The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island: How to Prevent a Second Korean War

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The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island: How to Prevent a Second Korean War A talk by Song Young-Gil Incheon Mayor January 24, 2011 2 4 PM Kenney Auditorium 1740 Massachusetts Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 TRANSCRIPT Thank you very much for your kind introduction, Chairman Hubbard of the Korea Society. I d also like to express my gratitude to Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, and in particular, to Professor Don Oberdorfer, Chairman of the U.S.-Korea Institute, and also to Dr. Jae Ku, Director of the Institute, who organized this event. It is a great honor for me to be here at the world s most renowned University today; thank you for this opportunity.

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 2 I arrived in America on the 19 th and we have very tight schedule in New York and D.C. My purposes for being here are threefold. First, to attract American investments to Songdo in Incheon. Second, to meet with UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and to sign an MOU with the United Nations for the global Model UN conference that will take place in Incheon in August. And third, to meet with distinguished Korean experts in New York and D.C. and discuss ways to prevent an escalation of conflict between North and South Korea, especially in the West Sea area, which is a part of Incheon. Incheon, the gateway to Korea, is a city of water, lying adjacent to the sea and with the Han River running through it. Since its inception, Incheon has been active in trade due to its favorable geographical position in Eastern Asia. In the same way that New York has lured countless immigrants with the promise of the American Dream, so Incheon has begun to open the minds of people around the world. I d now like to show a brief video introducing my city and some of the exciting projects which we are currently undertaking. DVD Clip shown North Korean Shelling over Yeonpyeong Island in November 23, 2010 Our gravest challenge is North Korea s relentless infringement over the Northern Limit Line (NLL). This indiscernible and often disputed boundary between North and South Korea was created by the UN Command in 1953 following the armistice agreement. The NLL has served as a maritime demarcation line between the North Korean mainland and South Korean islands, Baekryeong-do, Daecheongo-do, Socheong-so, Yeonpyeong-do, and Wu-do, collectively known

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 3 as the Five West Sea Islands, these are all in my administrative region. As you can see in some of photos in this slide, at 2:34 in the afternoon on November 23 last year, artillery shells suddenly fell on a quiet fishing village on Yeonpyeong Island. In an unprecedented attack on South Korean soil, the North launched approximately 170 artillery shells on the island s military base and civilian houses. The sustained shelling was sudden and indiscriminate, killing two marines and two civilians and injuring many more. The hour long assault devastated the livelihoods of the islanders and attracted the attention of the world. Among the victims of the attack was Sergeant Suh Jung Woo, a nephew of one of my closest friends. In South Korea, every Korean male must serve in the military for 22 months. Sergeant Suh Jung Woo was only one month away from finishing his service when he tragically lost his life. One of civilian victims is Kim Chibok, who is a citizen in Incheon, worked at the island and was killed. Mr. Kim was a member of my Democratic Party and a strong supporter for me in the latest election. This was a ruthless, intolerable criminal act. Not surprisingly, the residents of Yeonpyeong quickly fled the island, a hasty and unprepared flight in small fishing boats that was soon spread out to the residents of the three neighboring islands. Believing the bombardment to be a prelude to war, residents of the Five Islands left behind their belongings in their exodus, casting a dark cloud of smoke and uncertainty over our beautiful islands. As the mayor responsible for the 2.8 million citizens of Incheon, I visited immediately to Yeonpyeong Island to examine the situation. The shattered windows and sneakers strewn on the ground bore testament to the reality of this brief, yet terrible military conflict. While supporting the islands displaced villagers, what concerned us most was that another shelling might occur. The Korean government s response was to announce the fortification of the five islands in the

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 4 West Sea to prevent future provocations. In my opinion, this strategy gave no thought to the long-term safety of the islands residents. I am afraid that the fortification might cause more military tension. Tension between the North and the South since the Lee Myung-bak Government In order to prevent conflicts, we should engage in dialogue. As British Prime Minister Winston Churchill said, Jaw-jaw is much better than War-war. When the leaders of the two Koreas met for the first time in 2000, it seemed like peace was just around the corner; the June 15 Joint Declaration stipulated that both sides stop trading accusations and coexist peacefully. The benefits of such cooperation has already been proven: tourism on Geumgang Mountain in North Korea has begun and the industrial complex at Gaeseong, where more than 46,000 North Koreans work at the factories built by South Korea, has seen substantial development through meaningful cooperation between the South and the North. As a result of these small but meaningful efforts, North Korea receded its military bases and artillery command in Gaesung and submarine and naval vessel base on the coast of Gumgang Mountain. In particular, thanks to the Gaesung Industry Complex, the South Korea army has an early warning effect to monitor North Korean activities in the vicinity of the Gaesung Complex. Potential conflicts in the East Sea near Geumgang Mountain seemed to evaporate, while the managers of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex expressed satisfaction with their high-quality North Korean workers. There is much criticism surrounding the Gaseong project. Some claim that the North Korean workers are being used as slave labor. Others argue that the complex should be shut down because it feeds the North Korean economy. These complaints demonstrate that the complex will always draw criticism, either for paying the workers too much or paying them too little. I

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 5 disagree with those who label the North Korean s work as slave labor because the working conditions are significantly better than those in North Korea. In addition, workers have the opportunity to experience a state of the art factory where wages are much higher than other area. But it s not just North Koreans who benefit from this arrangement: in addition to strengthening ties between the two sides, South Korean companies who use Korean workers will have a competitive edge in the Korean market. This is why I believe we should maintain and eventually expand the Gaeseong complex model. The issue of how to prevent a military clash alongside the NLL in the West Sea was one of key agenda items at the second Inter-Korean Summit in 2007. At that meeting, the two Korean Presidents agreed to establish a Special Peace and Cooperation Zone in the West Sea. President Roh Moo-hyun succeeded in persuading Kim Jong-il of the proposal s merit, without changing the status of the NLL as the maritime demarcation line between the two Koreas. Both leaders promised peace and economic cooperation by designating a joint fishing zone and a maritime peace zone. In doing so, they sought to transform the tense and conflict-riddled West Sea into a peaceful and prosperous maritime area. However, the agreement didn t last long. Following the change of administration in South Korea in 2008, both sides resumed casting accusations at one another and meaningful dialogue hasn t taken place since. Time to Return to Robust Diplomacy Most disappointingly, North Korea refused the Obama Administrations suggestion for robust diplomacy. North Korea shook the United States intention to work with by testing missile and nuclear detonation in April and May 2009. In response, in late 2009, President Obama chose to

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 6 adopt a policy of strategic patience through which the US would wait until its sanctions on North Korea to have an effect. As a matter of fact, President Obama set out his approach towards North Korea in the presidential debate with the following quote The notion by not talking to people we are punishing them has not worked. It has not worked in Iran, it has not worked in North Korea. In each instance, our efforts at isolation have actually accelerated their efforts to get nuclear weapons. That will change when I m President of the United States. And also in his State of the Union Address in last year he said that: Now, ever as we prosecute two wars, we re also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people the threat of nuclear weapons. I ve embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Regan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. I completely agree with these remarks. However, in reality, his administration found itself saying that there are three kinds of threats being posed by North Korea: plutonium nuclear activities, highly-enrichment uranium activities, and long range missile development. In a sense, it is clearly that the Strategic Patience did not prevent North Korea from increasing its nuclear arsenal and shaking peace and stability in the Korea peninsula. If we are serious about easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula and preventing a second and more deadly Korean war, dialogue must be given another chance. I am not saying that we should lift the sanctions--that must be decided in accordance with the

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 7 scope and pace of the progress made once new diplomatic efforts begins. But, I would like to emphasize that we should engage North Korea in a series of dialogues in an effort to avoid future military conflict. President Reagan engaged in dialogue with the Soviet Union while he labeled Moscow the evil empire and he succeeded in changing the world. A Small Step/Opportunity to the Resumption of Diplomacy Despite the many challenges that lay before us, I believe there are many promising developments are on the horizon. As many of you know, President Obama began meetings with Chinese President Hu Jintao on January 19 th, the same day as my arrival. They agreed on several important points that I believe will significantly affect the stability and peace of the Korean peninsula. For example, I m very glad to hear that both the leaders called for a resumption of the 6-party talks to discuss the denuclearization of North Korea and other important issues. The leaders also urged North Korea to avoid further provocation against South Korea and advised that the two Koreas resume in direct talks. When I met Chairman Ambassador Hubbard last week in New York, he agreed that the U.S./China summit meeting is a small step towards North Korean denuclearization and a more stable Korean peninsula. Yes, it is a small step, but we should not lose this opportunity. Recently, the North openly suggested to the U.S. and South Korea to resume dialogue and again engage in negotiations. The communist nation expressed its willingness to accept visit of IAEA inspectors to the Youngbyun nuclear facilities. In the meantime, the U.S. was also becoming less strict in the resumption of negotiations. At home, President Lee Myeong-bak made it clear during his New Year address that he was open to dialogue with the North. Right after the U.S.-Chinese summit meeting, his government decided to accept North Korea s proposal to hold high level

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 8 defense talks. I hope for early resumption of the talks between North and South, and also among the Six Parties as early as possible. It is time to have talks. I met Professor John Lewis from Stanford, who said China will never put pressure on North Korea when the U.S. imposes sanctions without negotiation. As I see it, the biggest danger is that North Korea might lose hope for the future and revert to its nuclear weapons program as its sole source of military and political security while relying on its economic relations with China. Last year, the Rajin-Sonbong Free Trade Zone in the East Sea was leased to China for fifty years, and North Korea and China agreed to jointly develop Wi Hwa and Hwang-Gum-Pyung in Shinuiju. These developments will not help to denuclearize North Korean. Six Party Talks and Inter-Korean Dialogue should be on simultaneous dual track The participants of the Six-Party Talks have repeatedly said that talks would only resume once inter-korean relations have improved. I believe that this stance must change, and I therefore urge the Obama administration to engage the North with diplomacy and compromise, increasing the chances that the inter-korean and Six-Party talks will produce an optimal and mutually reinforcing outcome on the Korean Peninsula. In addition to these U.S. efforts, I firmly believe that both Koreas should resume their own high level talks including a summit to set us on the path towards reconciliation and cooperation as the June 15 Joint Declaration and the October 4 Declaration offered. The leaders of the two countries need to take concrete steps towards peace and co-prosperity on the Korean Peninsula. I hope that the Six-Party Talks will be held in Beijing soon and bring new hope for the future of the Korean Peninsula and Incheon. Indeed, such is my hope that I am considering the possibility

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 9 that future Six-Party Talks to be held in Incheon. Three Proposals for the Stability and Prosperity over the Troubled Water I believe there is potential for not only peace, but also cooperation between the two Koreas. For example, Incheon Free Economic Zone could easily be used to stimulate collaborative economic development. If South Korea s technologies and capital are combined with North Korea s high quality, competitive labor, Korea would make great economic progress. Incheon is ideally located to facilitate these economic and diplomatic efforts, and we are constantly brainstorming ways to do so. My first proposal is to develop Gyodong Island as Second Special Joint Industrial Complex while utilizing North Korean labor. My plan to develop Gyodong Island, sixty square meters, in Ganghwa County into a high technology industrial complex includes the utilization of North Korean labor. By building a bridge from Haeju in North Korea to Gyodong Island, North Korean workers could commute to the highly advanced BT and IT complex. There is a significant difference between Gyodong Island and the Gaesong complex. The Gaesong complex is geographically located on the Southern edge of North Korea, while Gyodong Island is in South Korea. Critics of the Gaesong complex worry about the ramifications of having a South Korean factory in the North s territory. This is one benefit of using the Gyodong Island as a future site of North and South Korean collaboration: the factory will be on South Korean soil, and North Koreans will commute into our country and have the opportunity to experience a capitalistic production system and free market system first-hand.

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 10 My second proposal is to transform the Five West Islands to Tourist Zones. I would also like to develop the five islands in the West Sea into an ecological zone to be used as an international tourist destination. Despite their natural beauty, these islands have long been neglected due to their proximity to the North Korean mainland. Instead of fortifying these five islands (which would cost a large sum), I suggest we push forward with a tourism project to foster peace at a low cost by attracting Chinese tourists. Imagine the fishermen of the two Koreas fishing for crab together and receiving tourists, and you will begin to see a more peaceful, stable Korean peninsula. My third proposal is to openly start holding talks on the revival of the West Sea Peace and Cooperative Zone. We need to build ideas and turn them into action to prevent other military conflicts and potentially a second Korean War. Incheon will be the first to strive for public consensus on the Special Peace and Cooperation Zone in the West Sea. Concluding Remarks I have supported the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement ever since I served as a national assemblyman in spite of my own political background and strong resistance from the trade unions and progressive organizations that have long been backing me. President Roh Moo-hyun pursued this U.S.-Korea FTA, and President Kim Dae-jung endorsed and strongly supported Roh s efforts. I could confirm it when I met Presidents Roh and Kim respectively.

The North Korean Shelling of Yeonpyeong Island Transcript Page 11 I played that role as Chairman of the Special Committee on the KORUS FTA. I met a top U.S. negotiator, Wendy Cutler, in 2007 and persuaded her to accept the clause of the Outward Processing Zone into the FTA Agreement. Korea must be an Open Trading Country. To that end, Korea needs to initiate free trade and act as an example for the world. As Mayor of Incheon Economic Free Zone, it is more like my duty to foster the value of the FTA. Not to mention, the equilibrium of mutual interests be met, in principle, however, the KORUS FTA should be ratified soon by the U.S. Congress. This KORUS FTA is also critical for Korea s ability to balance to the rapidly rising economic power of China, coupled with the furtherance of the U.S.-Korea alliance. In closing, in keeping with the philosophies of South Korean Presidents Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo-Hyun, I will do everything I can to make Incheon an instrument of lasting peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia. I will strive for diplomacy and peace, not out of fear of military engagement, but because I feel it is in the best interests of Korea and the international community. I earnestly call on you to join us in this effort. Thank you.