Urban Australian Aboriginal peoples experience of human services

International Social Work 49(3): 364 375 Sage Publications: London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi DOI: 10.1177/0020872806063410 *i sw Urban Australian Aboriginal peoples experience of human services * Eileen Baldry, Sue Green and Katrina Thorpe Indigenous Australians make intensive use of and are overrepresented in human or social services (Altman and Hunter, 1997; Hunter, 2001; Save the Children Fund, 2000; Wilson, 1997). Indigenous Australians also have been seriously disadvantaged historically and contemporaneously by Australian social policies (Baldry and Green, 2002). New South Wales (NSW), at 29 percent, has the largest number of Aboriginal people of any state or territory (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2002). Sydney has the greatest population of Indigenous peoples of any of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander regions totalling 8.1 percent (37,557 persons) of the total Indigenous population (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2002). This research sought the views and experiences of Aboriginal people living in Sydney regarding their experiences of human services. The thematic analysis revealed a repetition of points made in earlier reports, but included new perspectives and information on human services in urban settings, and suggested some positive ways forward. Literature Most reports on Aboriginal services focus on a particular service and use secondary sources. They emphasize poor outcomes in all Key words * Indigenous Australians * Indigenous rights * social citizenship * social services * urban

Baldry et al.: Urban Australian Aboriginals 365 areas of human services. These outcomes are related to attitudes to and understanding of Aboriginal peoples, the nature of the bureaucratic process and the nature of the service provided. Attitudes Socially prevailing prejudices against and stereotypes of Indigenous Australians and a lack of understanding of Aboriginal culture and kinship networks, socio-economic circumstances and recent history on the part of many policy-makers and frontline staff are said to have the following effects.. culturally inappropriate housing (Neutze, 1998) and health services (Anderson, 1988; NSW Department of Housing, 1999; Paul, 1999; Saggers and Gray, 1991);. discrimination (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs, 1993; Jones, 1994) and judgemental attitudes (Anderson, 1988; Saggers and Gray, 1991);. experiences of helplessness, shame and alienation (Anderson, 1988; Neutze, 1998; Simon and Corbett, 1997);. an individualized rather than a community framework and philosophy (Anderson, 1988; Manguri and WACOSS, 1994; Smith, 2000); and. the inappropriate training of staff (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs, 1988; Paul, 1999). These negative attitudes and understandings are so consistently reported across the literature and over time that they can only be understood as socially systemic. The bureaucratic process Processes that hinder and jeopardize access to human services include:. referral and application processes that are alien to many Aboriginal peoples and documents requiring high literacy levels (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, 1993; National Housing Strategy, c. 1999; Saggers and Gray, 1991; Smith, 2000);. a lack of coordinated, integrated services (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait

366 International Social Work volume 49(3) Islander Affairs, 1988, 1993; NCOSS, 2000; NSW Department of Housing, 2003);. over-stringent and culturally inappropriate regulations (Smith, 2000); and. a lack of knowledge of assistance available (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, 1988, 1993; Neutze, 1998; Smith, 2000). Nature of the service provided The provisions and nature of services for Indigenous Australians are reportedly very poor. This is particularly so in housing where all reports note problems such as poor construction and maintenance, lack of capital investment, overcrowding and homelessness (ATSIC, 2001; Jones, 1994; Neutze, 1998; New South Wales Department of Housing, 1999). Inaccessibility of services and high transport costs in relation to health and social security services are noted (NCOSS, 2000; Smith, 2000). The above reports were in relation to rural and remote Aboriginal communities. It is not clear whether the same problems exist for urban Aboriginal peoples. Three reports discuss Indigenous Australians use of human services in general (House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs, 1988; House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, 1993; Manguri and WACOSS, 1994). They all point out:. the lack of integration among agencies;. the lack of cultural awareness and racism of many staff members;. the lack of participation of Indigenous peoples in decision making;. the desperate need for services to take an holistic approach; and. the speaking for and at Indigenous Australians rather than with them. The Manguri and WACOSS report (1994) highlights the particular problem urban Aboriginal peoples have in relation to land, noting that they do not have the same access to traditional lands as rural Indigenous Australians have (p. 29). International literature reports similar issues for Indigenous communities in Canada (Benoit et al., 2003; Lemchuk-Favel and Jock, 2004), the US (Weaver, 1998) and New Zealand (Lavoie, 2004).

Baldry et al.: Urban Australian Aboriginals 367 Methodology The research questions being pursued were what human service needs do urban Indigenous Australians have, what are their experiences of these services and are these different from the needs and experiences of rural and remote Indigenous peoples? The intention was to provide urban Indigenous peoples with information and to research a neglected aspect of service and administration. We acknowledged and incorporated: oral traditions; consultation with communities; active listening and an awareness of the diversity of Aboriginal communities; ownership of research materials by Aboriginal communities; and the Indigenous research agenda, focused strategically on the goal of self-determination of Indigenous peoples (Tuhiwai Smith, 1999: 115 16). We used a qualitative, emancipatory method (Tuhiwai Smith, 1999) in which Aboriginal people were fully involved, retaining direction of the process and ownership of the outcomes (Abdullah and Stringer, 1997; Grenier, 1998). Focus groups with feedback to participants was the most appropriate data collection method (Greenbaum, 1998; Kelly et al., 1997). In keeping with this approach the majority of the members of the research team were Indigenous Australians. Method Ethics approval was granted by the University of NSW Human Research Ethics Committee and by the appropriate Aboriginal committee of five Sydney Aboriginal communities. Local Aboriginal workers were contacted to be both community participants and to reflect on their own working experiences. Aboriginal people were approached by the Aboriginal workers and invited to participate in a focus group. An information sheet, consent and revocation form was provided to each participant. Each focus group discussed service practices. Workers were engaged in in-depth interviews on the services with which they had contact. Focus group and interview tapes were transcribed, then analysed, eliciting categories and themes until saturation was reached (Baker, 1994). The draft findings were taken back to the communities for confirmation and to ensure that no culturally inappropriate information was included. All the focus groups were invited to a discussion of the draft report and asked for refinement. The draft paper

368 International Social Work volume 49(3) was commented upon by three senior Sydney Aboriginal persons not previously involved in the research. Interpretation Some themes are reiterations of those in the literature. Others are less well rehearsed, such as the complicated position of Aboriginal liaison officers. All the themes raised can be seen to relate to Indigenous Australians experience of citizenship. Liaison More black faces, more Koori workers (Indigenous term for NSW Aboriginal peoples) was a common cry and Aboriginal liaison staff members were praised as essential. Participants expressed the sentiment that it s more comfortable talking to an Aboriginal worker because they have more of an understanding and just seeing a black face behind the counter can relieve much apprehension. It was also thought: Koori workers are better because they have an understanding, they know how to communicate with Koori clients and they get things done. They re also more informal and talk a different language. Indigenous liaison officers were also important because they made the effort to direct clients to appropriate services according to need. However, there was distinct dissatisfaction with the use made of liaison workers. There is too much emphasis on leaving it to the Aboriginal liaison officer and it s no good telling (Aboriginal people) to go away and come back when the Koori worker is there. It is not always appropriate for the often sole Aboriginal worker to deal with all Koori people. Sometimes it is culturally inappropriate; sometimes there is a conflict of interest. There s always that problem... Oh you only helped so and so because you re related to that mob. Yeah, that s one of the problems. Many Kooris want and need the liaison staff member to help them but not all do. Certainly all want non-indigenous staff members to know how to work with Koori people. There is a perception that departments evade their responsibilities for dealing with black issues by passing all Indigenous matters on to their few Aboriginal workers who are expected to go the extra yard. An Aboriginal liaison worker is expected to be some Super Koori who helps all

Baldry et al.: Urban Australian Aboriginals 369 blackfellas with all their problems and an expert on everything. Community members suggest too much emphasis is put on what Aboriginal staff members are required to do for our communities as opposed to what the department should actually be doing for the community. Concerns were raised about individual Koori workers having all Aboriginal issues dumped upon them with little support and some asked: Why should Indigenous workers carry all the burdens? The result of such high demands was understood to be a negative outcome for liaison workers: The Aboriginal welfare bloke there they burnt him out. It was recognized that these workers are often restricted in what they can do by the inflexible nature of their work context. Participants believed that most staff members in mainstream organizations think all Aboriginal people are the same: as long as there is an Aboriginal liaison officer the obligation to Indigenous clients is fulfilled. Staff attitudes were raised in these contexts. Attitudes These problems were put down to lack of knowledge and poor attitudes on the part of many (but not all) non-indigenous staff members. There were staff members who treated Aboriginal clients with respect, but it was felt that many staff members treated Koori people disrespectfully. Aboriginal people are often given the impression that rudeness is departmental policy. Aboriginal people will go without services because of the attitudes of staff. Some are racist and some are ignorant. Some provide a lesser service, saying, That ll do you. Often clients experienced a subtle but clear shift of attitude once a staff member realized they were Aboriginal. Poor attitudes may result in Indigenous clients feeling shamed. For example if they are illiterate they may not admit it, and walk away without getting what they need: Nobody knew how to help me so I just walked out of there. Some say they understand when they don t, others feel intimidated by the jargon. False stereotyping of Aboriginal persons by staff members was common. Participants quoted staff beliefs, such as the following: All Aboriginal people want to live next to each other, Aboriginal people like

370 International Social Work volume 49(3) living in crowded conditions, and You ll want to see the Aboriginal worker (without finding out first). Participants were cynical about the level of knowledge of decisionmakers: Politicians are making the call and yet have no idea of what it s like to receive social services. It was thought that managers and policy-makers needed to go into Aboriginal communities to gain direct knowledge, and staff members needed more cross-cultural awareness training. While it was recognized that many workers have access to cross-cultural training it was thought that it is often taken begrudgingly by workers, resulting in a negligible change in attitudes. Communication Lack of appropriate and helpful forms of communication was a central theme. This applied from individual client interaction to government consultation with communities. When Aboriginal clients have the courage to ask for clarification or complain, often staff members are dismissive, saying, It s not my fault, you don t understand. Most staff members were seen as not willing to take the time to explain in simple but not patronizing terms, documents and rules or the purposes of forms. This was the case particularly when a client had filled out a form wrongly. When a staff member communicates disrespectfully, the client is likely to feel shamed and to leave. Receiving wrong information was a common experience. Cases were cited where Aboriginal people were told that they were not eligible for a service but later found that they were. The original officer had not taken everything into account. Nevertheless, staff members who provided good service were greatly appreciated: a helpful staffer can make a massive difference. The language used by departments causes significant problems for Aboriginal people. Jargon and words used by staff are used as a wall between them and the person and staff should use less techno-babble. The language used in forms was a source of exclusion for many Aboriginal persons. Consultation processes were experienced as being token, with government representatives not taking the time to sit and listen.

Baldry et al.: Urban Australian Aboriginals 371 Accessibility of services Participants felt there was an assumption by the government and various governmental departments that services were universally accessible to Aboriginal persons in a large city like Sydney. In contrast, many reported an inability to travel to services (that had been rationalized and centralized) because of not owning a car, poor public transport, poverty and the difficulty of travelling with children. Some spoke of travelling long distances to get to Aboriginal services because they were treated inappropriately at the mainstream one. Where there should have been benefits or programmes in mainstream services, there were instances of those services not having the information because they didn t think there were any Kooris in the area. It was pointed out that the: closure of specific Aboriginal services in urban areas is further increasing Aboriginal people s sense of lack of human rights and (continuing) institutionalised racism by the agencies that presume that all our needs are the same ignoring our historical and political backgrounds. These comments raise the matter of visibility of Aboriginal people in urban areas. Participants did not want to be highly visible they just wanted to be ordinary citizens. But they did want services to be knowledgeable about Aboriginal people in their areas, and about their particular needs and entitlements. Aboriginal people in urban areas who do not necessarily look Aboriginal may not be recognized as Aboriginal. Hence the simplistic and erroneous assumption that there were no Aboriginal people in that area. Consumer rights It was difficult to find information on formal procedures. Often people would walk away rather than argue with someone who is not interested in helping them. There seemed to be few user-friendly complaints systems and people were concerned that verbal complaints in the office don t go further or that they were being fobbed off when told to ring to make a complaint. Although some felt able to assert themselves, most felt that they and their community members did not have the education, power, ability or confidence to argue their case and push the department to perform.

372 International Social Work volume 49(3) Integration of services Participants argued for better service integration. If agencies don t get together or know what the other does or who else is around, they can t make appropriate referrals, and then they can t share the load. There is already a profound sense of shame among many Aboriginal people about having to tell departmental officers of their problems and needs. That is amplified by having to repeat the story to a dozen different officers. Such embarrassment is then made worse by being given contradictory sets of information. Suggestions from participants Recommendations regarding policies and practices pertinent to all departments were as follows.. Managers, policy-makers and ministers should talk genuinely with Koori organizations.. Staff members should have appropriate skills to work with Aboriginal clients.. A summary of departmental polices in plain English should be available; clear explanations need to be made regarding what is wrong when a form is incorrect.. Information should be shared among and between government services and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in order to ensure holistic responses. Discussion Much that emerged in the thematic analysis had been canvassed in earlier reports on non-urban Indigenous peoples: lack of understanding of Aboriginal culture and communities, poor attitudes, shaming, stereotyping, poor communication, inappropriate written material, some racism and discrimination, and fundamental organizational problems. In other words, urban Aboriginal people have experiences similar to their rural and remote counterparts. But some matters had not emerged before: visibility and nonvisibility, the use of Aboriginal liaison officers and the relative inaccessibility of some services for urban Indigenous Australians. There were bouquets for human-service staff members who knew how to work with and to give Aboriginal clients the service they required, and for Aboriginal liaison officers.

Baldry et al.: Urban Australian Aboriginals 373 There emerged, though, a deeper perspective regarding Aboriginal aspirations, strengths and demands. These are captured by the concepts of respect and esteem. Focus group participants and individual interviewees wanted their lives and interactions in society, including with human-service departments, to be seen in positive and egalitarian terms. They did not want hand-outs nor to be dependent. Their claims on services were the things needed to assist Aboriginal people to live dignified and fulfilling lives. Addressing disadvantage and inequality was not embedded in being victims, rather in their rights in society; that is, in their citizenship. They acknowledged their reciprocal rights and responsibilities as Australian citizens. This, though, did not detract from their desire to be respected as Aboriginal persons. Grace (2001: 77 8) used the term civility to capture the notions being alluded to above, in regard to non-indigenous reconciliation with Indigenous Australians: Civility... is the classic expression of the moral value of respect... Civility begins with good manners and treating others... with respect. Participants in this study were seeking just such civil, respectful relations. This goes to the heart of what it means for Indigenous Australians to be citizens and of how service providers should view them: not just as legal but as social citizens. Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank Kimberley Foster, Indigenous Social Work student, Sydney University for her assistance with the focus groups and literature gathering. This research was funded by a Small Australian Research Council Grant. References Abdullah, J. and E. Stringer (1997) Indigenous Knowledge, Indigenous Learning, Indigenous Research, Discussion Paper No. 7. Perth: Curtin Indigenous Research Centre. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) (2001) Community Housing and Infrastructure Needs Survey Report. Canberra: ATSIC. Anderson, I. (1988) Koori Health in Koori Hands. An Orientation Manual in Aboriginal Health for Health Care Providers. Victoria: Health Department. Altman, J.C. and B. Hunter (1997) Indigenous Poverty since the Henderson Report, Centre for Aboriginal Policy Research (CAEPR), Discussion Paper No. 127. Canberra: CAEPR.

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Baldry et al.: Urban Australian Aboriginals 375 Save the Children Fund (2000) Children s Rights: Equal Rights. New York: UNESCO. Simon, R. and C. Corbett (1997) Sutherland Shire Home and Community Care Forum. Kurranulla Aboriginal Corporation. Access and Equity Report. Jannali: Dtarawarra. Smith, D.E., ed. (2000) Indigenous Families and the Welfare System: Two Community Case Studies, Research Monograph No. 17. Canberra: CAEPR. Tuhiwai Smith, L. (1999) Decolonizing Methodologies. Research and Indigenous Peoples. London: Zed Books. Weaver, H. (1998) Indigenous Peoples in a Multicultural Society: Unique Issues for Human Services, Social Work 43(3): 203 11. Wilson, R.D. (1997) Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their Families. Sydney: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Eileen Baldry is Senior Lecturer, School of Social Work, UNSW, NSW, 2052 Australia. [email: e.baldry@unsw.edu.au] Sue Green is Associate Professor and Director, Nura Gili, UNSW, NSW, 2052 Australia. Katrina Thorpe is Lecturer, Koori Centre, University of Sydney, NSW, 2006 Australia.