium that first published it, then you need to bring this to the attention of the Editor. All sources cited in the articles must be referenced. Themes: Different editions/issues of the Red Ink will have specific themes (Joe Slovo Month, Chris Hani Month, Youth Month, Red October, SACP anniversaries, COSATU Anniversaries, ANC anniversary, etc.) therefore some articles must be tailored to suit the specific theme. Each issue/edition of the Red Ink will indicate the theme of the next edition, so articles should be submitted as such. Processing of Articles: All articles shall be subjected to scrutiny by the Red Ink editorial team. The Red Ink is particularly interested in fostering a culture of reading and writing amongst the leadership and membership of our party. We will therefore give special consideration to the articles written by the general members of our party. Articles will go through a review process, after which we will inform the contributor whether the article will be published or not. The review process largely depends on the adherence to deadlines provided by the Editor and the content of the article as submitted. Editorial Team: Xolile Nqatha Siyabonga Mdodi Sisimone Rakaibe Siyabulela Mbedla Fezeka Loliwe Mawethu Rune Nonkoliso Ngqongwa Andile Mosha Next Edition: Kindly forward your contributions to simdodi@gmail.com on Sunday, 20 July 2017. In this issue We see through you - Page 5 Declaration of the SACP 14th National Congress - Page 6 Institutionalisation of factions a definite No No!! - Page 9 1

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he South African Communist Party (SACP), convened its successful 14th National Congress from the 10 15 July 2017 at Birchwood Hotel in Boksburg, Gauteng. The 14th National Congress of our party was a successful unified congress. In face of the challenges facing the South African revolution it may be worth wile for many to learn a thing or two in the 14th National Congress of the party. SACP 13th Congress Central Committee: We wish to once more salute the 13th Congress Central Committee for leading the party so well in the past five years. Under the leadership of Comrade Bonginkosi Blade Nzimande the SACP Has been growing both quantitatively and qualitatively. The party went to its 13th National Congress in Ongoye with more than 150 000 members which was a significant growth from the 12th National Congress. Now the party went to its 14th National Congress with 284, 554 members. Our party is growing, and its growth puts a responsibility amongst all of us to build an agile, adaptive and independent profile of the party, capable of building and leading a broad popular front of progressive patriotic forces. The SACP 13th Congress Central committee has led many important and popular campaigns for the benefit of the working class. The party in the previous term has done exceptionally well in being present and visible in all corners of South Africa, with active provinces, districts and branches. The party has led the important Financial Sector Campaign before many populist demagogues joined the campaign for the benefit of the Guptas because their bank accounts were closed. Monthly journal of the SACP Eastern Cape The SACP has been mobilising a broad range of progressive forces in the Financial Sector Campaign Coalition (FSCC). The FSCC has been built as a viable movement under the leadership calling for the transformation of the Financial Sector to serve the people. The FSCC has been campaigning for an investment of monies in productive sectors of the economy; addressing consumer related issues which affect the working class, particularly with regard to reckless and unsecured lending. The SACP led FSCC has been leading a principled fight against evictions of families from their homes. CONTACT US Noncedo Nothoko SACP Provincial Administrator Mobile: 0840284313 Email: nnothoko@gmail.com Luthando Buso SACP Provincial Organiser Mobile: 0791438376 luthandogb@gmail.com Siyabonga Mdodi SACP Provincial Spokesperson Mobile: 0833588070 Email: simdodi@gmail.com Andile Mosha YCLSA Provincial Secretary Mobile: 0730126762 E: andilemosha@webmail.co.za SACP Provincial Office Block A, Unit 1 Bhisho Business Village Siwani Avenue Bisho Tel: 0406350463 Fax: 086 600 7658 SACP Eastern Cape @SACPECmedia The party has been a leading voice in the call for full licensing of the Post Bank as the state bank. These are some of the many critical issues that are raised in the SACP Financial Sector Campaign. The SACP has been campaigning for, amongst other issues the comprehensive social security. Speedy implementation of the national health insurance, which we must further defend from Edition 31: July 2017[Date] 3

being captured or distorted by private corporate interests. The SACP has for a sustained period of time been a lone voice in fighting against the corporate state capture, under the leadership of the 13 th Congress Central Committee. We salute the leadership of Comrade Bonginkosi Blade Nzimande that has worked like a frame in keeping the vanguard of the South African working class together. Lessons from the SACP National Congress: As we will continue to learn from our alliance partners, we equally urge our allies to draw some important lessons from the SACP, in particular our recently held 14 th National Congress. The party having convened a united and smooth congress in the time where many structures are engulfed with divisions, It is therefore necessary for structures in the ANC led movement to draw lessons from the SACP 14 th National Congress. Democratic Revolution as the direct route to socialism. The congress was characterised by high levels of discipline and engagement in crafting the path to socialism and has emerged with clear and achievable resolutions. These are just but some of the lessons that could be drawn out our 14 th National Congress. The declaration of the SACP 14 th National Congress is published in this 31 st edition of the Red Ink. We wish to also congratulate the Young Communist League of South Africa (YCLSA) branch of the University of Fort Hare in East London, Skenjana Roji District for be awarded the best performing branch of the YCLSA by the 14 th National Congress. May you have a revolutionary read. One of the of the most important lessons would be how the party handled the leadership question. This is important because in many of the organisations the leadership question divides the organisation, to some extent even produces a formation of an organisation, as we have seen after the watershed African National Conference (ANC) 52 nd National Congress held in Polokwane in 2007. In the 14 th National Congress of our party, the entire leadership collective was elected through a consensus. The structures of the party had a discussion on leadership informed by the life of our party, our path to socialism and guided by the experiences from the recent past and a scientific look unto the future of the party and that of the working class. This is what must be appreciated that election of leadership of the organisation does not mean tearing the organisation apart and it ought to be done free of factional alignment. The second lesson should be that of not using the congress as an event but to effectively use it as an important platform to advance the strategic objective of the particular organisation. The 14 th National Congress was a platform to assess progress since the 13 th National Congress and position the party in taking forward the struggle to defend, deepen and advance the National 4

As the SACP, in this month of July, we will be marking our 96th anniversary of existence and unbroke struggle for liberation of humanity and socialism. We have been here before and we are here today living and conducting struggle under concrete conditions of each epoch in history. Over these years we have been and, continue to be part of struggles of our people. Throughout this period, we have seen many who have sought to hide their reactionary tendencies by attacking our party as decoy to divert our people from their wrong doing, they have never succeeded. They have sought to distort our history and vulgarize Marxism in order to hide their real intentions to subvert the revolution for selfish ends. Because we have been here, some reminds us of the words our late comrade Oscar Mpetha that Marxism is a true witchcraft, once it is engrained in you, it dies with you or you betray it. Some have been leaders of this party, it thought them Marxism, today they are presenting themselves as a pillar of strength for anti SACP, sentiments for first and foremost, they have betrayed Marxism. They can never fool us or our people, we know them through their deeds that have brought a shame to the movement of Chris Hani. Dora Tamana, and O R Tambo. Comrade Mao has the following to say about a class divided society and ideas that people hold. In class society, everyone lives as a member of a particular class, and every kind of thinking, without exception, is stamped with the brand of a class. After the 14 th National Congress, there has been a concentrated attack towards the South African Communist Party (SACP). The attacked was first unleashed through the President of the President of the African National Congress, Comrade Jacob Zuma. President Zuma has charged that the SACP out of its 14 th National Congress, it has spent the entire duration of the congress without discussing its programme towards socialism but rather discussed the ANC. These are very disturbing remarks from the leader of the ANC, who could not even await a report from the ANC NEC members who attended the congress, as he was not anywhere nearer to the congress. He instead used factional briefings as basis to attack the SACP. In doing so the President of the ANC has once more exposed himself as being lazy to read, as clearly he did not read the 1158 worded declaration, let alone appreciation of the revised version of the South African Road to Socialism. The second attack was from the ANC Provincial Chaiperson of KwaZulu Natal, Comrade Sihle Zikalala. Even though his attack to the party was ideological wobbling and politically off rail, there are some similarities between it and that of the President of the ANC. The similarities could be born out of the fact that both comrades are tenants of the faction known as the Premier League. The glaring similarity is that both comrades wants to project the SACP to be attacking the ANC. This tactic is becoming old, we have seen it many times that when the negative and anti-communist tendencies in the movement are exposed they try to hide behind the ANC to hide their actions. Those representing the tendency will try to mobilise the ANC members and leaders on a decoy, more like a toy telephone, like the case now. This has never succeeded before and it is not about to because its is done by Premier League political mercenaries. It has never succeeded because ANC members and the people in general are not passive, they are not robots, they can see and analyse things. They have practical experiences. What triggered this is the SACP decision to openly contest elections, it probably helps the party, the ANC members and the people in general to see the thinking of the inner circle of the Premier League, and its thinking and commitment to the alliance. 5

We, 1, 819 Communist militants, have met over the past five days as delegates to the SACP's 14th National Congress in Ekurhuleni, Gauteng. We are drawn from over 7, 000 SACP branches from across our country and from the ranks of the Young Communist League of South Africa. As delegates, we represent 284, 554 SACP members. Five years ago, at our 13th National Congress, we proudly announced that our membership had grown massively to over 150, 000. We have nearly doubled once again. We are well aware that this surging popularity of the Party imposes responsibilities upon all of us. approach on a job-centred economic policy ahead of the convening of an urgent national Job Summit. We have committed to fighting for radical landreform through a major drive to expand black small-scale farming, facilitated through a land tax on absentee landlords and large farming operations. Land reform must also advance the democratisation of communal land tenure, including the abolition of patriarchal features that often underpin it. Our Congress occurs at a time when South Africa monopoly-dominated capitalist economy, with its colonial and apartheid legacy features, continues to reproduce crisis levels of unemployment, inequality and poverty - all of which are strongly marked by racial, gendered and spatial features. At this Congress we have taken resolutions which both reaffirm our principled strategic posture as well as advancing specific interventions that need to be undertaken. We are reaffirming our strategic commitment to a radical second phase of the National Democratic Revolution as the most direct route to a socialist South Africa. To reinforce and give practical content to this strategic perspective we have also resolved on many specific interventions. We have committed to working closely with our strategic ally COSATU to develop a common We have called for the Competition Act to be reinforced to allow for the competition authorities to deal not just with market collusion, but also with market dominance by private monopoly capital. It is a dominance that is suffocating investment, job creation, cooperative and small business development and a new growth path that leads us to greater socialisation. Our resolutions include a major re-orientation in the way in which we approach the transformation of our economic sectors. We need to move away from an excessive focus on private black ownership, to greater emphasis on empowering public and social ownership. Let us carry forward the Freedom Charter s clarion call that the mineral wealth of South Africa belongs to all who live in it. We reject, therefore, the idea that there should be a percentage of mining company turn-over directed to BEE beneficiaries. Instead, we need to 6

establish a sovereign national wealth fund so that the proceeds of our mineral resources benefit all South Africans, and not a few. The interrelated crises of unemployment, poverty and inequality are also directly contributing to a further challenge to the most basic of citizen rights - individual and household safety and security. In particular there is a scourge of gender-based violence and even violence directed at the young. Congress has therefore resolved that our forthcoming Red October Campaign will be focused on community and work-place mobilisation against gender-based violence. Our Congress is occurring at a time when our country is faced with the very dangerous reality that the important democratic and constitutional gains of the mid-1990s will be eroded. In particular there is the deep threat of wanton parasitic looting of public resources associated with "state capture". The 14th National Congress has acknowledged the leading role that the SACP has been playing from within the ANC-led alliance in exposing this parasitic-looting, and in giving a voice and a point of reference to millions of ANC members, supporters, veterans and stalwarts. The 14th National Congress has called on the newly elected Central Committee to expand this work, to provide leadership into the widest patriotic front in defence of our democracy and our country s national sovereignty. We have reaffirmed many key positions related to the fight against state capture - including for the immediate establishment of an independent judicial commission, for the early prosecution of those exposed by the growing flood of evidence, for the government to cut all business ties with families and corporations involved in parasitic looting, and for decisive interventions to restore transparent good governance in what have become the key targets for parasitic looting, our State Owned Enterprises and Public Corporations. In the face of all of these challenges, we are well aware of the responsibilities placed on the entire cadreship of the SACP. The SACP is the most unified and the most stable of the formations within the ANC-led ruling alliance. We note this, not out of a sense of arrogance but with an appreciation of our responsibilities. We value our Party unity. We cherish our Party stability. But unity and stability cannot be achieved through inertia. We are committed to continuous organisational renewal in the light of the challenges of our time. The SACP remains committed to strengthening and consolidating our ANC alliance. This will require a significant reconfiguration. Whether the ANC has the capacity to lead its own process of renewal, and whether it will be able to once more play the critical role of uniting itself and its alliance remains uncertain. This Congress has therefore resolved that the SACP will continue to play a leading role in consolidating a popular front of working class and progressive forces to advance, deepen and defend our democracy and our national sovereignty. We have resolved that our forthcoming Augmented Central Committee will consolidate a Road Map with indicative time-lines towards the consolidation of a popular front. The Road Map will include active engagement with our Alliance partners and a wide range of worker and progressive formations; the development of a common platform emerging from this process of engagement at all levels, national, provincial and local; and an active audit of the SACP's own organisational capacity. After considerable debate at Congress, we have resolved that while the SACP will certainly contest elections, the exact modality in which we do so, needs to be determined by way of a concrete analysis of the concrete reality and through the process of active engagement with worker and progressive formations. As delegates to this historic 14th National Congress we pledge to actively carry forward our resolutions. We commit to carry forward our vanguard role in our places of work, in our communities, in our places of learning, and in all other key sites of power. We commit to work with a sense of confidence but also humility in the service of the working class and poor. As a patriotic South African party, we are also a party of internationalism. Our struggle is a struggle in solidarity with all of the exploited and oppressed. As we rise today, we declare once more: SOCIALISM IS THE FUTURE! LET US ACTIVELY BUILD IT IN THE ONGOING STRUGGLE NOW! 7

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by: Mawethu Rune, SACP Eastern Cape PWC Member. body, with a measure of discipline and cohesion. Lobby groups, which are genuine interactions among the like-minded towards conferences, survive for a very short period because recruitment of members is not strictly coordinated. Leadership of lobby groups, if it exists at all, functions largely on an adhoc basis because the common interest is mostly confined to one issue. In contrast, factions are stable, regimented groupings with an organisational structure and are strongly, even if not openly, institutionalised. As the South African Communist Party (SACP) emerges from its 14 th National Congress, and the African National Congress (ANC) is gearing for its 54 th National Conference a thought albeit not fully ventilated has emerged that a losing a candidate in the position of the ANC President must be accommodated as the ANC first deputy president, somehow this will put an end to factions and unite ANC. One remains unconvinced that this short cut mechanical solution to the questions of disunity and factions which are tormenting our organisations, will yield desired results. This mechanical approach in essence assumes that organisation must be a federation of factions, which are recognised and affirmed. It effectively hangs hands in the air and accept that ANC has no capability to arrest factionalism and therefore they must be institutionalised. To avoid using interchangeable the concept of lobby group and factions, Cde Zamani Saul, ANC Provincial Chairperson of Northern Cape provides useful quotation from Rose in that Lobby groups are Adhoc defined in terms of time and are weakly institutionalised. In contrast, factions persist through time and are self-consciously organised as a If therefore lobby groups are given recognition and life span beyond Congresses to be represented then such is a breeding ground for them to mutate into factions, if they are not already in that stage as alien tendencies of what should lobby groups effectively been allowed to exist parallel to formal structures of the movement as lobby groups are now having websites, logo s, manifesto s, t shirts, cd s etc and such continues with impunity. Through the eye of a needle which remains the strategic guiding document of the ANC on electing leadership is clear on how leadership question must be approached. On paragraph 27, it asserts the authority of branches as the electoral college for all elective positions and that the delegates are mandated by the branch membership. In the immediate paragraph, it raises task of what should constitute the core if factionalism within the ranks of the organisation has to be arrested. Through the eye of a needle asserts that Because of the central role of branches and their delegates in these processes, two critical challenges face all branches. Firstly, we must all the time ensure the integrity of the membership system, so that only genuine, bona fide members of the ANC exercise this important responsibility of deciding on policy and leadership. Secondly, where branch members delegate individuals to represent them, they must ensure that these are members capable of influencing others, and at the same time, able to 9

weigh various arguments and acting in the best interest of the movement. These kinds of members and or delegates as envisaged should be keenly aware that they represent aspirations and interest of the organisation and the revolution as a whole and will not surrender their status to the lobby groups, which many of them have transmuted into factions. Post elective congress with this kind of cadreship there are losers and winners, which lead to triumphalism in one end and grievers on the other hand. If we do not have this kind of a member and a delegate as one highly suspect, then how far are we on building such kind of a cadre as ANC Mangaung Conference of 2012 resolved on a decade of a cadre, if we are five years from completing such a mandate, then organisation is on course, if we are not why are we not paying attention to that. No leader post Congress must represent a particular lobby group or section of the organisation, no factions must see itself through the leadership of the organisation. While the mover of such a motion may have been well meaning but its unintended consequences are far reaching. Among the dangers of institutionalizing factions is that every faction is self-serving and incapable of uniting organisation but more importantly it undermines and arrogates the authority and functioning of the organisation to serve its vindictive and narrow interests. Avoiding a principle and frank discussion leads to the pitfalls as envisaged again on the Through the eye paragraph 57 in that The tendency is also developing for discussion around leadership nominations to be reduced to mechanical dealmaking among branches, regions and provinces. Thus, instead of having thorough and honest discussion about the qualities of nominees, delegates negotiate merely on the basis of, if you take ours, we'll take yours. This may assist in ensuring provincial and regional balances. But, taken to extremes, it can result in federalism by stealth within the movement. In all earnest, what is currently underway as characterised by the Gupta inspired criminal network faction is regime change being effected, as it becomes clearer that strategic decisions are being taken by factional forces outside the movement. The organisation is left to be a shell only that must rubber stamp decisions taken to delegitimise the very same organisation. The credibility of the movement and government has been severely weakened by the corrupt factional interests. Factions will accelerate the demise of our movement as they are inherently inward looking, firmly convinced that if they can manipulate the internal democracy then their ruling forever is pre ordained. Factional product is the easiest route to deliver fellow travellers as leaders and suitable fashion to escape the high premium of leadership requirements as outlined on through the eye needle in that A leader should lead by example. He should be above reproach in his political and social conduct as defined by our revolutionary morality. Through force of example, he should act as a role model to ANC members and nonmembers alike. Leading a life that reflects commitment to the strategic goals of the NDR includes not only being free of corrupt practices; it also means actively fighting against corruption Such then only serves to further alienate the movement from the core communities it proclaims to be serving. If the movement does not fiercely confront all forms of factionalism but appears to want to embrace then it risks losing whatever amount of credibility it has left. If we are fast approaching that then the movement will inevitable rely on patronage and then words of Franz Fanon on Pitfall of National Consciousness will more and more ring true in that: The political party in many parts of Africa which are today independent is puffed up in a most dangerous way. In the presence of a member of the party, the people are silent, behave like a flock of sheep and publish panegyrics in praise of the government of the leader. But in the street when evening comes, away from the village, in, the cafés or by the river, the bitter disappointment of the people, their despair but also their unceasing anger makes itself heard. The party, instead of welcoming the expression of popular discontentment, instead of taking for its fundamental purpose the free flow of ideas from 10

the people up to the government, forms a screen, and forbids such ideas. The party leaders behave like common sergeant-majors, frequently reminding the people of the need for silence in the ranks. No self-respecting organisation must ever permit the factions to co-exist as some sub-culture of the organisation as factionalist interests are inherently to subvert the authority of the organisation to serve its narrow self-serving and seen of late through Gupta criminal network, faction advance their corrupt and criminal interest. It is in this context that issue of leadership becomes that important, the leadership of the movement has to reputable, inspiring, role models, incorruptible and if the movement must renew itself then its leadership cannot afford to be a product of factional arrangement, rightful owners of the movement with are its members must reclaim their movement. Mawethu Rune is the SACP Eastern Cape member of the Provincial Working Committee (PWC). 11

HOW TO CONTACT THE SACP ALFRED NZO DISTRICT OFFICE Office B7 Rolyats Centre Kokstad 4700 Tel: 0397273595 Fax: 0397274294 Email: sadtukok@futurenet.co.za Administrator: Cde Xatyiswa CHRIS HANI DISTRICT OFFICE NEHAWU Building Mathew Goniwe Regional Office 20 Robinson Road Queenstown 5320 Tel: 0458383479 Fax: 0458396715 Email: sandilenyalambisa@gmail.com SKENJANA ROJI DISTRICT OFFICE 3 rd Floor, Oxford House Oxford Street East London 5201 Contact: 0437228845 Email: ivy.yamile@samwu.telkoms.net boycemelitafa54@gmail.com Administrator: Simphiwe Mkile MBUYISELO NGWENDA DISTRICT OFFICE 2 nd Floor, Florence Matomela House Govan Mbeki Tel: 0815155003 Fax: 0864074745 Email: msingathisipuka@gmail.com O.R TAMBO DISTRICT OFFICE 43 Nelson Mandela Avenue Mthatha 5099 Contact: 0735536906 Fax: 0866687355 Email: mvunelos@webmail.co.za K.K CHULE PAPIYANA DISTRICT OFFICE 02 Mendi Street Nomathamsanqa Location Addo 6105 Tel: 0833194206 Fax: 0865055036 Email: klaasthabiso@gmail.com Secretary: Thabiso Klaas JOE GQABI DISTRICT OFFICE P.O. Box 144 Mount Fletcher 4770 Tel: 0791631631 Fax: 0865198221 Email: sydney.belebesi@gmail.com NCUMISA KONDLO DISTRICT OFFICE 02 Avalon Court Butterworth 4960 Tel: 0605201851/ 0820910782 Fax: 0866002576 Email: siguye.ix@gmail.com 12