Tanzanians perceive ineffective fight against corruption, say citizens have a role to play

Similar documents
After more than a decade of fighting corruption, how much progress?

Zimbabweans see corruption on the increase, feel helpless to fight it

In Tanzania, anti-corruption efforts seen as paying dividends, need citizen engagement

Call the police? Across Africa, citizens point to police and government performance issues on crime

Is Malawi losing the battle against Cashgate?

Citizen engagement in Zimbabwe at lowest level in a decade

Malawians admire South Africa as development model, see strong influence of U.S. and China

Reaching for equality: Zimbabweans endorse gender equity in politics but say citizens treated unequally before the law

Democratization in Kenya: Public Dissatisfied With the Benefit-less Transition

Ghana s decentralization: Locally centralized decision making ill serves its public

Views of Namibia s economy darken sharply; youth more likely to consider emigration

Nigerians optimistic about economic outlook despite persistent poverty, inadequate services

Perceived patronage: Do secret societies, ethnicity, region boost careers in Cameroon?

RESULTS FROM THE AFROBAROMETER ROUND 5 SURVEY IN SWAZILAND

Ghanaians strongly endorse rule of law but see inequities in how laws are applied

Social services rank tops in Ugandans priorities, but not in national budget

Majority of Zimbabweans want government out of private communications, religious speech

Burundi s national land commission: How fairly does it resolve land disputes?

As Liberia s election approaches, what will citizens be looking for in their next government?

South Africans disapprove of government s performance on unemployment, housing, crime

Tuesday, April 16, 2013

Nigeria s pre-election pulse: Mixed views on democracy and accountability

South Africans demand government accountability amid perceptions of growing corruption

Nigeria heads for closest election on record

Popular perceptions of elections, government action, and democracy in Mali

Popular trust in national electoral commission a question mark as Zimbabwe enters new era

Almost half of Zimbabweans have considered emigrating; job search is main pull factor

In Mali, citizens access to justice compromised by perceived bias, corruption, complexity

Basotho increasingly favour legalizing dual citizenship, unifying with South Africa

Rejoining the AU, Moroccans bring decidedly mixed attitudes toward regional integration

Trust in institutions, evaluations of government performance decline in Cabo Verde

RESULTS FROM THE AFROBAROMETER ROUND 5 SURVEY IN SWAZILAND Swaziland Round 5 Release Event 2

Improving democracy in spite of political rhetoric

Note to Madagascar s election winner: Crime, infrastructure, and food insecurity most important issues for government to fix

Weak support and limited participation hinder women s political leadership in North Africa

Who says elections in Ghana are free and fair?

Corruption, trust, and performance of political leaders Findings from Afrobarometer Round 6 survey in Sierra Leone

Combating Corruption in Tanzania: Perception and Experience

Are Africans willing to pay higher taxes or user fees for better health care?

Weak public trust, perceptions of corruption mark São Tomé and Príncipe institutions

Malawians increasingly cautious about exercising right to free political speech

Day of Tolerance: Neighbourliness a strength of Ghana s diverse society

Election quality: Ugandans skeptical of electoral commission, back reforms to gain transparency

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in NIGERIA

Attitudes towards parties, elections and the IEC in South Africa

Popular Attitudes toward Democracy in Senegal: A Summary of Afrobarometer Indicators,

President s performance, citizenship, land ownership and the TRC s mandates: What do Liberians say?

In Gabon, views on elections darken in wake of 2016 contest seen as less than free and fair

AFROBAROMETER Briefing Paper

Sierra Leonean perceptions of democracy Findings from Afrobarometer Round 6 survey in Sierra Leone

Summary of Results. Afrobarometer Round 6 Survey in São Tomé e Principe, 2015 Compiled by: AFROSONDAGEM

by Mandla Mataure February 2013

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in Namibia 25 April 2012

Economic and living conditions and Government economic performance what Sierra Leoneans say

Corruption in Kenya, 2005: Is NARC Fulfilling Its Campaign Promise?

Malawi AB R5 Survey Results. First Release: 4 September 2012

Support for democracy dwindles in Tunisia amid negative perceptions of economic conditions

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in NIGERIA

GCB Survey. Some of Most of

Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No by Jerry Lavery. May 2012

Who, Where and When?

Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No. 51. June 2008 POPULAR ATTITUDES TO DEMOCRACY IN GHANA, 2008

Increasingly non-partisan, South Africans willing to trade elections for security, housing, jobs

Economic conditions and lived poverty in Botswana

Namibians Public Policy Preferences

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in Zimbabwe

Botswana s Economic Performance Rating Slips: Working-Aged People Express Dissatisfaction with Living Conditions

A second spring for democracy in post-mubarak Egypt? Findings from Afrobarometer

Regional integration for Africa: Could stronger public support turn rhetoric into reality?

Nigerians worried about violent clashes, praise government efforts to address armed extremism

By Tiyesere Mercy Jamali. January 2014

Afrobarometer Round 5 Uganda Survey Results: An Economy in Crisis? 1 of 4 Public Release events 26 th /March/2012, Kampala, Uganda

Land redistribution: South Africans prioritize land taken in forced removals, support willing seller approach

Escalating political crisis belies Burundians strong support for democracy

Effect of police integrity, government performance in fighting crime, and accessibility of police stations on reporting of crime in Tanzania

Popular Attitudes toward Democracy in Tanzania: A Summary of Afrobarometer Indicators,

Political Accountability in Ghana: Evidence from Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey

After 50 years, freedom of association is firmly established, though far from absolute, in Africa

In Gabon, overwhelming public distrust of CENAP and election quality forms backdrop for presidential vote dispute

Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No. 115 ZIMBABWEANS VIEWS ON EMPOWERMENT: JOBS VS. BUSINESS TAKEOVERS. by Eldred V. Masunungure and Heather Koga

Popular Attitudes toward Democracy in South Africa: A Summary of Afrobarometer Indicators,

Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries

ARE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS EMERGING IN AFRICA? EVIDENCE FROM THE AFROBAROMETER

Chieftainship (Bogosi) Endures Despite Democratic Consolidation in Botswana

DAILY LIVES AND CORRUPTION: PUBLIC OPINION IN EAST AFRICA

Ambitious SDG goal confronts challenging realities: Access to justice is still elusive for many Africans

IS THERE A POLITICAL GENDER GAP IN UGANDA?

by Adams Oloo January 2013

Africans Views of International Organizations

Public Attitudes Survey Bulletin

GOVERNMENT POSITION ON FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION

Public Attitudes Survey Bulletin

Global Corruption Barometer 2010 New Zealand Results

MADAGASCANS AND DEMOCRACY: PRINCIPLES, PRACTICE, PARTICIPATION

The People s President?

Public Attitudes Survey Bulletin

Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries

Demand for transparency, accountability drives call for electing local leaders in Ghana

Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No. 116 ZIMBABWEANS (MOSTLY) TOLERANT VIEWS ON CITIZENSHIP. by Eldred V. Masunungure and Heather Koga.

AFROBAROMETER ROUND 6

Transcription:

Dispatch No. 48 24 September 2015 Tanzanians perceive ineffective fight against corruption, say citizens have a role to play Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 48 Rose Aiko Summary While the Tanzanian government s efforts to fight corruption date back many years, the past two decades have witnessed the most significant government and donor community commitment to the issue. Following a review in 1996 of the state of corruption and its causes by a presidential commission known as the Warioba Commission, the government started implementing national anti-corruption strategies and action plans (NACSAPs) in 1999. As of 2012, two phases of the NACSAPs had been implemented, encompassing a range of institutional reforms. Reviews and evaluations of the NACSAPs record several achievements of the anti-corruption drive since early 2000, including: Establishment of new public institutions to fight corruption and abuse of public office, including the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority, the Ethics Secretariat, the Good Governance Coordination Unit, and the position of Minister of State for Good Governance, Revision of several laws and passage of new ones to help control abuse of public office. Establishment of anti-corruption focal points in government departments at the central and local levels. To what extent have these achievements been reflected in the daily experiences of Tanzanians? How do citizens perceive the government s performance in fighting corruption? Do people feel they are sufficiently empowered to do something to make the anti-corruption fight effective? Using the six rounds of Afrobarometer survey data collected in Tanzania since 2001 to examine popular perceptions and attitudes regarding the fight against corruption, this dispatch shows that in the most recent survey rounds, 2012 and 2014, Tanzanians have given the government more negative ratings on its performance in fighting corruption than they did a decade ago. People also express concern that the level of corruption increased between 2013 and 2014. Promoting the importance of civic engagement, a majority believe that ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption by doing two things: refusing to pay bribes and reporting corruption incidents to the authorities. The data show, however, that most corruption incidents are not reported. Respondents attribute this to several factors, most commonly fear of consequences, ignorance of what to do and/or how to report, and perceived apathy among law enforcers in addressing corruption. Taking these results as a cue, Tanzanian anti-corruption institutions might need to rethink their anti-corruption strategies to achieve better results, especially by making citizens meaningful partners in the effort. In particular, anti-corruption bodies might find it useful to put in place mechanisms that would make it safe for citizens to report corruption incidents, ensure that people can at all times access information about how to report, and demonstrate to the public that corruption reports are taken seriously. Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 1

Afrobarometer survey Afrobarometer is a pan-african, non-partisan research network that conducts public attitude surveys on democracy, governance, economic conditions, and related issues across more than 30 countries in Africa. Five rounds of surveys were conducted between 1999 and 2013, and Round 6 surveys are currently under way (2014-2015). Afrobarometer conducts face-toface interviews in the language of the respondent s choice with nationally representative samples of between 1,200 and 2,400 respondents. The Afrobarometer team in Tanzania, led by REPOA, interviewed 2,386 adult Tanzanians in August-October 2014. A sample of this size yields country-level results with a margin of error of +/-2% at a 95% confidence level. Previous surveys have been conducted in Tanzania in 2001, 2003, 2005, 2008, and 2012. Key findings Two-thirds (66%) of Tanzanians say the level of corruption increased between 2013 and 2014. The extent of corruption is perceived to be greatest among the police, tax officials, and judges and magistrates. Majorities of citizens in 2012 and 2014 rated the government s performance in handling the fight against corruption as fairly bad or very bad. However, there is a slight improvement (8 percentage points) in 2014 compared to 2012. Citizens experiences with front-line service delivery agents show that corruption is perceived to be more pervasive when accessing police and court services compared to other public services. A majority (55%) say that ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption. Citizens cite refusing to pay a bribe (mentioned by 39% of respondents) and reporting corruption (19%) as the most effective things ordinary citizens can do to help fight corruption. Eight out of 10 persons (82%) who were compelled to pay a bribe in order to access a public service did not report the incidents to the authorities. As for the main reasons for not reporting, respondents cite fear, ignorance about reporting procedures, and perceived government apathy in dealing with corruption reports. Progress in fighting corruption Over the past two decades, and particularly since 1999, the government has taken significant steps to fight corruption. Oversight agencies perceived as too weak to carry out their mandates effectively were given more power (e.g. the National Audit Office, the Prevention of Corruption Bureau (renamed Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau in 2007), and the Commission for Human Rights and Good Governance) (United Republic of Tanzania & UNDP, 2012). Concurrently, several new oversight units/agencies (the Good Governance Coordination Unit, the position of Minister of State for Good Governance, the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority, and the Ethics Secretariat) were established. Parliament also strengthened its oversight of public resources by establishing or reconstituting the leadership of Parliamentary Accountability Committees. Yet public evaluations of government performance suggest that a majority of Tanzanians are dissatisfied with government efforts in the fight against corruption. In both 2012 and 2014, majorities of citizens considered the government s handling of the fight against corruption to Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 2

be fairly bad or very bad (Figure 1), although the proportion rating the government negatively decreased by 8 percentage points over the past two years. Figure 1: Popular evaluation of government s performance in fighting corruption Tanzania 2001-2014 100% 80% 60% 55% 52% 62% 56% 66% 58% 40% 20% 0% 43% 41% 41% 37% 33% 27% 12% 7% 3% 4% 6% 1% 2001 2003 2005 2008 2012 2014 Very badly/fairly badly Fairly well/very well Don t know Respondents were asked: How well or badly would you say the current government is handling the following matters, or haven't you heard enough to say: Fighting corruption in government? Perceived change in level of corruption Two-thirds (66%) of Tanzanians say that corruption increased somewhat or a lot in the year preceding the 2014 survey (Figure 2). The view that corruption increased is more pronounced among urban dwellers, men, the educated, and residents of Zanzibar islands. Figure 2: Perceived change in level of corruption Tanzania 2014 100% 91% 80% 60% 66% 65% 40% 20% 0% 15% 13% 15% 14% 6% 6% 1% 3% 5% All Tanzania Mainland Zanzibar Increased a lot/somewhat Decreased somewhat/a lot Stayed the same Don t know Respondents were asked: In your opinion, over the past year, has the level of corruption in this country increased, decreased, or stayed the same? (Note: Numbers in charts may not add up to 100% due to rounding.) Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 3

Urban dwellers are 9 percentage points more likely than rural respondents to perceive an increase in corruption. Considering responses by gender, men are 8 percentage points more likely than women to say that corruption increased (Table 1). Table 1: Perceived change in the level of corruption by respondent s location and gender Tanzania 2014 Urban Rural Male Female Total Increased somewhat/a lot 72% 63% 70% 62% 66% Stayed the same 15% 15% 14% 16% 15% Decreased somewhat/a lot 9% 15% 13% 14% 13% Don t know 4% 7% 4% 8% 6% Examining perceptions by respondent education level, this analysis finds that people with post-secondary education are 15 percentage points more likely to say corruption went up than those with primary education or less (Table 2). Table 2: Perceived change in the level of corruption by respondent s education level Tanzania 2014 No formal education Primary Secondary Postsecondary Total Increased somewhat/a lot 63% 64% 72% 79% 66% Stayed the same 14% 16% 13% 12% 15% Decreased somewhat/a lot 10% 15% 13% 7% 13% Don t know 13% 6% 3% 2% 6% Perceived extent of corruption in various institutions When asked to rate the extent to which they perceive officials in 11 types of institutions as corrupt, Tanzanians give the police the most negative rating: Half (50%) of respondents say that most or all police are corrupt (Figure 3). Tax officials (the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) and local government) and judges/magistrates are in second and third place, with 37% and 36%, respectively, of Tanzanians saying that most or all of them are involved in corruption. Business executives (31%) are followed by the Tanzanian anti-corruption agency, the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) (29%). Religious leaders, traditional leaders, and the president s office are perceived as comparatively clean. Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 4

Public officials Non-state leaders Figure 3: Levels of perceived corruption in institutions Tanzania 2014 Business executives 31% Traditional leaders Religious leaders 13% 10% Police Tax officials (TRA and local government) 37% 50% Judges and magistrates 36% Anti-corruption bureau (PCCB) 29% Government officials 25% Local government councillors 25% Members of Parliament 21% The president and officials in his office 15% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% Respondents were asked: How many of the following people do you think are involved in corruption, or haven't you heard enough about them to say? (% who say most of them or all of them ) Despite a slight improvement between 2012 and 2014 in public perceptions of some organisations, such as the police and civil servants, perceptions of corruption in public institutions and among officials increased across the board over the past decade (Table 3). Table 3: Trends in perceived corruption among public officials Tanzania 2003-2014 Change (% points) 2003 2005 2008 2012 2014 2012-2014 2003-2014 President / officials in his office 10% 5% 12% 13% 15% 2 5 Members of Parliament 17% 8% 12% 19% 21% 2 4 Government officials 23% 10% 18% 31% 25% -6 2 Local government councillors 17% 10% 13% 25% 25% 0 8 The police 44% 34% 37% 56% 50% -6 6 Tax officials (TRA and local government) 34% 20% 28% 38% 37% -1 3 Judges and magistrates 28% 25% 24% 32% 36% 4 8 Anti-corruption bureau (PCCB)...... 28% 29% 1.. (% who said most of them or all of them ) (Notes:... = no data (agency not included in that survey round). Numbers may not add up due to rounding.) Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 5

Corruption in accessing public services In its 2014 survey, Afrobarometer asked about respondents experiences with paying bribes in order to access six types of public services (school, health, processing of identity documents and permits, utility services, police, and courts). Among people who tried to obtain services during the 12 months before the survey, two of 10 indicate that they were compelled to pay a bribe. According to survey responses, bribe payments are more common when accessing police and court services (Figure 4) than when accessing other services. Figure 4: Proportion who paid a bribe to obtain a service Tanzania 2014 To get assistance from the courts To avoid problems with the police To access water, sanitation, or electricity services To access treatment at a public clinic or hospital To obtain an identity document or a government permit To get services from schools 11% 15% 20% 22% 35% 35% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% Respondents were asked: In the past 12 months, have you had contact with [service provider type]? If yes, how often, if ever, did you have to pay a bribe, give a gift, or do a favour for [officials of the service-providing institution] in order to get the service you needed? (% who say they paid a bribe once or twice, a few times, or often ) Can citizens make a difference in the fight against corruption? The PCCB exhorts citizens to help in the fight against corruption by refusing to engage in corrupt practices and reporting corruption when they experience or see it. Ideally, when people report corruption incidents, alleged culprits can be investigated and prosecuted. Asked whether they believe that ordinary citizens can make a difference in fighting corruption, a majority (55%) of Tanzanians say they can (Figure 5). Figure 5: Can ordinary people make a difference in fighting corruption? Tanzania 2014 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 55% Agree/strongly agree 9% Neither agree nor disagree Respondents were asked: Please tell me whether you agree or disagree with the following statement: Ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption. Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 6 33% Strongly disagree/disagree 3% Don t know

Survey respondents agree with the PCCB as to the most effective things they can do to fight corruption (Figure 6): refuse to pay a bribe (mentioned by 39% of respondents) and report corruption when it happens (19%) (Figure 6). Figure 6: What citizens can do to help fight corruption Tanzania 2014 Refuse to pay bribes Report corruption when you see or experience it Nothing / ordinary people cannot do anything 16% 19% 39% Vote for clean candidates Speak out about the problem Other Don t know 9% 7% 6% 4% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Respondents were asked: What is the most effective thing that an ordinary person like you can do to help combat corruption in this country? Few people take the initiative to report corruption Although reporting is perceived to be the second-most-effective way for citizens to fight corruption, very few citizens who experience corruption actually take the initiative to report the incidents to the authorities. When respondents who indicated that they were compelled to pay a bribe to access a public service were asked whether they reported the incidents, 82% say they did not (Figure 7). Figure 7: Proportion of bribe-givers who report the incidents Tanzania 2014 Declined to answer, 5% Reported the incident, 13% Did not report the incident, 82% Respondents were asked: If you ever paid a bribe for any of the services discussed above, did you report any of the incidents you mentioned to a government official or someone in authority? Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 7

Fear, ignorance, and perceived government apathy discourage reporting Respondents offer many explanations for why people may not be reporting corruption incidents to the authorities. The three mentioned most frequently are fear of the consequences (cited by 21% of respondents), ignorance of how to report (19%), and the perception that nothing will be done (18%) (Figure 8). These perceptions confirm findings of expert reviews of Tanzania s anti-corruption efforts. For example, fear of consequences can be linked to Tanzania s poor record in protecting whistle-blowers (U4, 2014) and the absence of a law to protect them (United Republic of Tanzania & UNDP, 2012). The sentiment that nothing will be done can be traced to the perceived ineffectiveness of the PCCB and the government in general in punishing those involved in corruption, especially when they are key public figures (Bertelsmann Foundation, 2014). Figure 8: Why people do not report corruption incidents Tanzania 2014 People are afraid of the consequences People don t know where/how to report Nothing will be done / It wouldn't make a difference People don t have time / It is too expensive to report Don t know 7% 9% 18% 19% 21% Corruption is normal, everyone does it 8% Officials they would report to are also corrupt They would implicate themselves as bribe-givers Most people do report incidents of corruption Other 2% 4% 6% 5% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% Respondents were asked: Some people say that many incidents of corruption are never reported. Based on your experience, what do you think is the main reason why many people do not report corruption when it occurs? Other reasons, though cited by few respondents, can inform the effort to make the fight against corruption more effective. These include: The environment makes it hard to put together evidence. The accused may easily deny the allegations. Corruption is secretive. Authorities who fight corruption are far from the people. The opportunity cost of reporting corruption is high. Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 8

People believe that without giving a bribe, they may not get the kind of assistance/services they need. Because there is help involved when a bribe is given or taken, you cannot report someone who has helped you. People feel they will not get help next time, so they have to give and receive bribes. People lack education about corruption. Conclusion Despite significant government anti-corruption efforts, a majority of Tanzanians perceive a recent increase in corruption and a stagnating fight against corruption. Since success in fighting corruption depends on citizen participation, the government can benefit from consideration of citizens views regarding hindrances to becoming meaningful partners in the effort. A majority of Tanzanians believe that ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption, mainly by refusing to engage in corruption and reporting corruption incidents to the authorities. However, very few people who are compelled to pay bribes report the incidents, primarily because of fear of the consequences, ignorance about what to do or how to do it, and the perception that nothing will be done by the responsible authorities. Measures to address these barriers can include mechanisms that make citizens feel safe enough to report corruption incidents and that ensure that people have ready access to information about their rights and obligations and a proper understanding of pathways for engaging with the authorities. Besides the PCCB, civil society and the news media can be of significant help by providing public education to citizens. In addition authorities will need to demonstrate to the Tanzanian public that corruption reports are taken seriously. To further explore this data, please visit Afrobarometer's online data analysis facility at www.afrobarometer.org/online-data-analysis. Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 9

References Bertelsmann Foundation. (2014). Tanzania country report. http://www.btiproject.org/uploads/tx_itao_download/bti_2014_tanzania.pdf. U4-Anti Corruption Resource Centre. (2014). Tanzania: Overview of corruption and anti-corruption. http://www.u4.no/publications/overview-of-corruption-in-tanzania/. United Republic of Tanzania & United Nations Development Programme. (2012). Evaluation of the enhanced national anti-corruption strategy and action plan II (NACSAP II) 2008-2011 for the Republic of Tanzania. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/ documents/projects/tza/nacsapiievaluationfinalreportfrompccbsept2012.doc. Rose Aiko is a researcher at REPOA in Tanzania. Email: raiko@repoa.or.tz Afrobarometer is produced collaboratively by social scientists from more than 30 African countries. Coordination is provided by the Center for Democratic Development (CDD) in Ghana, the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) in South Africa, the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Nairobi in Kenya, and the Institute for Empirical Research in Political Economy (IREEP) in Benin. Michigan State University (MSU) and the University of Cape Town (UCT) provide technical support to the network. Core support for Afrobarometer Rounds 5 and 6 has been provided by the UK s Department for International Development (DFID), the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and the World Bank. For more information, please visit www.afrobarometer.org. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 48 24 September 2015 Copyright Afrobarometer 2015 10