THE SOCIOCULTURAL APPROACH IN CONTROLLING VIOLENT CRIME * : A CASE STUDY OF 'SIRI'

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THE SOCIOCULTURAL APPROACH IN CONTROLLING VIOLENT CRIME * : A CASE STUDY OF 'SIRI' PHENOMENON IN BUGINESE- MAKASSARESE COMMUNITY, SOUTH SULAWESI, INDONESIA Muhammad Mustofa Department of Criminology Universitas Indonesia Jakarta Indonesia WHY DOES CRIME OCCUR? THE EXPLANATION MAY BE BIOLOGICAL, psychological, juridical, anthropological or sociological. Whatever approach is applied in explaining crime, criminological studies should always aim to be relevant and useful to the society in which such studies are carried out. It ought then to follow that the result of criminological inquiries should provide bases for policies leading to the reduction of crime. In this regard Sellin has mentioned that 'the result of such a study may afford a basis for social action or public policy which is in harmony with dominant attitudes' (Sellin 1970, p. 6). This paper will take a sociocultural approach, which seems the most appropriate in discussing strategies for controlling violent crime in Buginese-Makassarese society in Sulawesi. According to some studies (Nur 1982; Ishak 1985; Thontowi 1986; Ariyanny 1987), a considerable proportion of violent crime in that society flows from a particular sociocultural feature of the society, namely the phenomenon of 'siri'. 'Siri' is best interpreted as the concept of honour, dignity, or reputation of a person and his family. If one's 'siri' is perceived to have been downgraded by another in public, then * An abbreviated version of this paper entitled 'Controlling Violent Crime' was published in Criminology Australia, vol. 3, no. 1. 25

East meets West according to customary law (adat), that person and his family are obliged to restore their 'siri' through the execution of violent conduct (usually homicide) against those who have caused the loss of 'siri'. If such action is not taken, then those who have lost their 'siri' will be considered worthless by society. The knowledge of crime causation in the case of 'siri' is very valuable for controlling crime. Sutherland and Cressey mentioned that such a knowledge: 'would be useful in control of crime, provided it could be 'applied' in much the same way as an engineer 'applies' the scientific theories of the physicist' (Sutherland & Cressey 1977, p. 522). In line with the assertion of Sutherland & Cressey, violent crime in the Buginese- Makassarese society, which is attributable to 'siri', may be controlled through social planning to alter the orientation of the society from the use of violence in resolving conflict, into more acceptable behaviour in accordance with dominant attitudes in the society, which are antiviolent. To explain how the sociocultural approach might work in controlling violent crime in Buginese-Makassarese society, the discussion will be divided into two parts: the sociocultural circumstances in which 'siri' is used as a rationale to execute violent behaviour; and the requirements for an effective and successful sociocultural approach in controlling 'siri'. The Sociocultural Circumstances in which 'siri' is used as a Rationale to Execute Violent Behaviour Literally, 'siri' means dignity or honour or reputation, but as a sociocultural concept it has two meanings which seem contradictory. Firstly, 'siri ripakasiri' is the deep feeling of shame that one's dignity has been degraded by others in public. Secondly, 'siri masiri' is a way of life which directs one's spirit to gain success. This paper deals only with the 'ripakasiri' issue. In the case of 'ripakasiri', if a person perceives that his dignity has been degraded by others, he is socially expected to restore his dignity by killing the offenders. The reason is that, according to the Buginese-Makassarese value system, a person who has lost his 'siri' ('mate siri') is no longer valuable as a human being. His status is the same as an animal, so it is better to die than to live without dignity. To die as a consequence of fighting for 'siri' is a worthy way of dying (Abidin 1983, p. 7). 'Ripakasiri' is felt not only by the direct victim himself but also by all of his family. Thus, the duty to restore 'siri' is not only the duty of the victim but the duty of every member of the family. The duty to restore 'siri' will be executed any time or anywhere whenever possible, even though the incident may have occurred in the past. In Buginese-Makassarese society this solidarity strengthens the 'siri' value. As violence in 'ripakasiri' is socially or culturally accepted or even expected, Abidin (1983, p. 3) comments that it is not a revenge but a customary moral obligation that must be observed. Errington (1977, p. 43) further reports that for the Buginese-Makassarese, there is no more important goal in their life than to maintain 'siri'. Situations in which 'ripakasiri' might occur, originally related to marriage affairs for instance, elopement as a result of a young man and his girl friend not obtaining approval for their marriage from the girl's parents. Elopement might also occur if no agreement could be reached between the parties concerning the number or the value of the bridegroom's gifts to the bride. Beside marriage affairs, homicide, rape and sexual harassment are the most common situations resulting in 'ripakasiri'. Nowadays, 'ripakasiri' may also include any incident which is perceived to be humiliating, even though such incidents may be regarded as trivial elsewhere. For instance, in the Mandarese community (another ethnic group in South Sulawesi which has the 'siri' 26

concept), to touch somebody's head is considered to cause loss of 'siri'. Such an act would cause one to feel 'ripakasiri' which could lead to violent conduct in order to restore 'siri'. Even though 'ripakasiri' is expected to be restored through violent conduct, conciliation between conflicting parties is available. In Buginese society, if the case has been brought before the customary leader, the person who feels 'ripakasiri' is not allowed to take any action against the offenders until the dispute is heard. However, in the Makassarese community the dispute is discontinued only if the offenders have sought asylum and have been granted protection by the customary leader, and are on the premises of the protector. If the offender is outside the yard of the customary leader's house, the protection is no longer in force. Intervention from the customary leader to the disputing parties is possible because both parties respect the 'siri' of the leader. However, if the intervention fails, or the disputing parties do not respect the leader's decision, it will be perceived by the leader as degrading his 'siri' and will cause 'ripakasiri'. The customary leaders in Buginese-Makassarese society are known as 'Pabicara'. Their tasks are to mediate between their followers and officials of the government, to arrange marriages, to conduct customary ceremonies, and to settle disputes. Unfortunately, the role of 'Pabicara' in settling disputes is not acknowledged in the Indonesian legal system. Moreover, at present there remain only a small number of 'Pabicara' who have the authority of the custom. Their role and position will not be replaced in the future because the influence of the custom has declined (see, for example, Mattulada 1980, p. 106). Even so, the value of 'siri' still exists in Buginese-Makassarese society because the value is transferred to the young generation through the socialisation process. However, observers of the culture believe that the 'siri' value which is now observed is distorted, because now the Buginese-Makassarese are only acquainted with the 'siri ripakasiri' rather than 'siri masiri', and disputes which now result in the use of violent conduct to restore 'siri' are not like previous disputes. In comparing the Buginese-Makassarese with other sub-cultures where violence flows from the value system (see Wolfgang & Ferracuti 1970), there are similarities because of the readiness to use a weapon. In this regard, there is a traditional curved dagger which is almost always carried by the Buginese-Makassarese male the badik. Because violent crimes in South Sulawesi almost always involved the use of the badik, between 1985 and 1987 the police in that area conducted operations to seize badiks from owners, sellers and producers. It was expected that the operation would result in the reduction of violent crimes. In fact it did not. (See Table 1 for the number of violent crimes and homicides from 1985 to 1989 in the South Sulawesi and South East Sulawesi Police Districts.) Table 1 Violent Crimes South Sulawesi and South East Sulawesi Year Violent Crime Homicide 1985 110 214 1986 185 523 1987 176 244 1988 144 233 1989 78 210 Source: Indonesian Police Headquarters, Centre for Coordination and Operational Control. 27

East meets West The failure of the police operation was blamed on defects in the operation itself, which did not consider the sociocultural circumstances which predisposed violent crime, that is the existence of the 'siri' value. A Sociocultural Approach in Controlling 'siri' To run an effective sociocultural approach in dealing with 'siri', it should be based on knowledge of how Buginese-Makassarese society operates. In this respect, a carefully planned program of research is the answer. The research program should be staffed by anthropologists, communication experts, psychologists, legal specialists and criminologist-sociologists. The main goal of the research would be to reformulate the 'siri' value into an acceptable value in accordance with the dominant, non-violent, attitudes. The program could be executed through the promotion of non-violence values. The first task of the researchers would be to identify sociocultural resources which can be utilised in the promotion activities. For instance, they need to identify: 1. who has the capacity to act as agents of change, if the customary leaders no longer exist; 2. what kind of folklore exists which could be utilised for the transformation of new ideas; 3. what, how, and by whom should the reformulation of the 'siri' value be carried out. In these tasks, the anthropologists might take the dominant role. After the sociocultural resources which can be utilised have been identified, the next stage is to plan what kind of communication can be used in transforming new ideas effectively in the community. It is important to investigate what circumstances exist in the community which might be helpful in this process. This stage is the responsibility of the communication experts and psychologists. Finally, it should be determined in which area the program would be executed, how long it should take and when the local community would be involved. Since the results of the program would not be visible in the short term, they need to be determined by monitoring and evaluating instruments in the program's design. A control area also needs to be identified, which would be used later in the measurement of the program's effectiveness. It is vital that the researchers in the program act simply as facilitators who provide ideas to the local communities. Thus, it is necessary to consider how we can ensure that the local community perceive that the program is based on their own activities, in their own interest. Based on the empirical experience gained through the program, the legal experts could plan how the sociocultural values and custom of local community could be adopted by the formal legal system in the conciliation process of dispute settlements. Finally, criminologists might learn the advantages and disadvantages of the sociocultural approach in dealing with crime which might lead to some useful proposals in criminal policies. References Abidin, A. Z. 1983, Persepsi Orang Bugis, Makasar Tentang Hukum Negara Dan Dunia Luar, Bandung, Alumni. 28

Ariyanny, R. 1987, 'Tinjauan Kriminologis Atas Masalah Siri', Unpublished Sarjana Thesis, University of Indonesia. Errington, S. 1986, Meaning and Power In a Southeast Asian Realm, Book Manuscript, February. Ishak 1985, 'Pembunuhan Yang Disebabkan Oleh Siri', Unpublished Sarjana Thesis, Hasanuddin University. Mattulada 1980, 'Manusia dan Kebudayaan Bugis-Makasar', in Berita Antropologi, vol. XI, no. 38, Juli-September. Nur, M. N. 1982, 'Delik Pembunuhan Dalam Hubungannya Dengan Siri', Unpublished Sarjana Thesis, Hasanuddin University. Sellin, T. 1970, 'A Sociological Approach', in The Sociology of Crime and Delinquency, eds M. E. Wolfgang, L. Savits & N. Johnston, New York, John Wiley & Sons Inc., p. 6. Sutherland, E. H. & Cressey, D. 1977, 'Learning and Transmitting Criminal Behaviour', in Crime and Justice, L. Radzinovics & M. E. Wolfgang, vol. I., New York, Basic Books Inc. Publishers, p. 522. Thontowi, J. 1986, 'Siri' dan Konflik Sosial di Sulawesi Selatan', in Keadilan, no. 4, p. XIII. Wolfgang, M. E. 1970, Franco Ferracuti, 'The Subculture of Violence', in The Sociology of Crime and Delinquency, pp. 380-91. 29