Failing Syrian Refugees in Iraq s Kurdish Region: International actors can do more

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SYRIA REFUGEE CRISIS Failing Syrian Refugees in Iraq s Kurdish Region: International actors can do more 26 June 2013 Contacts: Media: tiril.skarstein@nrc.no Policy: erin.weir@nrc.no The efforts of the authorities in the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KR-I) to welcome and integrate Syrian refugees presented international actors with a golden opportunity to support a positive, durable approach to the protection of refugees. One year into the Syrian refugee response in KR-I, this opportunity is fading away and risks disappearing all together unless international actors substantially increase their support - funding, political and technical - for the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG). The conditions for the refugees in Domiz camp are sub-standard and deteriorating by the day. There is increasing concern that some vulnerable households in the urban centres are also adopting harmful coping mechanisms, such as the occupation of unsafe/unfinished shelters, begging and prostitution. Without an immediate change in the provision of assistance and protection to refugees, the situation risks becoming a humanitarian crisis, presenting substantial economic and social challenges for the Kurdish authorities. What s needed International actors, including UNHCR, should increase their technical support to the government offices responsible for the refugee response to strengthen capacity, specifically the Directorate of Displacement & Migration (DDM) and the offices of the three Governors. The Government of Iraq and the Kurdish regional Government should increase the budget to the Syrian response. International donors should significantly scale up their funding to the Syrian refugee response in KR-I to avoid a humanitarian crisis in the camps and enable immediate actions to protect the rights of the refugees, particularly the most vulnerable families, and those residing in urban areas. International actors, including UNHCR, should work with the Kurdish Authorities to establish an inclusive strategic decision-making and coordinating body at the governorate level. In the overcrowded areas on the outskirts of Domiz camp, large families, and extended families, are sharing inadequate shelters and surviving without proper access to water and sanitation.

No Room to Grow One year ago the first Syrian refugees started arriving to the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KR-I). As the numbers increased the Kurdish authorities opened a camp close to the northern city of Dohuk. Domiz camp was officially opened with the capacity to support 2,200 households. One year on, there are over 150,000 refugees in Iraq, of those at least 135,000 reside in the Kurdish region. Approximately 7,500 families live in Domiz camp. A combination of political, security and land issues have reduced the willingness and ability of Dohuk Governorate to expand the borders of the camp. With the arrival of 3,000 new refugees every week, Domiz is severely overcrowded. New shelters are being erected in walkways and other un-planned spaces. This has put pressure on the psychological wellbeing of the refugees and exposed them to the risk of fires, and diseases such as diarrhoea, cholera and hepatitis. Infrastructure- including facilities for water and sanitation are alarmingly insufficient. The living conditions are particularly dire in the two oldest phases of the camp and the informal transit areas around the camp. Trash collection in Domiz is insufficient to keep up with the waste generated in the overcrowded site. Phase 1 and Phase 2 were built to accommodate 245 households. These spaces now host over 600 households, many of which have occupied communal spaces, and have erected tents in the spaces between the original plots. There is a critical need to decongest both phases of the camp to reduce the strain on the limited water and sanitation facilities. The informal transit areas are located on private land, outside the official camp boundaries. Initially it was envisaged that the two transit areas would temporarily accommodate families for a short period while space was allocated for them inside the camp. However, many families have remained in the transit areas for several months with arriving family members and relatives joining them as well. Space inside the camp has been exhausted, and so new arrivals have begun to erect temporary shelters in the transit centres. Many have nowhere else to go. In addition to Domiz camp, approximately 90,000 refugees are scattered in and around the three main urban centres of Dohuk, Erbil, and Suleymania. Some are well integrated -socially and economically whereas some are just making ends meet. The most vulnerable households have no resources, and no employment. Some of these refugees have occupied unfinished construction sites and buildings unfit for living and turned to begging and prostitution to survive. These and other harmful coping mechanisms not only put them in danger but have also contributed to the development of negative perceptions and attitudes from the host communities and the authorities. Ditches full of dirty water throughout Domiz camp increase the risk of water bourne disease.

A Promising Start From the time that Syrian Kurds first started to arrive in KR-I, the Kurdish authorities have been welcoming. On the request of UNHCR, the Kurdish authorities began issuing temporary, renewable residency permits early on. These ensured that refugees had freedom of movement, the right to work legally, and access to health care and primary education. Refugees could also choose where they wanted to live and had the right to rent accommodation. In addition to an open residency policy, the KRG has provided the bulk of the assistance for refugees in Domiz camp. This is largely because the Kurdish authorities in KR-I, as well as the local population have a fresh memory of their own displacement. They also have a strong ethnic identification with the Syrian refugees arriving in KR-I, the vast majority of whom are also ethnic Kurds. The Kurdish population has demonstrated profound solidarity with the refugees and contributed both financially and materially to their support through public campaigns and individual contributions. Local civil society has also participated by mobilising assistance and advocating with the government as well as private sector to improve the conditions of the refugees. However, in late 2012 and early 2013, the authorities began expressing frustration at the lack of international funding and support. Faced with huge daily increases in refugee numbers and without prior experience or technical capacity to draw on, KR-I authorities have been overwhelmed. The rhetoric about integration is changing and there is a real risk that the authorities will shift to a more restrictive refugee policy. As a middle-income country, the Iraqi government has the necessary resources to respond to the humanitarian needs of the Syrian refugees. However, political and economic complexities at the regional and national levels have resulted in a shortfall in the humanitarian funding allocated by the central government and the Kurdish Regional Government for the support of Syrian refugees. It is particularly important, at this juncture of increased pressure, that the Iraqi government and the Kurdish authorities acknowledge their role as primary duty bearers and scale up their efforts to protect and provide for the refugees in accordance with international law. Policy Uncertainty The large number of refugees currently in the Kurdish Region, combined with expectations that the number will double by the end of the year, has put a considerable strain on the ability of the government to contain the situation and effectively deliver assistance to the refugees in the urban centres. The authorities are now insisting on opening more camps to reduce the numbers of refugees in urban areas. Two new camps are being planned in the governorates of Erbil and Suleymania. In a recent move, the Kurdish authorities in Erbil and Suleymania decided to stop issuing and renewing residency cards outside of camp settings in an effort to motivate refugee to register in one of the two planned camps. It is not yet clear how the authorities will administer the residency issue while the new camps are being constructed and without putting additional pressure on the refugees that are spread out in the region Refugees living in the urban centers are most affected by the new administration of residency permits. The new procedures have already increased the financial burden on the refugees that live far from Domiz camp and cannot afford to pay transportation to apply for or renew their residency cards in Domiz.The shift in residency policy is aimed at attracting or pushing the refu-

gees from the urban areas to the camps. This is inconsistent with the fact that the combined capacity of Domiz camp and the two new planned camps is only 65,000 less than 50% of the of the total current refugee population. The remaining 65,000 current refugees and additional 170,000 expected by the end of the year will have to continue living in the urban centres. This policy shift is a red flag and indicates a certain level of government frustration that, if left unaddressed, can lead to further restriction of residency rights. The Kurdish authorities have also closed the border between KR-I and Syria. While there are no formal border crossings between KR-I and Syria, the Kurdish authorities ordered the informal borders closed and no refugees have been allowed to enter KR- I since May 19, leaving many IDPs trapped in Syria. A Missed Opportunity The initial efforts of the KR-I authorities presented the international community with an important opportunity to capitalise on strong political will and widespread public support for a policy that would allow many refugees to be independent and integrated in the community, while providing for the needs of those less able to fend for themselves. This was a government-owned refugee response that with more comprehensive support could have set a global example for the accommodation of large refugee populations. International actors made two serious mistakes. The first mistake was the delay in defining the type of strategic partnership to be formed with the Kurdish government or to define a clear joint strategy and vision for the Syrian refugee response. The second, was inadequate attention and resources allocated to compliment the leadership of the Kurdish Regional Government with the technical support to professionally manage the refugee response. A context-specific and well elaborated partnership model is vital in a context where the KRG leads, and has attempted to manage the response. A partnership model that complements the leadership of the Kurdish authorities would also reflect the commitments of the multilateral system (although mainly within the IASC rather than the refugee response) to support and complement the leadership of national and local authorities. The young, semi-autonomous government of the KR -I exercises absolute control over every aspect of the refugee response but lacks experience and understanding of large-scale refugee reception and administration. Given the critical role of the KRG, a context -sensitive approach should call for the empowerment of the Kurdish authorities to effectively fulfil the functions they have taken on. More political and technical support is needed in order for the KR-I government to understand its responsibility as host government and better plan and respond to the refugee emergency. A more successful response could encourage the authorities to maintain the open and accommodating policy that is now at risk of changing. The policy of the KRG was admirable but derived more from sentimental solidarity with the refugees than a clear understanding of its duties as host government or realistic assessments and strategic planning. A comprehensive refugee management strategy was not developed. Rather, the policy has emerged as the accumulation of ad-hoc measures and decisions over time. Within the space of one year, conditions have changed dramatically. The number of refugees has by far exceeded what the government or humanitarian players had envisaged. The total refugee figures will triple by the end of the year if the current rate of arrival continues. Funding commitments from the international community have failed to materialise. The authorities have come to realise that the current situation has overwhelmed their admirable but poorly calculated ambitions for refugee integration.

Shifting Perceptions As refugee numbers increase and their whereabouts become more difficult to track, the refugees in the urban centres are increasingly seen as a potential security risk. Multiple factors, including shortcomings in the response to the needs of the urban refugees, have driven some vulnerable refugees to prostitution, begging, and other dangerous coping mechanisms. This has resulted in refugee stereotyping. Syrian refugees are increasingly accused of criminal and morally unacceptable behaviour. This is also having an effect on the government s review of its policy towards the Syrian refugees. The open Kurdish response was partially motivated by the government s desire to be perceived internationally as a generous host that is capable of managing the refugee response. The government now fears that this image will be compromised as the difficult conditions in Domiz camp and in urban centres highlight the government s inability to provide for them. While coordination mechanisms have been established at the operational level, no such mechanism has been created at a strategic level... A formal government response strategy was never developed. While coordination mechanisms have been established at the operational level, no such mechanism has been created at a strategic level which would allow international actors and the government to regularly discuss developments and agree on strategic priorities. The UN agencies and humanitarian actors have relied on the Regional Response Plan (RRP) for their planning. Yet the RRP has failed to predict and address some of the major gaps in the refugee response that have gradually contributed to a change in government policy. Chronically underfunded and reactive in nature, the regional response plan has systematically omitted medium and long-term scenario planning. Consequently, the plan has excluded the urban refugee considerations that have become the primary source of concern for host authorities. In the absence of a government strategy and high level planning mechanisms, the RRP could have partially filled the function of a common (government and international) planning instrument. Yet, without government participation, the RRP has not been put to effective use as a deliberation and planning tool. The Way Forward This is a snapshot of the current situation in KR-I. A change in international policy towards the refugee response in KR-I and towards the regional government could still reverse some of the negative developments and prevent new challenges from emerging. The Iraqi government and the Kurdish authorities should formally acknowledge their role as primary duty bearers and scale up their efforts to protect and provide for the refugees in accordance with international law. The borders must be kept open and the Government of Iraq, through its Ministry of Migration and Displacement, should increase its budget to the Syrian response and transfer adequate funds for the response in the Kurdish Region. The Kurdish authorities should avoid any policy shift that restricts the rights and benefits granted to the refugees. The recent change in government residency administration in KR-I is a red-flag that, if not addressed, is likely to result in de facto restriction of residency rights. While this reflects certain legitimate government concerns, the priority should be to avoid any negative consequences for the refugees. UN- HCR should continue to actively advocate with the government to ensure that the authorities continue to issue residency cards for all the refugees. To increase effectiveness and access and reduce the burden on the refugees, the residency process should be administered in the areas where large refugee populations are living.

International donors should significantly scale up their funding to the Syrian refugee response in KR-I to avoid a humanitarian crisis in the camps and protect the rights of the refugees, particularly the most vulnerable families, and those residing in urban areas. Humanitarian actors should closely monitor the policy and concerns of the Kurdish authorities, and recent developments in particular, to inform more effective international engagement. UNHCR has a unique mandate and enjoys the acceptance of the Government of Iraq and the Kurdish authorities as the lead refugee agency. All humanitarian actors and the donor community should support UNHCR in fulfilling its mandate. UNHCR should increase its support to strengthening the coordination and management capacities of government offices particularly responsible for the refugee response, including the Directorate of Displacement and Migration (DDM) and the offices of the three Governors. Finally, in partnership with other humanitarian actors, UNHCR should support the Kurdish Authorities to establish an inclusive strategic decision-making and coordinating body at the governorate level. Such a body should have the authority and responsibility to plan, coordinate and oversee the response for the refugees in camps as well as urban areas. This could be done by activating the Governorate Emergency Cells (GECs) that are established structures but are not operational today.