Running head: THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 1 The Negative Effects of Taiwanese Nationalism Johanna Huang Section B07 Fourth Writing Assignment: Final Draft March 13, 2013 University of California, San Diego
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 2 Abstract During the late 20 th to 21 st century, the growing separation between the identity of Taiwan and China became the main cause of tension between these two nations. Sometimes, the tension worsens with U.S. intervention and unsuccessful diplomacy. In this essay, I will argue that nationalism has an overall negative effect on Taiwan because it isolates Taiwan from the outside world, disrupts cooperative relations, and threatens its global security. Using the works of Robert S. Ross (2006) and Kenneth Lieberthal (2005), I provide background information on the history of China as a military prowess which threatens Taiwan s global security. Moreover, scholars such as Scott L. Kastner (2007) and Hung-Mao Tien and Chen-Yuang Tung (2011) emphasize China s economic leverage on Taiwan s political policies. Finally, the works of Shu Keng and Gunter Schubert (2010), Yang Zhong and Chen-hua Shen (2008), and T. Y. Wang and G. Andy Chang (2006) provide further support for my thesis. In addition, I have provided alternative approaches to Taiwanese nationalism from the works of Yung-mei Tsai, Mei-lin Lee, Temu Wang (2006) and Taiwan s former pro-independence President, Lee Teng-hui (1999). By exploring the reasons for tension in the Taiwan-strait relation, I seek to find alternative approaches to foreign diplomacy that could cost Taiwan its potential to be recognized in the global world.
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 3 The Negative Effects of Taiwanese Nationalism The tension between Taiwan, China, and the U.S. has sparked interest on the international stage from the late 20 th to early 21 st century. The belief that Taiwan belongs to China stemmed from a period during which the Kuomingtang (KMT) China s Nationalist Party colonized Taiwan. As time progressed, however, the colonies in Taiwan gradually became more politically isolated from the authoritative mainland and eventually transitioned into a young democracy that fostered Taiwan s new identity. As Taiwan solidified its distinct identity, China used its military prowess and economic leverage to prevent Taiwan from making steps toward international recognition of sovereignty. Although the U.S. played an advocate for democracy and temporarily protected Taiwan from China s pressures to reunify, the U.S. has yet to promote diplomatic policies that would alleviate these tensions. The struggle between the U.S. and China to steer Taiwan s future have caused Taiwanese leaders to be uneasy about its place in the global world. Taiwanese leaders have responded negatively to China s pressures and, out of frustration, increased their nationalistic tendencies which further strained China-U.S. relations. To make matters more complex, Taiwan is also conflicted by domestic problems caused by its young, faction-ridden democracy. The aforementioned facts have led me to ask: Does Taiwanese nationalism have a positive or negative effect on its security in the global sphere? As a response to this question, I will argue that nationalism has an overall negative effect on Taiwan because it isolates Taiwan from the outside world, disrupts cooperative relations, and threatens its global security. Before I present my supporting articles, some of my sources weaknesses must be addressed to ensure full understanding that this topic is not as simplistic as it seems. Many scholars disregard other, less obvious factors that come into play when examining the cause and
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 4 effect of Taiwan s security in the global world. For example, the focus on China determining the future of Taiwan s international status ignores the fact that Taiwan s half-century isolation has fostered identities and governments that are separate from China s. Unification will be a difficult process between authoritative China and the young democratic Taiwan especially when Taiwan already claimed to be a sovereign country. In former President Lee Tung-hui s (1998) essay Understanding Taiwan: Bridging the Perception Gap, Lee argued against the One- China policy by recalling Taiwan s historical events within the past century (p. 10). According to Lee (1998), China had already been divided when its Nationalistic Party (KMT) escaped to Taiwan for refuge after losing a revolutionary war against China s Communist Party (p. 10). After this escape, the KMT proclaimed its reign of Taiwan in 1949 and was recognized as a separate entity from mainland regime (Lee, 1998, p. 10). Therefore, Lee (1998) concluded by definition, Taiwan has been independent since 1949 and is completely capable of governing itself without being an extension of authoritative China (p. 13). In addition, existing sources rarely consider the negative domestic economic consequences of globalization. According to Yung-mei Tsai, Mei-lin Lee, and Temu Wang (2006) in their article, The Personal Consequences of Globalization, Taiwan has accelerated the growth of its economy from fostering labor intensive industries to capital-intensive industries (p. 275). The move towards capital-intensive industries allowed for more global visibility that comes with international trade; however, Tsai et al. (2006) provided personal interviews with workers whose industries were being driven out by increased foreign competition. Laborintensive textile industries no longer brought foreign currency into Taiwan; instead, capitalintensive electronic exporting industries drove up Taiwan s standard of living and increased the cost of labor (Tsai et al., 2006, p. 275). As Taiwan s economy became more integrated into the
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 5 globalization process, Taiwanese industrialists had to deal with the rising costs of domestic labor, environmental constraints, and escalating land values (Tsai et al., 2006, p. 275). Eventually, Taiwanese industrialists relocated their factories to places with cheaper labor, less environmental costs, and affordable land values (Tsai et al., 2006, p. 275). The relocation of these laborintensive factories fostered high unemployment rates; it was too late for the older generation of workers to enter into the technological industries of today (Tsai et al., 2006). Oyster fishermen, flower farmers, and fruit farmers are now relying on imported goods, reducing Taiwan s sustainability (Tsai et al., 2006). In addition, uncertain market conditions for these farmer drives out the need for such domestic industries (Tsai et al., 2006). As a result, Taiwan s disparity between the wealthy and the disappearance of labor-intensive jobs all pointed to the inevitability of polarization and increased the number of domestic issues already at hand (Tsai et al., 2006). These two points exemplify other approaches to Taiwan s security in the global place and demands attention on their own. Although the perspectives mentioned above are equally as important to the study of Taiwanese nationalism and its effects, I will focus on Taiwan-strait relation s military, economic, and political aspects. I argue that blind nationalism and global proclamation of independence will draw negative effects on Taiwan s international security, and China s status as a global superpower should not be undermined because of its military and economic hold on Taiwan. In addition, domestic cooperation between Taiwan s faction-ridden polities must come to a consensus in dealing with foreign policies in order to build a successful democracy in the long run. First, China s military threats against Taiwan s independence are imminent and unavoidable. In Taiwan s Fading Independence Movement, Robert S. Ross (2006) described
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 6 an incident in 1995 during which China threatened Taiwan under Chinese suspicion of U.S.- Taiwan alliance (p. 142). Former Taiwanese president Lee Tung-hui was invited to speak as an advocate for Taiwan s independency at Cornell University in the U.S. in mid-1990 s, to which China responded immediately by testing missiles on the waters surrounding Taiwan (Ross, 2006, 142). In addition, Kenneth Lieberthal (2005) stated in his article Preventing a War Over Taiwan that the likelihood of previous military threats have increased since China passed an Anti-Secession Law that justified its reasons for using military force on Taiwan (p. 57). This Anti-Secession Law removed Taiwan s doubts on China s use of force and demonstrated Chinese President Hu Jintao s hostile response to Taiwan s movement towards sovereignty (Lieberthal, 2005, p. 58). All of the aforementioned facts display China s military prowess and determination to acquiesce Taiwan into unification, which makes the need for an alternative solution towards eventual independency more reasonable than hostilities created by blind nationalism. Second, economic leverage on Taiwan allows China to send costly signs that warn Taiwan against its declaration of independency. Scott L. Kastner (2007) demonstrated the significance of these economic signals in his article, When Do Conflicting Political Relations Affect International Trade. According to Kastner (2007), the large amount of Taiwanese investments in China makes Taiwan vulnerable to China s sanctions because China can easily closer borders and enact embargoes to enhance their economic leverage (p. 668). China was Taiwan s largest exporting partner, which resulted in an accumulation of Taiwanese investments that exceeded US $100 billion during 2006 (Kastner, 2007, p. 669). Moreover, China s exclusion of Taiwan from Free-Trade-Agreements (FTA) in Asia caused foreign corporations to move their businesses to the mainland as a result of the rising costs of doing business in the strait (Lieberthal,
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 7 2005, p. 55). Thus, it is evident that China s ability to resolve political tensions via economic sanctions threatens Taiwan s economic security. Despite China s isolationist economic policies, Taiwanese political leaders have taken steps toward more liberating economic policies that can benefit both Taiwan and China. Hung- Mao Tien and Chen-Yuang Tung s (2011) described Taiwan s attempt to cooperate with China in their article, Taiwan in 2010 during which President Ma Ying-jeou initiated the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) (p. 81).The ECFA increased trade activities between Taiwan and China because of negotiations about tariff-free products, commodity trades, service trades, investments, and dispute settlements (Tien & Tung, 20011, p. 81). However, Tien & Tung (2011) agreed that the ECFA is not equivalent to an actual FTA; ECFA was only the first step toward economic cooperation because Taiwan required the consent of China prior to FTAs with other countries (p. 81). Therefore, the ECFA perpetuated China s economic hold on Taiwan and posed a great threat to Taiwan s economic prosperity. In this situation, nationalistic tendencies could cause China to implement economic sanctions that will ruin the opportunity to expand Taiwan s own economy through formal FTAs. Furthermore, political cooperation between China and Taiwan would add value to having a positive relationship between these two nations. Shu Keng and Gunter Schubert s (2010) report, Agents of Taiwan-China Unification, described the importance of taishang or Taiwanese business people in shaping the economic policies of the Taiwan-strait relations. According to Keng and Schubert s (2010) study, Taiwanese attitudes toward the mainland depend on one s ethnic identity, his or her position on unification, and most importantly, economic interest (p. 293). Those for pro-unification policies tend to be more optimistic about economic opportunities offered abroad (Keng & Schubert, 2010, p. 294). It is evident that the majority of unification
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 8 advocates will be the taishang, especially when Taiwan is the second-largest investor in China after Hong Kong (Keng & Schubert, 2010, p. 300). As a tactical means against Taiwanese nationalism, China could demonstrate its economic leverage on Taiwan by harming business aboard through selective sanctions for the taishang. These sanctions would have dire domestic consequences in Taiwan, especially when six of twenty foreign currency-generating export companies in China were invested by the taishang (Keng & Schubert, 2010, p. 299). The taishang s large investments supplemented the economic developments of China, thereby adding value to having less political distrust with Taiwan. Therefore, nationalism and pro-independence sentiments will only decrease the value China sees in their cooperation with Taiwan (Keng & Schubert, 2010, p. 306). Finally, nationalism will jeopardize political policies that safeguard the global security of Taiwan. According to Reading China: How Do America s China Scholars View U.S. Relations and China s Future, scholars Yang Zhong and Chen-hua Shen (2008) asked Chinese-American scholars: Whom do you think if most responsible for the current tensions between mainland China and Taiwan? (p. 361). A 41% plurality majority of correspondents in the study agreed that Taiwanese leader s nationalistic attitudes and poor political decisions were at fault for current tensions (Zhong & Shen, 2008, p. 361). For example, former President Chen Shui-bian pushed for a change in the status quo defined as neither unification nor formal independence and abolished the Unification Council and Unification Guidelines that led Taiwan towards independency (Zhong & Shen, 2008, p. 361). Chinese-American scholars also believed the sharp downturn in Cross-Taiwan relations were caused by Lee Teng-Hui s appeal to the U.S. for immediate sovereign recognition (Zhong & Shen, 2008, p. 361). Overall, Zhong and Shen s (2008) study provided insight on the thoughts of Chinese-American scholars who understood
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 9 that the hardening of Taiwan s identity and political figures nationalistic policies will only intensify the political distrust between Taiwan and China. As China continues to be unyielding, Taiwan must find other alternatives to rash, demands of sovereignty that will jeopardize Taiwan s global security in the long-run. Based on the essay Taiwan in 2010, authors Tien and Tung (2011) provided evidence of China s objectification towards Taiwan s participation in U.N. affiliated bodies (p. 83). China has prevented Taiwan to join the International civil Aviation Organization and the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (Tien & Tung, 2011, p. 83). Moreover, China s delegation demanded that Taiwanese delegation use Chinese Taipei as its title during the non-political event of Tokyo International Film Festival (Tien & Tung, 2011, p. 80). The demand provoked the minister of Taiwan s Mainland Affairs Council, Lai Shin-yuan to publically retaliate against China s use of force against Taiwan s attempt at international participation (Tien & Tung, 2011, p. 80). In response, China s minister of Defense Liang Guanglie explicitly stated: China s military build-up is focused on the Taiwan issue to Japan s visiting delegation (Tien & Tung, 2011, p. 80). Tien and Tung further demonstrated the unfavorable result of a blatant demand on the relationship between China and Taiwan and cautioned against nationalistic attitudes. Taiwanese foreign policies based on nationalistic sentiments are ill-advised especially during a time of foreign and domestic political instability. In addition to China s foreign pressures, domestic tension between KMT and DPP are harmful to the prospects of a successful democracy in the long run. T. Y. Wang and G. Andy Chang (2006) analyzed the political tolerance of young democracies in their article, External Threats and Political Tolerance in Taiwan. According to Wang and Chang (2006), political tolerance is specifically defined as the consent of one polity to extend citizenship to another even in the presence of divisive issues (p.
THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF TAIWANESE NATIONALISM 10 377). Taiwan s political elites who used phrases such as betraying Taiwan or selling out Taiwan to label their opponents decreases political toleration and widens the political cleavage (Wang & Chang, 2006, p. 386). In the words of Wang and Chang (2006), this action will deepen threat perceptions and animosity between rival groups, which in turn may lead to intolerant political behaviors (p. 386). The polarization between advocates and adversaries of unification policies will not help Taiwanese citizens understand the realistic outcomes of intense nationalism. Intolerant political behaviors will be problematic during a time when Taiwanese political factions must come to a consensus in dealing with China instead of being blinded by the nationalistic sentiments of Taiwanese political leaders. The significance of my essay is to advocate against nationalistic tendencies that could cost Taiwan its potential to be an active participant in the global world. Although the U.S. has proven to be a good diplomatic leader in mediating the tense relationship between Taiwan and China, it has yet to provide a solution to do-away this tension. Therefore, Taiwan should not rely solely on the protection of U.S. military protection because this dependency will not resolve the imminent threat of an all-out war. Most importantly, Taiwan should contain its passions for nationalism if the country wants to be acknowledged on the international stage. Cooperation with China will create more value in having a positive relationship with Taiwan and help maintain the status quo that allows Taiwan to maintain their democratic government. In conclusion, leaders for pro-independence need to consider alternatives to brash demands that provoke China s military tactics & economic sanctions; the people of Taiwan must allow political tolerance in their democracy s polities; and future diplomacy should be based on cooperative policies, not nationalistic tendencies which will endanger Taiwanese economic and political security in the global place.
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