British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 155 Electoral Violence and Political Apathy in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges Nuka aturday Amanyie Ph.D tudent University of Uyo Akwa-Ibom tate Kia Bariledum (Ph.D) Facilitator National Open University of Nigeria, Port Harcourt tudy Centre Nwibor Barika Lucky General tudies Department Rivers tate Polytechnic, Bori E-mail:nwiborism@yahoo.com Abstract This paper examines the effect of electoral violence on political participation in Nigeria with specific reference to the percentage of voter s turnout in public elections from the April, 2007 general elections to the August 2014, Osun tate Gubernatorial election. The study hypothesized that there is a correlation between electoral violence in all its ramifications and the apathetic behaviour of voters in Nigeria. This argument is fixed into the theoretical and methodological framework of the Elitist theory. This theory aims at describing, explaining and predicting the possible consequences of absolute reliance on terror and violence as means of winning elections by the elite or political class and the implication of this on democracy and national security. The approach used is qualitative as data was gathered primarily from secondary sources and analyzed via content and historical analysis. The paper recommends, among other things, the active role of INEC, the people, security and anti-graft agencies and the law in dealing with electoral violence in the country. Key Words: Violence, Election, Electoral Violence, Political Apathy and Democracy. INTRODUCTION The beauty of democracy depends not on the number of registered political parties in a country but rather on the degree of popular participation in the democratic process. In his search for the best form of government, John tuart Mill (1861:340) opined that there is no difficulty in showing that the ideal best form of government is that in which the sovereignty or supreme controlling power in the last resort is vested in the entire aggregate of the community; every citizen not only having a voice in the exercise of that ultimate sovereignty but called on to take an actual part in the government. Taking an actual part in the government does not mean that every citizen will have a portfolio in government house and begin to govern. It implies that every adult, citizen has a compulsory role to play in the choice of who governs either by contesting or by voting credible representatives to form the ruling class. In other words, every citizen must play a part in the democratic process. Robert Dahl (1989:102), argues that effective participation is a criterion for the perfect democratic governance. Voting at elections is one of the easiest ways for citizens to participate in the democratic process. According to Huntington (1991:661), a political system is democratic to the extent that its most powerful collective decision-makers are selected through fair, honest and periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote. 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 156 Unfortunately, the spate of bombings, kidnapping, massive fraud and harassment associated with the electoral process in Nigeria not only tarnish the image of our democracy, they also grossly affect voters interest in politics. Voting, which is an important ingredient of democracy, is thus seen as the business of party supporters and political thugs who are paid peanuts to turn the whole process of election into a violence-packed political jamboree suitable for only fiendish individuals with violent minds. This unfortunate political trend in the country does not encourage popular participation in politics. Many Nigerians now see politics as a dirty game and so believe that active participation in political activities is tantamount to embarking on a journey of no return. The true meaning of politics has been wrongly interpreted by the attitudinal expressions of our politicians who venture into politics not with the mind to serve but to be served. They interpret politics to mean a platform for selfish aggrandizement of wealth and fame. Winning of elections in Nigeria does not depend on the people s choice but on the number of political thugs, cultists, political god-fathers and mothers at the disposal of public office contestants. This ugly scenario has far-reaching implications for our nascent democracy and national security. Refusing to take part in politics does not and will never solve the problem of electoral violence in the country. Instead, an apathetic citizenry will only fan the fire of systematic electoral violence lubricated by systemic corruption. This study thus investigates the dangers inherent in political apathy and recommends full political participation as an antidote to electoral violence in Nigeria. TATEMENT OF PROBLEM This study examines the destabilizing effects of systemic electoral violence and how they influence the degree of citizens participation in the political process in Nigeria. At a workshop on voter apathy organized in Abuja by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on 9 th June, 2011, Prof. Attahiru Jega, the chairman of the Commission, noted that Nigerians participation in the electoral process was low, saying that only 35% of the 70 Million registered voters took part in the 2011 general elections (esan, O. 2012). The INEC boss also noted that the low participation in the polls was an indication of political apathy in the country and citizens disinterestedness in the electoral process (Ibid). imilarly, The Nigeria Civil ociety Election ituation Room observed that only 25.6% of the total registered voters actually turned out in the November 2013 gubernatorial election in Anambra tate (CNN). In a polling unit in Anambra tate, for instance, 980 people were registered but only 30 persons turned out for the election. This means that 950 voters did not turnout for the election. This development portends serious danger because without sufficient turnout, there can be no true elections that would reflect people s preferences. After all, elections are nothing other than preferences aggregation. A low voter turnout would not be a true reflection of the people s preferences. While a high voter turnout will not only make the result of an election more credible, it will also deter criminals from hijacking or sabotaging the electoral process, guarantee more impartiality and fairness, thereby minimizing electoral violence. The central problem to be investigated in this study therefore is the extent to which the twin problems of electoral violence and political apathy have negatively affected the democratic process in Nigeria and the impending collapse of the nation s nascent democracy if this ugly political trend was not reversed in the 2015 general elections and other future elections in the country. The study also seeks to find answers to the following research questions. 1. Given the euphoria that greeted the nation s return to democratic governance in 1999, what has suddenly made Nigerians politically apathetic fifteen years into the democratic experiment? 2. Why are elections in Nigeria always characterized by violence? 3. To what extent has the apathetic behaviour of majority of Nigerians aided electoral violence in the country? 4. Can Nigeria s democracy be sustained beyond 2015? 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 157 5. Will voters turn out in the 2015 general elections in Nigeria? Answers to the above questions will enable the researcher in collating proper assessment and evaluation of the issues raised in the statement of problem. OBJECTIVE OF THE TUDY It has become an open secret that voters in Nigeria have lost confidence in the electoral process due largely to the systemic violence associated with public elections in the country. The general objective of this study therefore is to analyse the impact of electoral violence on political participation and to find out the extent to which the electoral process can be reformed with the view of rebuilding voters confidence in the system, thereby sustaining our fragile democracy beyond 2015. Other specific objectives of the study include: 1. To objectively establish any possible relationship between electoral violence and political apathy in order to determine the reasons for low voters turnout for public elections in Nigeria. 2. To undertake a forensic study on past elections in Nigeria so as to be able to produce useful data that could guide stakeholders interventions in electoral administration in Nigeria. 3. The appraisal of the level of voters turnout for public elections will provide scientifically valid information that will enhance free, fair and credible elections not only in 2015 but also in all future elections in Nigeria. 4. To propose a number of new strategies aimed at discouraging electoral violence and promoting increased political participation in the country. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The pertinent issues and thought-providing questions raised in our statement of problem cannot be effectively addressed without a theoretical foundation. The analysis in this paper is therefore fixed into the Elite theoretical framework because issues of elections, political parties and governance are decided, dominated and championed by the elites. The term elite is derived from the French root and it means excellent. The elitist theory is a theory of the state which seeks to describe and explain the power relationships among various interests in contemporary societies. The theory posits that a small group of people consisting mostly of members of the economically dominant class holds the most important power in a society and that this power is independent of a state s democratic electoral process. The basic assumption of the elitist theory is that every society consists of two classes of people, the class that rules (the elite class) and the class that is ruled (the masses or the non-elite class). The Elitist theory of politics was popularized through the different writings of four classical sociologists, viz: Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, Robert Michels and Ortega Gasset (Forbes, 2009). Paterto is known for his theory of circulation of elites in which he theorized that there is an increasing movement of individuals and elites from higher to lower levels and vice versa. In his own work, The Ruling Class, Gaetano Mosca (1930), observes that in all societies two classes of people exist, a class that rules and a class that is ruled. He argues that the elites constitute an organized minority and it is the class that rules while the masses constitute an unorganized majority and it is the class that is ruled. He believes that Oligarchy is the only type of government that had existed in human history. Robert Michels on his own part, argues in his work Political Parties: A ociological tudy of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy (1911), that the iron law of Oligarchy keeps the majority of human beings in a condition of eternal tutelage, thereby submitting themselves to external domination (Obi, Nwachukwu and Obiora, 2008: 32). Michels uses the concept of mass mind to support his theory. He argues that majority of human beings are politically apathetic, indolent, slavish and subservient and are permanently incapable of self-governing. He believes that people who are apathetic 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 158 are susceptible to flattery and are weak in the presence of great strength. The ruling elites take advantage of this to perpetuate themselves in power (Ibid, p.33). To Ortega Gasset, it is the masses that decide who rules and how they are to be ruled. He posits that a nation s greatness depends on the capacity of the people to choose the right type of people to pilot its affairs. Applying the elitist theory of politics to the Nigerian democratic experiment, we now have a situation where the major political parties in the country are controlled by very few individuals who have besieged the available posts and positions in the upper hierarchy of the parties. These few influential, wealthy and powerful individuals who are in the minority make all the decisions and put their interests first before the interests of the majority. They are the elites. They constitute the governing minority which monopolizes political power and does everything possible to retain it. Electoral protocols could be broken just to satisfy the interests of these elites. They employ every means available including rigging of elections and sponsoring violence to retain political power which is the surest access to economic power in Nigeria. IGNIFICANCE OF THE TUDY Electoral violence and political apathy are far greater threats to national security than even the dreaded Boko-haram insurgency. This is so because while Boko-haram embarks on a hit and run stragey and localizes its operations within the North Eastern part of the country, electoral violence and systemic corruption have dangerously entangled the very fabric of the Nigerian tate. More disturbing is the fact this electoral violence (which sows the seed of political apathy) is nurtured and perpetrated by the ruling elites, political gladiators and their cohorts with little or no public concern. This study is therefore significant in the sense that it aims at exposing not only the causes and consequences of electoral violence but also at presenting a forensic analysis on selected past and current elections so as to produce referenceable data not only in the academic world but also for election administrators in Nigeria. CONCEPTUAL OVERVIEW Violence: The word Violence is politically and emotionally charged and this makes a single acceptable definition of the concept seemingly impossible. However, definitions are necessary in order to establish ground rules for discussion. Violence, as defined in the lexicon of human geography, appears whenever power is in jeopardy. It is part of a larger matrix of socio-political power struggles. It is simply defined as an unjust exercise of power aimed at causing apprehension, bodily harm, desecration or even death. According to Kolawole (1988:125), the term violence is defined as the illegitimate or unauthorized use of force to effect decisions against the will of others. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines violence as the intentional use of Physical force or power, threatened or actual against oneself, another person or against a group or community which either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, mal-development or deprivation (Krug et al, 2002: 149). Frantz Fanon, on his own part, defines violence as compelling demands against one s will with threat of using force (Jinadu, 1980:46). He also offers a three-fold categorization of violence into physical, structural and psychological violence. Physical violence, according to him, involves somatic injury inflicted on human beings. The Killing of an individual is a good example of physical violence. tructural violence is a condition of social injustice while psychological violence is injury or harm done to the human psyche including brainwashing, indoctrination of various kinds and threats (Ibid). Violence can equally be categorized into self-directed violence e.g suicide and self-abuse, interpersonal violence e.g violence committed by family members and intimate partners and collective 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 159 violence which is violence committed by larger groups of individuals, states or political leaders. It is subdivided into social, political and economic violence. The Nigerian nascent democracy has, without any shadow of doubt, become engulfed by the different topologies of violence discussed above. Violence has become the only weapon used by those in power and those seeking power in Nigeria. To Anifowose (1982:1), Violence has become something that is used by group seeking power, by groups holding power and by groups in the process of losing power. ELECTORAL VIOLENCE: Electoral violence is any harm or threat of harm to any person or property involved in the electoral process or to the electoral process itself during election periods. Nwolise (2007:159), defines electoral violence as all forms of organized acts of threats physical, psychological and structural aimed at intimidating, harming and blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during and after an election with a view to determining, delaying or otherwise influencing an electoral process. Electoral violence thus constitutes any threat, intimidation or assault intentionally committed to mar the electoral process. By the electoral process, I mean the process created legally for the conduct of elections in a democracy which enables a free, fair, just and equitable determination of who leads (rules) in a country. Any action that hinders the electoral process from producing a free, fair and credible election constitutes electoral violence. According to Amadu Kurfi (2005:101), rigging and the manipulation of the electoral process to the advantage of a particular candidate or political party, perpetrated at any level of the electoral process from the delimitation of the constituencies to the adjudication of election disputes constitute electoral violence. For Umar (2003), in the realm of politics, electoral violence is the worst form of political violence because it undermines a democratic process and endangers the security of the state and the stability of the economy. For the purpose of clarity, electoral violence is categorized into three according to the Fanonic three dimensions of violence as shown in the table below. Manifestations of Physical Electoral Violence 1 Assault on individuals during campaigns, rallies and elections 2 Assassination of political opponents or people perceived as threat to one s political ambition. 3 Burning down of public buildings or cars. 4 Kidnapping and hostage taking 5 Illegal arrests and forceful dispersal of political gatherings. 6 Destruction of ballot boxes and ballot papers 7 Armed raids on voting and collation centres 8 Free-for-all-fights. Manifestations of Psychological Electoral Violence 1 Fear resulting from political assassinations which makes people scared to participate in politics or elections 2 Publication or broadcast of abusive, insulting or intimidating material or advertorials 3 Threat to life through intimidating phone calls or text messages. 4 Brainwashing of voters and influencing them to vote against their conscience. 5 Deliberate causing of panic at voting centres to intimidate voters. Manifestations of tructural Electoral Violence 1 Creation of unequal opportunities for political parties and candidates 2 Partisan delimitation of electoral constituencies and location of pooling booths. 3 Excessive or exorbitant fees for collection of party nomination forms to discourage the poor from contesting public elections. 4 Enacting of exclusionary acts and policies 5 The use of the power of incumbency to influence the smooth conduct of elections 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 160 EVIDENCE OF PHYICAL POLITICAL HIGH-PROFILE VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA DATE OF INCIDEN CE NAME OF VICTIM TATU OF VICTIM NATURE OF VIOLENCE TATE OF ORIGIN OURCE 27/7/2006 Engr. Funsho Williams PDP governorship Murdered by aspirant in Lagos political enemies tate Murdered by political enemies 14/8/2006 Mr.Ayo Daramola Former World Bank Consultant and PDP aspirant in Ekiti 14/9/2007 egun Awunesi Former Chief ecurity officer to Olusegun Agagu (Ondo tate Governor) 2008 Engr. Eman Ekpenyong PDP talwart Murdered by Political enemies Murdered in his business premises Lagos tate Ekiti state Ondo tate Akwa Ibom The Punch 13/4/2013 The Nigerian Observer 2008 Mr. Mathias Ekpenyong PDP talwart 1/2/2009 Elder Nse Ikpe PDP talwart in Uyo Kidnapped Akwa Ibom 21/11/2009 Charles Nsiegbe Tested Politician and political associate of Governor Ameachi of Rivers tate hot dead in the street of Port Harcourt Rives tate The Punch 23/8/2009 Chibuize Idah PDP member Murdered Ebonyi tate Ogbonna Odimbaire Ifeanyi 25/1/2010 Otunba Dipo Dina AC Governorship Murdered in Ogun tate NAN Aspirant in 2007 cold blood 2010 Ayo Omorogbe ACN (APC) Chieftain Murdered in cold blood Edo tate The Punch 19/3/2013 Dr. Chuddy Nwike National Vice- Chairman of the Kidnapped and later murdered Anambra tate ACN (APC) and a along side two former 1 st Deputy others Governor of Anambra tate 2013 Mr. Foluso Ogundara Ardent supporter of Opeyemi Bamidele, a Murdered at a meeting of Bamidele s Ekiti tate 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 161 governorship Aspirant in Ekiti tate support group RIK AND VIOLENCE FACTOR TOWARD THE 2015 GENERAL ELECTION According to the CLEEN Foundations, (a non-governmental organization that promotes public safety, security and access to justice), electoral violence is most likely to occur in 15 Nigerian states during the forth coming 2015 general elections. The organization in its report titled Third ecurity Threat Assessment listed 15 out of the 36 tates in Nigeria as most volatile and susceptible to electoral violence during the forthcoming 2015 general elections (Premium Times, April 10, 2014). I1 of the tates are Midvolatile while 10 are low-volatile tates. /N0 HIGH RIK TATE MID-VOLATILE TATE LOW-VOLATILE TATE 1 NAARAWA KOGI LAGO 2 PLATEAU NIGER ONDO 3 BENUE BAUCHI BAYELA 4 BORNO GOMBE OYO 5 YOBE KATINA CRO RIVER 6 ADAMAWA OKOTO EDO 7 TARABA KANO JIGAWA 8 KADUNA ABIA KEBBI 9 ZAMFRA ANAMBRA KWARA 10 RIVER DELTA OGUN 11 EBONYI AKWA IBOM 12 ENUGU 13 IMO 14 EKITI 15 OUN ource: Premium Times, April 10, 2014. Three of the above high risk states-adamawa, Yobe and Borno are already under emergency rule due to the activities of the dreaded Boko Haram Group. The Foundation also listed some of the Parameters or social indicators used in making the above categorizations to include: 1. History of violence in the state. 2. Degree of control by incumbent governors and relationship with the Federal government. 3. tability of internal state party politics. 4. Existence of terrorists and militants in the state. 5. The degree of communal and religious conflict in the state. 6. Ambition for second term in office or higher political positions by incumbent governors. 7. Jostle for Federal and tate legislative positions. 8. The proliferation of arms and increased activities by armed groups within the state (Ibid). POLITICAL APATHY: Apathy is the mental state of not caring much about something or about anything at all. It is the suppression of passion, emotion or excitement for something. We have political 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 162 apathy, religious apathy, cultural apathy, etc. We are concerned mainly with political apathy in this discussion. Political apathy is defined as the lack of interest in taking active part in matters of politics either by voting or being voted for or having no share in political activities. Political apathy is expressed and measured by the degree of political phobia and non-participation in political activities in a country. According to Festus Emiri (2010), a brief reflection on our historical antecedents would show clearly that the choice of rulership or leadership in the entity called Nigeria has never been by popular will. It has always been by some imposition. This scenario has led to a paradoxical situation in which more Nigerians clamour for democracy and at the same time shun political activities such as participation in elections, contributing to public opinions, joining of political parties etc. REAON FOR R APATHY IN NIGERIA 1. The belief that vote does not count in Nigeria: Many people dislike voting in elections in Nigeria because of the negative belief that votes do not count in the country. 2. Lack of trust in corrupt politicians: Many people have lost trust and faith in government and the so-called elected politicians. Many believe that Nigerian politicians will say anything to get elected but once in office, they quickly turn their back on those who put them there. 3. Absence of ecurity at voting centres. 4. The use of thugs, cultists, criminals and militants to intimidate political opponents. 5. Hyper-critical negative media: Negative political news coverage and political criticisms, which in most cases are not always constructive, create cynicism in many Nigerians. Thus, voters are at times over-fed with falsehood and frightening image of the political environment. 6. Illiteracy and poverty: Illiteracy and poverty are two powerful forces which militate against political participation in Nigeria. Victims of these forces have little or no interest in political activities. 7. Failure of elected political office holders to honour electioneering promises and the imposition of candidates on voters by political parties. Political Apathy in Nigeria is therefore the upshot of the above reasons within the context of the various dimensions of electoral violence discussed above. In other words, the continuous uprising and bedeviling terror associated with our electoral system affects the rate of voter s turnout in public elections in Nigeria. MEAUREMENT OF POLITICAL APATHY IN NIGERIA Political apathy in a country can be measured by considering the nature of political culture in that country. By political culture, I mean the behavioural disposition of the citizens towards the government of the day vis-à-vis every other political activity in the country. Political apathy is thus measured in a given culture by the amount of the citizens involvement in political activities such as voting for eligible candidates during elections periods, joining of registered political parties, contesting for elective positions, participating in voter s registration exercises, participation in political rallies, canvassing for votes, and showing interest in political discussions. Political apathy can be seen to some degree in every society, be it in the developed world or the developing countries, but the degree to which it prevails differs between countries. In the U.., political apathy is still a problem but it is not as high as we have in Nigeria. For a democracy to be strengthened, there must be a high level of political awareness with genuine interest in political activities on the part of the citizens. Unfortunately, the intensity of electoral violence and fraud in Nigeria has left the task of nation-building entrusted to the care of political plunders, social marauders, opportunistic piccaninnies 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 163 and corrupt, over-ambitious politicians who ordinarily would not have gotten close to the corridors of power had there been popular participation and high voters turnout in public elections. RELATIONHIP BETWEEN ELECTORAL VIOLENCE AND R APATHY IN NIGERIA The turnout of voters for the 2007 and 2011 general elections as well was those for the gubernatorial elections in Ondo, Anambra, Ekiti and Osun tates will be used to measure the relationship between electoral violence and voters apathy in the country. THE 2007 GENERAL ELECTION: The Nigerian general elections of 2007 were held on 14 th April and 21 st April, 2007 respectively. The Governorship and tate assembly elections were held on 14 th April, 2007 while the presidential and national Assembly elections were held on 21 st April, 2007. Over 30 political parties out of about 55 registered political parties participated in the 2007 general elections. According to the official INEC Results 2007 Website, the total Voting Age Population (VAP) in 2007 was 131,859,731. Out of this figure, 61,567,036 people registered to vote in the elections. Regrettably, only 35,397,517 voters actually turned out to vote. The implication is that more than 70 million eligible voters refused to register while 26,169,519 of registered voters did not turnout for the election. This further implies that only about 35 million people participated in the process that brought in a set of leaders to pilot the affairs of close to 170 million Nigerians. The total percentage of voters turnout for the 2007 general elections stood at 32%. The table below speaks better. R TURNOUT IN THE 2007 PREIDENTIAL ELECTION /N CONTETING CANDIDATE PART Y AFFIL IA- TION TOTAL REGITE RED R 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268 R TURNO UT % OF R TURNO UT TOTAL VOTING AGE POP % OF 1 UNAR MUA YAR ADUA PDP 61,567,03 6 35,397,51 7 57.49 24,638,06 3 131,859,731 69.60 % 2 MUHAMADU ANPP 6,605,299 18.66 BUHARI % 3 ATIKU AC 2,637,848 7.45% ABUBAKAR 4 ORJI UZOR PPA 608,803 0.72% KALU 5 ATTAHIRU DPP 289,224 0.82% BAFARAWA PERCENTAGE OF R TURNOUT IN 2007 GENERAL ELECTION = 32% OURCE: INEC RMK Elect ed OPINION POLL ON THE 2007 GENERAL ELECTION The 2007 general elections in Nigeria were deeply flawed. This assessment is based on World Public opinion poll from local and international observers, Monitoring Groups, Human Rights Watch, African Election Database website, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), CNN and BBC News. Poll from everal Nigerian Organizations like the Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), the Catholic Justice (CJ), Development and Peace Committee (DPC), etc also aided our
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 164 assessment of the 2007 general elections. International Observers and these monitoring groups scored the 2007 General elections very low, arguing that it was characterized by violence and fraud and was therefore not credible, free and fair. Max Van den Berg, Chief European Union Observer, reported that the handling of the polls had fallen far short of basic international standards, and that the process cannot be considered to be credible, citing poor election organization, lack of transparency, significant evidence of fraud, voter disenfranchisement, violence and bias (Tom Ashby, 2007). Other election observers from the European Union described the elections as the worst they had ever seen anywhere in the World, with rampant vote rigging, violence, theft of ballot boxes and intimidation (CNN, 3 rd April, 2011). Another group of observers said that at one polling station in Yenegoa, in the oil-rich outh, where 500 people were registered to vote, more than 2,000 votes were counted (BBC news, 27 th April, 2007). The implication is that about 1,500 ghost voters voted at that polling centre. On his own part, Felix Alaba Job, head of the Catholic Bishops Conference, observed that massive fraud and disorganization including passing result sheets to politicians who simply filled in numbers as they chose while bribed returning electoral officers looked away, were the main features of the 2007 general elections. A spokesman for the United tates Department of tate observed that the 2007 election polls were grossly flawed while Nii Moi Thompson, a prominent Ghanain economist observed that the outcome of the 2007 election polls showed that Nigeria is a failed giant. He compared the elections to those of Liberia in 2005, arguing that even Liberia which is coming out of war had more credible election than Nigeria (Pascal Hetcher, 2007). In addition, Human Rights watch issued a report which argued that at least one hundred people were killed as a result of the political violence that accompanied the 2007 election polls. The Voters turnout pattern at the national level as appraised above was the mirror image of what transpired at the state and local government levels throughout the country. It is therefore evident from the above data that voters turnout for the 2007 general elections was very low consequent upon the violence and blatant lack of credibility that characterized the elections. THE 2011 GENERAL ELECTION: The Presidential election, National Assembly elections, gubernatorial and state Assembly elections conducted in April 2011 were clear demonstrations that despite the clamour for democratic governance, majority of Nigerians were still politically apathetic. The elections started with the National Assembly (enatorial and House of Representatives) elections on April 9, followed by the Presidential elections on April 16 and gubernatorial elections on April 26, 2011. According to John A. A. and Adeoye A. A. eds (2012), ixty-three political parties were officially registered but only twenty one fielded candidates for the 2011 polls. The total voting Age Population (VAP) in 2011 was 155,215,573. Total voters registration stood at 73,528,040 while 39,469,484 voters actually turned out to vote with 1,259,506 invalid votes (official INEC Results 2011 website). By these results, 34,058,556 registered voters did not turn out for the 16 th April, 2011 general elections. The percentage of voters turnout in the April, 2011 polls stood at 35%. 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 165 R TURNOUT IN THE APRIL, 2011 PREIDENTIAL ELECTION /N CONTETING CANDIDATE 1 GOODLUCK EBELE JONATHAN 2 MUHAMADU BUHARI PART Y AFFIL IA- TION TOTAL REGITE RED R PDP 73,528,04 0 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268 R TURNO UT 39,469.48 4 % OF R TURNO UT TOTAL 53.67 22,495,18 7 VOTING AGE POP % OF RMK 155,215,573 56.99 % Elected CPC 12,214,85 3 30.95 % 3 NUHU RIBADU ACN 2,079,151 5.27% 4 IBRAHIM HEKARAU ANPP 917,012 2.32% 5 MAHMUD WAZIRI PDC 82,243 0.21% PERCENTAGE OF R TURNOUT = 35% OURCE: INEC OPINION POLL ON THE APRIL, 2011 GENERAL ELECTION Many local and International election observers believed that there was significant improvement in the conduct of the April 16, 2011 general elections, although with low voters turnout due basically to a number of irregularities and electoral violence. According to Nossiter Adam (April 24 th, 2011), the United tates Department of tate observed that the 2011 election was successful and a substantial improvement over the 2007 polls. It, however, added that vote rigging, underage voting and snatching of ballot boxes also took place (Ibid). The Chief observer of the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM), Mr. Alojz Peterle, observed that overall the 2011 elections marked an important improvement compared to all polls observed previously by the European Union in Nigeria. However, shortcomings were noticed and elements identified which need to be enhanced, added Peterle (Relief-Web, May 31, 2011) This conclusion from Peterle was the ummary of the observations from 141 observers drawn from 27 EU member states as well as from Norway and witzerland to monitor the April, 2011 polls in Nigeria (CNN 2011 Election Watch Nigeria). In their various reports, the Project wift Count 2011, a group made up of Federation of Muslim Women Association (FOMWAN), Justice Development and Peace Commission (JDPC), Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) and Transition Monitoring Group (TMG) observed that the Nigerian voting populace was provided with opportunity to exercise their franchise and in general their votes were counted. The April general elections were conducted within the framework of and conformed to the Nigerian constitution, the ECOWA Protocols on Democracy and Good Governance and the African Union (AU) Declaration on the principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa (African Election Database, accessed June, 2014). The reports of other observer groups such as the Commonwealth International Democratic Institute (NDI) AU, ECOWA and International Republican Institute (IRI), were not markedly different from the above. In sum, while the 2011 general elections were not perfect, they marked a departure from the flawed and soured elections that Nigeria had experienced in the first twelve years of her democratic
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 166 experiment. Voters turnout moved from 31% in 2007 to 35% in 2011. The low turnout was due to both pre and post-election violence. In December 2010, boobs went off in many parts of Nigeria, particularly in Yenagoa, Bayelsa tate during a gubernatorial campaign rally. The elections also sparked riots in Northern Nigeria and in the following months up to 1,000 people were alleged to have died in post election violence (NAN). In its May 16, 2011 Report, Human Rights Watch claimed that 800 lives were lost and property worth billions of naira destroyed in the post election violence that followed the 2011 general elections (Nossiter, A., 2011). This Kind of violence can never encourage full political participation in Nigeria. ONDO TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION OF 20 TH OCTOBER, 2012 Thirteen political parties fielded candidates for the Ondo tate gubernatorial election which was conducted by INEC on aturday 20 th October, 2012 to cover the 18 local government Areas of the tate. However, the election was between three leading parties symbolized by three flag-bearers Akeredolu Rotimi of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN now APC), Olusegun Miniko of Labour Party (LP) (The then incumbent governor of the tate) and Olusola Oke of the People Democratic Party (PDP) (Masterweb Reports, Oct. 26, 2012). A total of 1,638,950 voters were registered by INEC out of which only 645,594 voters were accredited. A total of 624,659 voters turned out for the election. 594,244 votes were considered valid while 30,415 votes were invalid and so cancelled. R TURNOUT IN THE OCT. 20, 2012 ONDO TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION /N CONTETING RM CANDIDATE K PART Y AFFIL IA- TION TOTAL REGITE RED R ACCRE DITED R R TURNO UT VALI D INVA LID TOTA L % OF 1 EGUN LP 1,638,950 645,594 624,659 594,24 30,415 44% MIKIKO 4 260,197 Elected 2 OLUOLA PDP 155,961 26% OKE 3 ROTIMI OKEREDOLU ACN/AP C 143,512 24% PERCENTAGE OF R TURNOUT = 39% NB: Party votes divided by total valid votes x 100 = percentage score OURCE: AHARA REPORTER, NEW YORK From the above data, over 60% of registered voters in Ondo tate did not turnout for the October, 2012 gubernatorial election conducted by INEC in the tate. ANAMBRA TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION OF 16 TH AND 30 TH NOVEMBER, 2013 The Anambra tate gubernatorial election was conducted by INEC on 16 th November, 2013. Due to unquestionable challenges, the commission also conducted a supplementary election in 16 Local Government Areas of the tate on 30 th November, 2013 (Premium Times, Nov. 30, 2013). Twenty-three (23) political parties fielded candidates for the election which witnessed some noticeable irregularities. The Nigeria Civil ociety Election ituation Room observed that the upplementary governorship election conducted in 16 Local Government Areas in Anambra tate on November 30, 2013 was peaceful but it witnessed low voter turnout. 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 167 Out of the 23 participating political parties in the poll, only four are Primus inter pares. The highly charged, tensed and contentious atmosphere in which the parties conducted their electoral campaigns and the bitter rivalry, accusations and counter accusations among the contesting candidates led to a situation where the electorates envisaged violence and this resulted in a very poor voters turnout in the poll. The tragic November 2, 2013 Holy Ghost Adoration Crusade tampede at Uke, Anambra tate which resulted to the unfortunate death of about 30 worshippers was enough an evidence to keep registered voters in their houses on the election Day proper (Orechukwu, 2013). Consequently, a total of 1,763,751 voters were duly registered by INEC out of which only 451,826 voters were accredited. Total Voters turnout stood at 429,549 with 413,005 valid votes and 16,544 invalid votes. The table below speaks better. R TURNOUT IN THE NOVEMBER, 2013 ANAMBRA TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION /N CANDIDATE PART Y AFFIL IA- TION TOTAL REGITE RED R ACCRE DITED R R TURNO UT VALI D INVA LID TOTA L % OF 1 WILLY OBIANO APGA 1,763,751 451,826 429,549 413,00 5 16,544 174,710 42% Electe d 2 TONY PDP 94, 956 23% NWOYE 3 CHRI NGIGI APC 92,300 22% 4 IFEANYI LP 37, 446 10% UBAH PERCENTAGE OF R TURNOUT = 26% OURCE: AHARA REPORTER EKITI TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION OF 21 T JUNE, 2014 18 political parties fielded candidates for the Ekiti tate gubernatorial election conducted by INEC on 21 st June, 2014. The contest was, however, perceived as mostly between three political parties PDP, APC and LP. The election was conducted amidst very high concerns for security, given the history of election-related violence in the state and the level of violence that had characterized the campaign process. The 2,195 polling unites across the 16 Local Government Areas of the state were heavily protected with the deployment of security personnel (ahara reporters, June 24, 2014). International Observers agreed that Ekiti tate witnessed a massive turnout of voters in the just concluded gubernatorial election. The high turnout of voters in Ekiti tate served as a litmus test to show that voters apathy declines as electoral violence declines and vice versa. The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) observes that voters turnout in the Ekiti polls was impressive. According to Ayoola, P. (June 21, 2014), the elderly and people in crutches also turned out to cast their votes without being harassed. The Ekiti tate Commissioner of Police in-charge of Operations in the tate, Ikechukwu Aduba, observed that there was no recorded form of violence in all the 16 local government areas of the state. The percentage of voters turnout increased significantly to 50.32% as shown in the table below: RM K 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 168 EKITI TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION OF 21 T JUNE, 2014 /N CANDIDATE PARTY AFFILI ATION TOTAL REGITE RED R ACCRE DITED R R TURNO UT VALI D INVA LID TOTA L % OF 1 AYODELE APC 733, 766 369,257 360,455 350,36 10,089 203,090 58% Electe FAYOE 6 d 2 KAYODE FAYEMI PDP 120,433 34% 3 OPEYEMI LP 18,135 5% BAMIDELE PERCENTAGE OF R TURNOUT = 50% OURCE: EXTRACTED FROM INEC OFFICIAL REULT WEBITE OUN TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION OF 9 TH AUGUT, 2014 20 Political parties fielded candidates for the Osun tate gubernatorial election which INEC conducted on 9 th August, 2014. The election witnessed impressive turnout of voters amidst tight security in all the 30 local government areas of the state. Osun Defender (August 10, 2014), claimed that there was no reported case of gross electoral violence before, during or after the August 9, 2014 gubernatorial election in Osun tate. Mr. Kayode Idowu, the Chief Press ecretary to INEC Chairman, observed that available facts showed that the Osun governorship election was successful. He made this declaration in a telephone interview with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Abuja. In his words, from all indications, the election has been successful even from the comments from virtually all stakeholders politicians observers and others (The Nigerian Pilot, August 10, 2014). A total of 1,411,373 voters registered for the election. Out of this figure, 764,582 voters were accredited by INEC. Total voters turnout in the election was 750,021 with the percentage of voters turnout rising above average to 54.17%. R TURNOUT IN THE AUGUT 9, 2014 OUN TATE GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION /N CANDIDATE PARTY % OF RM AFFILI ATION K TOTAL REGITE RED R ACCRE DITED R R TURNO UT VALI D INVA LID 1 RAUF AREGBEOLA 2 IYIOLA OMIORE 3 FATAI AKINBADE PERCENTAGE OF R TURNOUT = 54% OURCE: EXTRACTED FROM INEC OFFICIAL REULT WEBITE TOTA L RM K APC 1,411,373 764,582 750,021 717,32 1 32,700 394,684 55% Electe d PDP 292,747 40% LP 8,898 1.24% 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 169 A frequency distribution of the above yearly percentage voters turnout is represented in the table below: /N EVENT COUNTRY/ MONTH/ FREQUENCY RMK TATE YEAR (% TURNOUT) 1 Presidential Election Nigeria April, 2007 32% Low 2 Presidential Election Nigeria April, 2011 35% Low 3 Gubernatorial Election Ondo Oct. 2012 39% Low 4 Gubernatorial Election Anambra Nov. 2013 26% V.low 5 Gubernatorial Election Ekiti June, 2014 50% Good 6 Gubernatorial Election Osun Aug. 2014 54% Good A frequency distribution table of voters Turnout The above data can be graphically represented as shown below: 60 50 50% 54% 40 30 32% 35% 39% 26% 20 Bar graph plotted based on percentage of voters turnout 10 2007 2011 2012 2013 2014 2014 UMMARY OF FINDING/CONCLUION From the above data, Anambra tate recorded the lowest Voters turnout in her last gubernatorial election conducted by INEC in November, 2013. The reason for this is that the contesting parties/candidates applied the Obasanjonian do or die approach before, during and after the election. Out of 1,763,751 registered voters, only 429,549 turned out for the election. This means that 1,334,202 voters did not turnout as a result of fear of intimidation and electoral irregularities. imilarly, the general elections of April, 2007 also recorded low voters turnout because it was characterized by violence, lack of credibility and effective electoral organization. Conversely, voters turnout in the Ekiti gubernatorial election of June, 2014 was relatively impressive because it was conducted admidst very high concerns for security given the deployment of security personnel to the state by the federal government. Voters felt protected as more than half of the total number of those that registered turned-out to vote. In the same vein, the Osun tate gubernatorial election of 9 th August, 2014 also witnessed massive voters turnout because electoral violence was significantly checkmated by the presence of armed security personnel who mounted tight security throughout the 30 local government areas of the state within the election period. 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268
British Journal of Humanities and ocial ciences 170 It is therefore obvious that voters apathy declines with reduced electoral violence and rises with increased transparency, credibility and security. UGGETED TRATEGIE FOR CURBING ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA Voter apathy is a product of electoral violence and it negatively impacts upon the electoral process and its outcome. There is, therefore, the urgent need to embark on serious holistic electoral reforms that will bring about free, fair and credible elections to stimulate popular participation in the electoral process. As INEC prepares for the 2015 general elections, it must study the nature, causes, dimensions and consequences of political apathy within the context of Nigeria s nascent democracy. The task of trying to deepen democracy in a country that is staggering out of a long history of authoritarian military rule requires the mobilization of people for popular participation and effective engagement in the electoral process. In doing this, people s perceptions and attitudes have to be studied, analysed, understood and given priority in the scheme of things. The following new strategies are therefore recommended: 1. Activation of Electoral Laws: All electoral laws in the country must be activated with immediate effect. Nigeria does not need a National Conference to deliberate on new Electoral Act. There are in existence beautiful world-class electoral laws which speak only on paper and are never implemented. If all the prohibited conducts which impinge on the electoral process are effectively checkmated by relevant bodies with relevant electoral laws, electoral violence will be a thing of the past and political apathy will decline considerably. 2. The active role of the people in fighting electoral violence: The fight against electoral violence will remain an exercise in futility unless the people (the class that is governed the masses) are sincerely determined to resist the temptation of being used to perpetrate violence by the class that rules the ruling elites (politicians). This is so because refusal to resist violence is an indirect way of inviting the ugly consequences of violence. When eligible voters, including those who have been duly registered, refuse to turnout on election days for fear of being intimidated or molested by hired hoodlums and thugs, they end up perpetrating the same violence they detest so much. In the November, 2013 gubernatorial election in Anambra tate, for instance, only about 26% of voters turned-out to decide the fate of over 3 million people in the state. In some polling centres, ghost voters were recruited by party agents to swell up their figures. Cases like this abound because the people have refused to play active role in fighting the menace of electoral violence. 3. Incumbent political office holders should resign before contesting elections: Incumbent political office holders should not be allowed to re-contest for political positions without resignation. The power of incumbency has introduced phrases like carry go, do or die mandatory second term etc into the body-politik of the nation. Why should winning election be a do or die affair? What makes a second term in office mandatory? Is there any justification to spend billions of naira on the conduct of elections in a country where the incumbents must carry go? Answers to these questions should decide whether incumbent political office holders should re-contest elections without resignation. 4. Deployment of trained security personnel to election venues: The Nigerian political climate demands the presence of security operatives at all election venues to prevent the rebirth of systemic electoral violence which may be manipulated by desperate politicians. The Ekiti and Osun tates elections have proved beyond every reasonable doubt that Nigerian voters need enough security for them to participate in the electoral process. The two states recorded impressive voters turnout because of the presence of tight security provided by trained security operatives. Many see this as militarization of election which is not done in America, Britain, outh Africa or elsewhere. Those who argue along this line do not know or perhaps, pretend not to know the electoral history of this country. For voters to come out for elections in this era of 2015 British Journals IN 2048-1268