Political Mismanagement in the Electoral Process of Nigeria: A Brief Review Chukwu, G. A. 1 and Chidume, C. G. 2* 1 Department of Political Science, Federal University Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria 2 Department of History and Strategic Studies, Federal University Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria chudidume@yahoo.com Abstract Democratic elections are fundamental to the existence, survival and development of a free and fair political system in contemporary society. Individuals and political parties play a significant role to promote democracy in many nations around the world. Nigeria underwent several elections since its independence in 1960. However, all elections were not truly democratic and some elections have also witnessed violence instigated by politicians who lack societal values. The consequences of the 1964 parliamentary election for example created the breakdown of law and order resulting in military takeover two years later. The general elections of 1983 also witnessed multiple spate of violence, especially in Ondo State where lives and property worth millions of dollars were lost. Similarly, the elections conducted in 2003, 2007 and 2011 were met by sporadic violence challenging the rule of law in Nigeria. This paper reviews the unlawful political activities and their implications in the Nigerian political system. Keywords: Democracy, Electoral system, Politics, Unlawful political activities, Nigeria INTRODUCTION The contest for political power in Nigeria has become fierce in recent years as politicians from various ethnic groups struggle to remain in power by all means. Many ambitious political aspirants often try to attain power to enhance their selfish interests rather than working for the benefit of the Nigerian society at large. Therefore the premium on political power has been steadily increasing with bitter political competition (Ake, 2001:5). The apt epithets above depicted and described the nature and character of the Nigerian political system where elections are sometimes riddled by fraud and rigged by violence. The basic fact on political development and conduct of election in Nigeria is that transition election are far more peaceful and results relatively acceptable than civilian to civilian elections (Okolie, 2004:15). The 1999 General Elections were a far cry from that of 2003, 2007 and 2011 respectively in terms of competitiveness and popular participation. People voted freely to express their choices leading to the emerging of credible leaders. During the 1999 General Election, three political parties (All People s Party, Alliance for Democracy and People s Democratic Party) participated in the contest and the results were relatively fair. Likewise, the Council Elections were also fair during that year with minimal unlawful incidents. People expected similar fair election during the 2003 General Elections. But sadly, the elections were characterized with fraud influenced by numerous unlawful actions by some politicians. Ballot snatching, stuffing of ballot boxes, voter intimidation and bribery were common since politicians wanted to retain the power. The same political leaders who took an oath to protect AJSIH ISSN: 2276 6928 Vol. 4 Issue 3 May 2014 170
the constitution of the country and to adhere to free and fair electoral process, turned against the country s moral values for the sake of staying in power. The desire to hold on to power so that political leaders and office bearers can accumulate wealth by mismanagement and abuse of power has created violence and boosted unethical attitudes in the Nigerian electoral process contaminating the society. As a result, the next General Elections conducted in 2007 and 2011 were also not fair and free. In fact, the 2011 election turned out to be the worst in the history of Nigeria since the voting pattern became diametrically sectarian leading to serious post-election unrest. Unlawful activities were encouraged when the political party, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) fielded Muhammad Buhari against the ruling People s Democratic Party (Goodluck Jonthan). Both parties were involved in varies types of unlawful means for their advantage strategically. The inadequacies and weaknesses of security agents and Independent National Electoral Commission were brought to bear on all these elections conducted under civilian administrations. ANALYTICAL CONCEPTION The universe of social sciences is inundated and a wash with theories and approaches attempting to explain the phenomenon of electoral fraud and its negative consequences in politics. The theoretical purview of aggression has been adopted to analyze electoral fraud, violent behavior and mismanagement. Frustrated individuals in political system resort to violent behavior in order to seek redress (Anifowose 2011:7). In any given society, people in general want to have better social status and material benefits to have a decent life (Ogban, 2005:15). Nigeria exhibits poor level of autonomy. Various ethnic groups continue to struggle due to string class differences in society. The dominant groups compete to retain political power and status. They often use the instrument of the country to further their selfish economic interests, which go against the priorities of the general public (Okolie, 2004:16). This further leads to political violence in Nigeria. POLITICAL PARTIES AND ACTIVITIES The military regime of Sani Abacha could not continue with the 1989 constitution contrived by General Ibrahim Babangida that conducted the controversial June 12, 1993 presidential election won by MKO Abiola. The annulment of the June 12 presidential election was the climax of political intrigues and manipulations embarked upon by Babangida in order to realize his succession bid through a process of transformation from military to civilian government (Solomon and Remi, 2011:256). The 1993 election was keenly contested between the Social Democratic Party and National Republican Convention leading to emergence of Abiola as the winner. The political convolution became the factor that brought Chief Ernest Shonekan to power as the head of Interim National Government, which was ousted by General Sani Abacha in November 1993. The emergence of Abacha as the military head abrogated the two party system of Babangida and introduced again the multiparty system in 1998 aimed at transition from military to civilian administration. The sole interest of Abacha was to transform his image of the military general to a more democratic civilian president thereby creating political unrest threatening the country. In order to achieve this goal of transformation, Abacha s supporters resorted to suppress the people by intimidation, repression and brutal elimination of those who opposed his views (Solomon and Remi, 2011:255). This ugly AJSIH ISSN: 2276 6928 Vol. 4 Issue 3 May 2014 171
scenario of political intimation and threats lasted from 1993 to 1998 under the dictatorship of Abacha. Several innocent people across Nigeria became the victims of Abacha s terror to remain in power. Youth organizations were not left out in the Abacha for presidency campaign. By February 1998, 18 such groups including the Youths Earnestly Ask For Abacha led by Daniel Kanu. In Abuja, the pro Abacha campaigners came together under the National Council of Youth Association of Nigeria to organize a rally called 2-million man match for Abacha Presidency (Solomon and Remi, 2011:256). Youths became a tool for Abacha as political pawns and rampant poverty created by the mismanagement of Abacha gave no other option for the youth to secure a decent job in society. The demise of Abacha propped up another General, Abdusalami Abubakar as the head of State, in one fell swoop, he made away with the five political parties created by Abacha, and transformed the National Electoral Commission to an Independent National Electoral Commission with a view to conduct credible election in 1998/1999. In 1998 the Abubakar regime allowed new parties to be formed and contested the elections (Mundt et al., 2010: 656). Political activities leading to the election were noteworthy as Nigerians participate actively without political machinations and manipulations towards the upbeats, and build up to the council election. The election became an acid test to ascertain that the military had the resolve to hand over power to democratically elected representatives. Interest in elections, even in the mobilization of patron-client networks declined during the long transition to civilian rule, but rose again with the return to civilian rule (Mundt et al. 2010:650). During the military transition in 1998, nine political parties were required to demonstrate a national organization. Three parties that received the highest number of votes in the 774 local governments were then allowed to compete in the state and national elections in 1999. The People s Democratic Party won 389 local governments, All Peoples Party in 182, and the Alliance for Democracy in 100, with other parties winning the remaining 103 (Mundt et al., 2010:657). The transition under the military is less characterized by mismanagement than the civilian-to-civilian transition in Nigeria between 1960 and 2013. Comparative analysis of both transitions shows the trend. The election of 2003, 2007 and 2011 were total aberration to that of 1999 in terms of unlawful activities. Unlawful activities were common during the 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections attesting to the desperation of the political class, who have amassed wealth due to selfish interests. ELECTORAL INSTITUTIONS AND THE RULE OF LAW Conflicts are an endemic feature of most of the world s political systems. This is particularly rampant in many developing countries, including Nigeria, where conflicts and violence have become part of the political process (Anifowose, 2011:31). Nigeria s electoral commission and the security services have been involved in the monitoring of elections and to maintain political neutrality required by the law. Okolie (2004:16) argues that the 2003 General Elections exposed the Independent National Electoral Commission and security agencies as pliable structures and apparatuses of the State respectively which specifically to actualized the self succession project and undermined the policy of ballot box as a means of choosing political leadership. The lack of democratic institutions and culture in Nigeria has created an avalanche of opportunities for electoral rigging and fraud. The leadership has also failed to address electoral challenges. The people s economic freedom AJSIH ISSN: 2276 6928 Vol. 4 Issue 3 May 2014 172
and democratic rights have been violated (Otu, 2013:2). The rule of law and the independence of the judiciary have also suffered immense set back where those who have sworn to uphold the constitution violated the law flagrantly. The administration of Umaru Musa Yar Adua that spanned between 2007 and 2010 tended to uphold the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary as a framework that will ensure the foundation of democracy and good governance. In the first few weeks in office, Yar Adua s actions left no one in doubt that the rule of law was for him, an article of faith as well as his covenant with the Nigerian people. It was also clear to the people in government, especially in the administration s early days, the president indeed subscribed to the timehonored view that society will flourish when it is governed according to law rather than by the whims of office holders (Adeniyi, 2011:3). When President Umaru Musa Yar dua came to power, he took it upon himself to rewrite the history of Nigeria in respect to upholding the rule of law and redeem the country from degenerating into the state of nature as advocated by Thomas Hobbes. People of Nigeria became skeptical whether the president could deliver on his promises. The security apparatuses are always being used by the State to achieve its biased and jaundiced objective aimed at preserving its power status. As Nigerians waited to see how the administration will perform as so many electoral cases were pending in the court of competent jurisdiction while President Yar Adua continued to voice his preparedness to protect the weak, human rights, and reposition the country s judicial system in order to take prophylactic measures against further abuses of electoral laws and possibly nip in the bud political hooliganism in Nigeria. The major test of this condition emerged on June14, 2007, when the Supreme Court restored Peter Obi as governor of Anambra State and ordered Andy Uba, who had been sworn in as governor just two weeks earlier to vacate the Government House. In a unanimous decision of the seven justices, the apex court concluded that INEC went ahead to conduct election into the office of the governor of Anambra State despite the fact that the matter was pending in court. The court therefore held that there being dispute that Governor Obi took his oath of office on March 17, 2006, his tenure of office expires on March17, 2010 (Adeniyi, 2011:4). The apex court ruling drew the attention of Nigerians and the international community to see whether the president will enforce the judgment or not. But he complied and gave directive that Andy Uba should vacate the Government House Awka. When this was done, people hailed and commended the president on his commitment to the principles of the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. As Nigerians were basking in the euphoria of Peter Obi s victory at the Supreme Court, President Yar Adua ordered the release of Lagos State allocation in compliance to court order, which was disregarded under the administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. The President also complied with the apex court ruling in respect to Rotimi Amaechi s victory against Celestine Omehia debacle in which the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Rotimi Amaechi. With all these compliances to the apex court rulings, it seemed that electoral sanity, rule of law and the independence of the judiciary were gaining moments. As the administration of Yar Adua progressed, expectation of Nigerians became paramount that the 2011 General Election was going to be fair without electoral violence and mismanagement. But the President AJSIH ISSN: 2276 6928 Vol. 4 Issue 3 May 2014 173
Yar Adua s death created a lacuna in the sustenance of rule law ahead of 2011 elections, as the 2007 witnessed manifold electoral fraud and violence. The occurrences of election related violent activities in 2011 explained that the phenomenon has endemic roots in the Nigerian political scene and requires a holistic approach to eradicate it. As the people of Nigerian await the 2015 General Elections, judicial and other relevant democratic institutions should be armed and strengthened to tackle the electoral malfeasance of violence. So the authors urge the general public across Nigerian to rise up to this challenge to uphold law and order. POLITICAL VIOLENCE: CAN IT END? Between 1999 and 2013, Nigeria witnessed lots of political issues of various dimensions involving electoral and political mismanagement. The incidences of electoral fraud and violence that brought down the First Republic, the Ondo State electoral violence debacle in 1983 and the Ekwueme Movement, the Ikemba Front and Jim s Brigade collision in 1983, where several lives were lost (Obi-Ani, 1998). The consequences of political violence have resulted in the loss of lives many including property damages. The political parties have refused to learn lessons from the violent incidences so far. The desire of politicians to take hold on state power continues to reproduce and reinforce the phenomenon of electoral and political mismanagement. The present economic situation and unemployment further compound the implication of electoral violence. Terrorism in Nigeria has been the pastime of the energetic, able-bodied youth due to the cultural deprivation, unemployment, poverty, hunger and mad rush to get rich. Instead of providing better jobs and future for the Nigerian youths, the political leaders show them the path of violence and bloodshed (Eke, 2011:17). The political assassination of Chief Bola Ige, Ogbonnia Uche, Marshall Harry and host of other political heavyweights before 2003 General Elections gave credence to the avalanche of electoral mismanagement in Nigeria. Party primaries were not left out of this electoral malaise dotting the political landscape. The Ebeano political machine in Enugu State became a nest for brooding electoral hooligans. Hostile political environment prevailed leading to the relegation of good governance to background in Enugu State. In Anambra, Ebonyi, Abia and Lagos States the story was the same, and virtually in all the States of the federation. In 2011, General Elections witnessed a plethora of electoral violence. The ethnic configuration of Nigeria makes it imperative that voting behavior is sectarian and it constitutes obstacle to electoral successes. Each ethnic groups vote on sentiment thereby enthroning mediocrity and it makes it possible that every ethnic stock relies on electoral fraud achieved through illegal means. The post-election crisis in 2011 that engulfed the northern parts of Nigeria was necessitated and informed by sectarian voting leading to violence. Lives and property were lost particularly in the northern Nigeria. Economic fortune and activities have plummeted drastically. Even though, the activities of the Boko Haram, the outlawed terrorist organization destroyed the economy of the northern Nigeria. NYSC members serving in the northern Nigeria will likely not participate in the future elections as ad hoc staff of INEC, and it will create mass exodus of non indigenes from northern Nigeria during the 2015 General Elections. It will be recalled that some NYSC members recruited by INEC in 2011 general elections lost their lives in the post- AJSIH ISSN: 2276 6928 Vol. 4 Issue 3 May 2014 174
election violence that took place in the northern Nigeria. The economic implications that such exodus will create cannot be quantified let alone its impact on the people. Bad governance characterizing the present PDP led government is witnessed in the poor infrastructures and high rate of unemployment are all hallmarks and indexes of poor performance of the government of President Goodluck Jonathan, but instead of the PDP to address these problems facing the government, it has busied itself with infighting within the party echelon ahead of 2015 elections. The breakaway in the PDP called the New PDP led by Abubakar Kawu Baraje and eventual formation APC is a signal that there is rot and pent up animosity in the party, which has imploded into the present crisis rocking the country. Mass defection of new PDP members to APC constitutes another dimension to heightened political tension in the country. The inability of the PDP government to tackle the internal security challenges has increased the tempo of political terrorism and violent crimes such as kidnappings, mayhem, arson and wanton killings. The consequences of political violence are enormous and manifest and it calls for a change of philosophy on side of government and the people of Nigeria to have a rethink on how to develop a democratic political culture and attitudes as we prepare for 2015 General Elections. CONCLUSION The process of conducting elections in Nigeria has been tough since independence. Electoral politics has always a source of unrestrained resentments, irrational actions and political instability. Elections have always invariably been accompanied by breakdown of the political regime (Dipo, 1988:136). Although, Nigeria has survived three elections consecutively without total breakdown, unlawful activities continue to dominate the fabrics of political system. So the authors recommend the following to tackle political and electoral mismanagement in the near future: (i) Government should strengthen judicial institutions to ensure free and fair elections, and those who violate the law should be prosecuted immediately. (ii) The National Assembly should enact special laws to deal political and electoral mismanagement. (iii) That election petition cases should be dispensed with before politicians are sworn in for positions. (iv) Government, civil societies and nongovernment organizations must monitor the electoral process to eradicate political corruption. (v) Security agencies should be non-partisan as per the public service rules and should not side with any political parties or candidates who run for office. (vi) Political parties as agents of political socialization should educate their members on ethics and good political behavior appropriate for election. REFERENCES 1 Adeninyi, O. (2011). Power Politics & Death: A Front-row account of Nigeria under the Late President Yar Adua. Lagos: Kachifo Ltd. 2 Ake, C. (1981). A Political Economy of Africa. In: Okolie A. M. (2000), Electoral FrauD and Future Elections in Nigeria 1999-2003. National Association Political Science Students (NAPSS) University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Vol. 2 (1). 3 Anifowose, R. (2011). Violence and Politics in Nigeria: the Tv, Yoruba, and Niger Delta Experience. Lagos: Sam Iroanusi Publications. 4 Anifowose, R. and Akinboye, S. O. (2005). Nigerian Government and Politics. In: Remi, A. and Francis E. (eds) Elements of Politics. Lagos: Sam Iroanusi Publications. AJSIH ISSN: 2276 6928 Vol. 4 Issue 3 May 2014 175
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