Employment and Social Cohesion A B D E L W A H A B B E N H A F A I E D H
Theoretical Framework Today more than ever, the question of employment is at the center of a debate on cohesiveness and the social divide. The social character of events punctuating the Arab Spring can only be understood in terms of fragmentation and breakdown, and reorganization of the social structure. This interaction between cohesion/breakdown on one hand and employment on the other allows us to analyze the way in which identity is constructed in the workplace and around oneself, triggering chain reactions: inclusion/exclusion or cohesion/breakdown. In situations of economic and political transition, work, in the role of integrator and socializer, can counteract the harmful effects of lack of work (Jahoda et al., 1991, Clark et Oswald, 1994). Social breakdown, a generic term that designates weakness or reorganizing social ties, and of social cohesion, only one of the major aspects of this transition.
Hypothesis Social breakdown" is first, a generational breakdown, because young people are the most affected. Now, the majority of hiring is for jobs without job security (CDD, temporary, professional training, informal work, etc. ) Only between one third and one half of jobs without job security in the beginning will gain that security. It is not until the age of 35 or later that 60% of jobs are CDI (contrat à durée indéterminée permanent work contract). Consequences : if the inequalities in the standard of living have lowered among the oldest, on the other hand, the gaps have increased among young people, who are having a harder time finding stability in their social and family lives as well as achieving well-being.
Essential Elements of Wellbeing Trust Dignity and Recognition Non Discrimination Plurality and Autonomy Paricipation and Speaking
The Elements of Social Cohesion Social Position Income Employment Right Recognition Education knowledge Participation Identity Lifestyle Value Trust
Meaduring Confideuce in Terms of Employment and Social Cohesion Target population: 7200 persons ( 2400 x 3) Three waves:, and All of the gouvernorats of Tunisia Face-to-face interviews The Question: Confidence in the future of the employment market.
Method and Correlation Criteria Employment / Social Cohesion 1. Confidence and the Employment Market 2. Personal Development /autonomy 3. Equal rights / Non-discrimination 4. Dignity / Recognition 5. Participation/ Engagement and having a say
(1) C O N F I D E N C E I N T H E E M P L O Y M E N T M A R K E T
Attitudes and Opinions Confidence Perspectives on the future for employment Social mobility Participation Links / Search for social cohesion Mistrust Positive attitudes but a lack of social recognition through employment. Distrust No expectations
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market
Confidence in the future of labor Market (Trust in self-determination in Personal Future=Distrust)
The Impact of Education on Confidence about Future Employment Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Level of Study= Nothingness)
The Impact of Education on Confidence about Future Employment Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Level of Study= Primary)
The Impact of Education on Confidence about Future Employment Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Level of Study= Basic Education)
The Impact of Education on Confidence about Future Employment Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Level of Study= University)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( 18_30 years old)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( 31_40 years old)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( more than 61 years old)
2 P E R S O N A L D E V E L O P M E N T A N D A U T O N O M Y
Female Social Ties: A New Structure for Employment? The most recent census, taken in 2004, showed an increase in the number of single women who moved without family members accompanying them to look for work in the major coastal cities (Tunis, Sousse, Monastir, Mahdia, Sfax). They are young and ambitious, more educated and qualified than in the past. They have even been encouraged by their families to leave their hometown, either temporarily or permanently. Caught up in this daring journey, these young women want to flee their father s authority at all cost and the poverty they grew up in. They are searching for a brighter future, professional stability and the autonomy they have dreamed of.
Going Beyond the Social Inequalities? The 2004 census revealed, among other things, that those migrating in the interior of the country were primarily male, and their families remained. These migrations have increasingly affected the family as a whole, including women, and especially those migrating short distances from city to city. Until this time, internal migrations in Tunisia followed a pattern of rural exodus where people abruptly leave and leave for good, primarily from the rural areas in northwest Tunisia to the large cities, most often the capital. But, when we examine the ratio of male to female migrants, we see a shift in the geographic mobility of women which corresponds to an increasing presence in the workplace. From 1969-1975, the figures show 1240 men for 1000 women. This ratio continues to decrease from 1984-94 with 1065 men for 1000 women.
Mobility, Marital Strategies and Employment The 1994 census also indicates that the rate of male migrants less than 10 years old is between 1030 to 1070, which corresponds with the birthrate ration of boys to girls. These migrations are young children who are moving with their families. Between the ages of 10 and 24, the male to female ration is under 1000. There is a greater rate of migration for young women than young men. This is primarily due to jobs as domestics and factory work. Beyond the age of 25, the rate of men to women increases, reaching its highest point between the ages of 35-44. This higher rate of male migration can be explained by employment that also involves the migration of their spouse. The rate then drops to around 1000 beyond the age of 50, due to women becoming widows.
The 2004 census showed that the women who have chosen to move to the cities on the coast where there are more employment opportunities in industry, services, textiles and the hotel industry are moving primarily to Greater Tunis, Sousse, Monastir, Mahdia (the city and not the gouvernorat, which has had negative migration since 1975 because it is primarily rural) and Sfax. The women who move to the gouvernorats of Siliana, Gabès et Sidi Bouzid are primarily women who are moving with their husbands.
When we look at marital status of those moving internally, the figures indicate that there are more single migrants than those who are married: 49,3% to 44,8%, respectively. The rate is 45% for the male population 15 years old and up. On the other hand, among women, the rate is lower, at 27,9% against 35,1% for nonmigrants. Among married people, the figures are inversed: married men are only 50% versus 53,7 % among non-migrants. For those who are widowed or divorced, there is a great difference between the sexes in terms of migrants and non-migrants. The figures are lower for migrating men and women in comparison with those not migrating.
In the Papfam study done by ONFP in 2001, it is worth noting that of all the reasons given by the women surveyed, the primary reasons are related to family life (marriage, joining her husband, buying a home, etc). The search for work only pertains to 4.6% of the women questioned. These are primarily educated women who frequently move.
Work and Social Stability The analysis of the profiles shows that the determining principle for migration is economic and translates into a desire for stability and security. This amounts to saying that interior migration in Tunisia remains, despite the revolution, due to standard of living; moving for wok and improving material and household conditions. On the other hand, it would be expedient to recall that the census data and the national surveys apply to the move made between the two given dates(in general, 5 to 7 years prior to registered changes in residence between the administrations of the gouvernorats and authorities aside from the distances traveled and the observed movements.)
Work and the Female Body These women migrating to the cities can be the object of abuse or sexual harassment, or might even find themselves selling their bodies and working the sex trade if they are unemployed or have family problems. The men migrating in certain cases on the fringe of society finding themselves in bad situations, might numb their pain through drug addiction, delinquency or prostitution.
(3) E - P A R T I C I P A T I O N / E N G A G E M E N T A N D H A V I N G A S A Y
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Confidence in The General Union of Tunisian Workers = Confidence)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Political Confidence in The Prime Minster =Confidence)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Confidence in The Local Governance =Mistrust)
- Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Confidence in The Local Governance =Distrust
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Political Confidence in The Prime Minster =Mistrust)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Confidence in The General Union of Tunisian Workers = Distrust)
(4) E Q U A L R I G H T S / NON- D I S C R I M I N A T I O N
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Confidence in The Security Reestablishement and The Return of Social Stability = Distrust)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Gender= Female)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Gender= Male)
(5) D I G N I T Y - R E C O G N I T I O N
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market ( Confidence in The Associations= Confidence)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Confidence in The Efficacity of Public Services= Mistrust)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Confidence in The Efficacity of Public Services= Distrust)
Confidence in The Future of Labor Market (Confidence in The Efficacity of Public Services= Confidence)