Working Papers Project Paper 1.0, July 2016 Migration transition theory An investigation into mobility transition theory and the effects on the United Kingdom Graham Minenor-Matheson This paper has been published as part of an independently funded project into migration, migration theory and nationalism carried out and funded by The Academic Antidote at http://academic-antidote.com
Abstract Mobility Transition Theory and the United Kingdom The United Kingdom and Poland share some common characteristics in terms of their positioning in geography and demographic modelling. It is the purpose of this paper to analyse where the two countries fit into the mobility transition theory developed by Zelinsky and investigate the impact of this primarily on the United Kingdom. This will be achieved by analysing the theory first developed by Wilbur Zelinsky and provide a case for its evolution by Skeldon and De Haas before using Poland as a case study to explain the high number of immigrants into the United Kingdom both historically and recently since Poland joined the European Union through analysing economic and demographic data. The Evolution of Mobility Transition Theory. Zelinsky, De Haas argues, linked mobility transition with the earlier demographic transition theory by distinguishing five phases of the vital transition of societies (see table 1) through processes of modernization and development: (a) The pre-modern traditional society (high fertility and mortality, little natural increase if any); (b) The early transitional society (rapid decline in mortality, major population growth); (c) The late transitional society (major decline in fertility, significant but decelerating natural increase); (d) The advanced society (fertility and mortality stabilised at low levels, slight population increase if any); and (e) A future superadvanced society (continuing low fertility and mortality) (p. 6, 2010) Each phase of Zelinsky s vital transition then is linked to different forms of mobility he called the mobility transition 1. In pre-modern societies, which are categorised by limited circular migration, processes of industrialisation and modernisation begin before a transition to an early transitional society which increases emigration due to population growth, a decline in rural employment and low wages and all forms of internal and international migration increase. Zelinsky postulated that at this stage of industrialisation or the late transitional society, large-scale rural-to-urban migration decreases due to agricultural production equilibrating with economic maximisation, however, internal migration remains high and circular movements increase and become more complex. As industrialisation proceeds, Zelinsky theorised that rural-to-urban migration would continue in advanced societies, at a reduced scale, whereas urban-to-urban migration, residential mobility and circular movements increase considerably while, also, countries move from being net labour-exporting (emigration) to labour-importing countries (immigration) where unskilled and semi-skilled workers are a significant net total of immigration with limited emigration and circulation of the skilled and professional class. In Zelinsky s superadvanced societies, most internal migration is urbanurban with decreases in residential and circular mobility because of advances in communication technologies, however, immigration of unskilled labour continues 2. 1 De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute. 2 Ibid.
Put simply, this means that as industrialisation continues, the availability of labour supply declines therefore increasing domestic wages thereby emigration falls and immigration of labour replaces it 3. Zelinsky s hypothesis closely matches the fertility transition theory where societies start off with high fertility and high mortality levels creating a natural balance that does not increase the population before going through a linear process of transition of population increases as public health and hygiene greatly improves to a final stage of low fertility and mortality rates in industrialised societies 4. This means that countries then move through that initial stage of emigration before transitioning to a society that is primarily one of immigration because the advances in industrialisation mean that opportunities are greater at home. Skeldon elaborates on Zelinsky s thesis by observing that there is a relationship between the level of economic development, state formation and the patterns of population mobility or, what he describes as a spatial dimension. Generally, where these are high, an integrated migration system exists consisting of global and local movements, whereas where they are low the migration systems are not integrated and mainly local 5. For Skeldon though, De Haas stresses, the role of State formation is vital as it provides spaces between social, political and economic connection that tend to boost migration. The element of structure then is built into demographic and economic transitions that were not there in models before. 3 Castles, S., & Miller, M. J. (2009). The age of migration: International population movements in the modern world (4th ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan p.74-75. 4 Ibid, p. 74-75. 5 De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute, p. 7.
Nation-building in Europe is crucial to understanding the development of global migration patterns as processes of colonisation, Skeldon argues, and decolonisation have played a significant role by forging linguistic and cultural links as well as structural interdependencies/inequalities which strongly encouraged migration along specific pathways or clusters 6 [author emphasis]. Skeldon suggested in his analysis a theory along five development tiers of global regionalisation of migratory movements. These were: a. Old countries - immigration and internal decentralisation; b. New core countries Europe, Japan, North America immigration and internal decentralisation; c. Expanding core eastern China, Southern Africa, Eastern Europe BOTH immigration and emigration and internal decentralisation; d. Labour frontier Morocco, Egypt, Turkey, Mexico, Philippines and until recently, Spain and Italy dominated by emigration and internal decentralisation; e. Resource niche Sub-Saharan countries, parts of Central Asia, Latin America variable, often weaker forms of migration 7. This development in transition theory points to a physical relationship between geographical regions for functional migratory reasoning. The key difference being here that most migration occurs between the core countries and countries of the labour frontier not what neoclassical models predicted would be the resource poor countries. De Haas goes on to explain further that rapid economic and demographic changes in such countries are typically associated to a surplus of young and unemployed young adults who are more prone to migrate as well as these countries having better infrastructure and flows of information that connects them to core countries. The combination, De Haas postulates, is therefore likely to lead to the formation of migration systems. Quoting the work of the Nigerian geographer, Mabogunje, De Haas further explains how these migration systems or a set of places (within or across state borders) linked by flows and counter-flows of people, goods, services, and information, which tend to facilitate further exchange, including migration, between the places. De Haas was keen to stress the failures of existing theories, more specifically, a lack of causal linkage between the economic and studies of migratory patterns with direct links for migratory reasons not clear 8. He points to Rostow s theory of economic stages of growth in explaining the linearity of modernisation theorisation while, importantly, using Skeldon s idea of the immobile peasant to point out the flaw in transition theory that there is an assumption that communities were sedentary with migration being the exception. The Neoclassical model assumes, according to De Haas, that migration is a consequence of temporary disequilibria and dislocations created by economic modernisation which will fade to a natural equilibrium in accordance with the rules of market price equalization 9. However, Neo-Marxist theories of development share this same analysis despite reaching different predictive conclusions of developmental effects on migration, De Haas adds, that they share two fundamental assumptions on the developmental drivers of migration: 1. higher levels of absolute development lead to less migration; 6 De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute, p. 7. 7 De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute, p. 8. 8 Ibid, p. 12. 9 Ibid, p. 13.
2. higher development differentials across space lead to more migration 10. This idea then that migration is an Industrial Revolution phenomenon is disproven through historical research which shows that pre-modern and traditional societies were highly mobile 11. This also applies to transitions theory according to De Haas as the very term transition embodies the idea that migration is a largely temporary phenomenon and that both premodern and post-modern societies should be relatively immobile 12. As De Haas explains further: The processes of industrialisation, urbanization, modern health care and income growth as well as a massive expansion of education facilitated several demographic transition processes. The interrelated processes of technological, economic and demographic change embodied in the terms modernisation and development have fundamentally altered global migration patterns, and this is exactly where transition theory is about...transition theories have a fundamentally limited concept of agency 13. Migrants then are essentially automatons reacting to external stimuli and according to neoclassical theories of wage differentials, completely leaving out key elements that would provide more data to suggest reasons to migrate like access to information (which is imperfect), cultural interpretation of that information and individual migrant preferences which can change over time and differ between each migrant (2010, p. 15). De Haas elaborates on Skeldon and Zelinsky s work on the mobility transition thesis by modelling structure and agency into the theory linking it to development theory in the form of capabilities and aspirations. He uses Amartya Sen s definition of development as human freedom expansion, or human capability, where humans choose to lead lives of meaning and value. De Haas hypothesised from this that development coincides with people s increasing capabilities to migrate over longer distances and legal barriers. The second part to his hypothesis centred on the aspirations of the migrants where development processes affect migrant s aspiration through increased access to education, mass media and the openness to networks that increase awareness that opportunities exist elsewhere. De Haas argued that these crucial factors were missing from theoretical models and were an important part in understanding how migration continues in developing countries. So, increased aspirations in the migrant coupled with the increased capabilities that development brings initially leads to an increase in migration. Some scholars confuse this trajectory with the theory of the migration hump 14 (Martin & Taylor, 1996) but there is a key difference. Migration transition theory describes long-term changes in migration whereas the migration hump theory describes short-term spikes in migration specifically in relation to trade reforms or deals 15. How does development and migration correlate? De Haas suggests that, following Zelinsky s theory, there is a transition in the types of migration according to levels of development from internal migration then international skilled migration to unskilled migration. Following initial development phases in poor countries it is likely there will be short distance 10 Ibid, p. 14. 11 Ibid, p. 14. 12 Ibid, p. 14. 13 De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute. p15. 14 Martin, P. L., and J. E. Taylor. 1996. "The anatomy of a migration hump," in Development strategy, employment, and migration: Insights from models. Edited by J. E. e. Taylor, pp. 43-62. Paris: OECD, Development Centre 15 Mahendra, E. (2014) Trade Liberalisation and Migration Hump: NAFTA as a Quasi-Natural Experiment DEMIG Project Paper No.23: IMI Working Paper #98. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute
migration internally or to geographically closer countries that exhibit similar developmental levels. Long-distance migration to wealthier countries or countries will generally only be available to migrants in countries that experience higher developmental levels and where infrastructure and information networks serve to increase aspirations to migrate in an expanding population of young, educated adults. Allied with occupational specialisation in developing countries that require migrants to suit a transitioning labour market, emigration will remain high until these countries have moved into a higher phase of advanced development 16. Migration transition theory and UK immigration In contradiction to Zelinsky s sedentarist conclusions, Lucassen provides historical evidence of peasant migratory movements within Europe as a result of transport improvements and the opening up of new migratory destinations that the improvements to transport could reach for mass movements of people rather than modernisation generally. As the chart below shows, the UK population from 1964 to 2013 shows a small, incremental increase in population. Figure 1: Mid-year population estimates for UK 1964-2013 Source: National Archives, June 2014 16 De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute. Pp. 19-21.
Figure 2: Long-term international migration in the UK, 1991-2015 Source: House of Commons Briefing Paper, SN06077, May 2016 Figure 3: Percentage of live births to mothers born outside of the UK, 1969 to 2014 England and Wales Source: Office for National Statistics Figure 4: Fertility rate, total (births per woman) UK Source: World Bank
Figure 5: Estimated total fertility rates and number of live births to UK born and non-uk born women, 2004 to 2014 Source: Office for National Statistics Figure 2 shows long-term international migration figures that are high for both immigration and emigration. Figure 3 shows a sharp increase in fertility rates of mothers in the UK born outside the UK while figure 4 shows the low fertility rate of UK mothers since the mid-1970s and figure 5 shows those fertility rates in comparison clearly showing that stabilisation of low-fertility among UK mothers in comparison to the higher fertility rate of non-uk born mothers. This shows that in terms of the mobility transition thesis (or more specifically the demographic transition thesis that it evolved from) the UK fits into the low stationary/advanced society stage of the model. Poland A Case Study We will look at Poland as a case study to see whether the theory fits or if other factors explain immigration to the UK from Poland. Iglicka at el argue that under the yolk of communism, Polish citizens were largely prevented from leaving the country because of restrictive passport and exit-visa policies, however people were able to migration during the postwar period (around 6 million left Poland) but were unable to return until the fall of communism in the early 1990s. Almost a precursor to the freedom of movement of labour in the European Union, a 1979 agreement between the Polish People s Republic and the Soviet Union meant that Soviet and Polish citizens could travel freely without visas, according to the authors. Large-scale movement did not occur until after the fall of communism with 8-9 million border crossing per year in the second half of the 1990s until, as part of the agreement with the European Union, visa requirements were introduced in Poland for non-eu nationals including culturally similar countries with a history of migration with Poland in Belarus, Ukraine and Russia 17. 17 Iglicka, K., Ziolek-Skrzpczak, M., (01/09/2010) EU Membership Highlights Poland s Migration Challenges. Retrieved from: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/eu-membership-highlights-polands-migration-challenges.
Where does Poland fit into the Mobility Transition Theory? With low fertility levels and high life expectancy plus high emigration figures, aspects which put Poland into Stage IV of the mobility/demographic transition theory (the same as the United Kingdom) however, Poland has low levels of immigration meaning that the fertility replacement rate that is required to maintain population levels will not be maintained. This is reflected in the graph below which has Poland as among the lowest fertility levels in the European Union. Figure 6: Poland replacement fertility rate in relation to other EU countries Source: Eurostat Fertility Indicators Figure 7: Fertility rates in Poland 1960-2014 Source: World Bank
The graph above shows how sharply fertility rates have fallen in Poland from 2.4 in 1983 to 1.2 in 2014. EU accession occurred in 2004 and this is when the steep decline seems to have been halted and, after a brief rise, has stabilised. The table immediately below shows how life expectancy has sharply increased since 1991 when the Soviet Union collapsed. Figure 8: Life expectancy in Poland 1960-2014 Source: World Bank The graph below shows the problems that Poland faces in the future with a potential future population below that of population levels in the 1950s as depicted in the graph below: Figure 9: Population projection in Poland 1950-2100
Kahanec et al argue that studies have found, post-2004, the majority of migrants come from Poland, the Baltic States and Slovakia and are mostly male and young with high or medium skillsets but are concentrated in the lower end of the employment market because of downgrading of their qualifications or because of an inability to transfer their human capital appropriately. However, they are more likely to work than natives and are more likely to be in self-employment. What does this suggest? Possibly that, according to the mobility transition thesis, it is those with education that are fleeing their home country to migrate away from already developing native economy because of a lack of opportunities back home 18. They also point out that the high education levels of migrants (including all post-2004 accession migrants) coupled with the down-skilling indicated earlier, suggests brain waste or when highly educated skills in human capital depreciate because those skills are not being used due to them being employed in low-skill or manual labour jobs in the host country. However, new skills are picked up such as language skills and the expansion of professional networks outside of the home country that could be of benefit. It is also likely, according to a European Commission report (2008) that these migrants could take a partner home when they return who is also highly skilled, suggesting brain circulation 19. The graphs below depict projections based on current data suggesting that Poland s working-age population will decline sharply by about 40% over the course of 2015-2060 20. Figure 10: Estimates on working-age population and migratory impacts in Poland in relation to other OECD countries The graphs below show how economic factors are significantly improving Poland s economic outlook. This is primarily because of European investment which can be seen in the graph below (figure 13) showing a vast increase since 2004 of investment flows into Poland. Figure 11: GDP and other economic indicators on developmental growth in Poland 18 Kahanec, p. 18. 19 Ibid, p. 33. 20 OECD Survey 2016, Retrieved from: https://www.oecd.org/eco/surveys/poland-2016-overview.pdf
This should mean that development will make the country more attractive to the next generation of well-educated potential migrants suggesting a prevention of the possibility of emigration because, according to De Haas model of aspirations and capability, aspirations will be met in the domestic labour market for ambitious and well-educated capable new labour market entrants. Figure 12: European Union investments into Poland 2004-13 Source: Poland s 10 years in the European Union report 2014 It would be foolish, however, to draw any conclusion on long-term trends which are required for a more complete analysis for the mobility transition theory as, this paper argues, the figures for Poland show that the short-term increases since 2004 accession to the European Union fits the theory of the migration hump better than the mobility transition theory. Also, the global economic crisis in 2008 could have been a factor in the drop in immigration to the United Kingdom but post-crisis arrivals have not reached the high levels of 2004-2006 and 2007-2009 as seen in the chart below. Figure 13: Poles by year of arrival to 2011
Analysing the two graphs above, it would appear that increases in investments correlate (we are not making the case that this is a direct cause) with increases in emigration figures post- 2004. This coupled with De Haas model of aspiration could, in our view, explain the high levels of emigration to the United Kingdom from Poland. However, as we have already pointed out, it would be foolish to make such assumptions until a larger data set has been studied. Using De Haas theory that medium development countries would be most likely to migrate over longer distances in relation to the UK, we could expect to find a higher proportion of developing country s inhabitants migrating to the UK, however, the top five origin countries are: Figure 14: Poles by year of arrival to 2011 Source: Annual Population Survey (APS) - Office for National Statistics What does this tell us? As De Haas puts forward in his expansion of Zelinsky s thesis: Because of the generally higher costs and risks this involved, long-distance migration towards much wealthier and/or more distant regions or countries will generally only gain full force in countries experiencing medium levels of
development, when people have better access to resources and global connectivity improves through development of infrastructure and economic ties. Germany, Poland and the Republic of Ireland are all countries in close proximity to the United Kingdom whilst India and Pakistan have long-standing diaspora links to the United Kingdom which could also explain why some migration occurs from these particular countries. Emigration since EU accession When Poland became a member of the European Union in May 2004, according to Iglicka et al, only three EU Member States opened their labour markets to citizens of Poland and the other 2004 accession states: the United Kingdom, Ireland and Sweden 21. Table 2: Annual emigration and immigration in Poland, 2004 to 2009 Western European economic fortunes were flourishing in the mid-2000s and, as already noted, young adults in Poland were struggling to find satisfactory opportunities at home, meaning that, with the opening up of the EU labour market to young, educated adults with aspirations that emigration soared for years after accession 22. As the author s elaborate: Nearly 1 million Poles between ages 20 and 29 left the country that year, showing both the high mobility of this generation and the lack of early-career opportunities with surveys and administrative data suggest[ing] that Polish migrants in the United Kingdom are highly educated and perform work in the low-skilled sector below their qualifications. This conclusion is borne in other studies on migrant outflows from Poland following EU accession. 23 As already briefly discussed, there was a Polish population in the UK before 2004. Okolski & Salt point this out and argue that the diaspora helped to create networks and contacts between the diaspora and those back home evidenced in the 1951 UK census which recorded 152,000 people born in Poland, as a relic from the Second World War 24. Table 3: Estimated stock of Polish migrants in UK and other countries 21 Iglicka, K., Ziolek-Skrzpczak, M., (01/09/2010) EU Membership Highlights Poland s Migration Challenges. Retrieved from: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/eu-membership-highlights-polands-migration-challenges. 22 Iglicka, K., Ziolek-Skrzpczak, M., (01/09/2010) EU Membership Highlights Poland s Migration Challenges. Retrieved from: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/eu-membership-highlights-polands-migration-challenges. 23 Kaczmarczyk, P. & Okolski, M. (2008) Demographic and labour-market impacts of migration on Poland in Oxford Review of Economic Policy, Volume 24, Number 3, 2008, pp.611-614 24 Okolski, M. & Salt, J. (2/12/2014) Polish emigration to the UK after 2004; Why did so many Come? Retrieved from: http://www.ceemr.uw.edu.pl/vol-3-no-2-december-2014/articles/polish-emigration-uk-after-2004-why-did-so-many-come
Figure 15: Estimated Size of Polish National Population in UK by Quarter, 2004 to 2010 Source: UK Labour Force Survey 2004 to 2010 This long-term rise has, however, halted somewhat since 2009 as seen in the graph above and the figures in the table immediately below which shows clearly in numerical terms a drop in the numbers after the Global Financial Crisis: Table 4: Long-term international migration estimates from International Passenger Survey of immigration from Poland to UK
Source: Office for National Statistics in Okolski & Salt, 2014 What does this prove? It is difficult to make any concrete assessments based on the current data but this could mean that emigration from Poland was affected by the financial crisis or it could mean, as according the migration hump theory, that numbers are levelling out because the initial effects of the opening up of the labour market of the EU to Polish citizens has matured along with the improved development levels already discussed. This analysis is borne out in the GDP growth figures displayed in the graph below which leads us to the conclusion that De Haas ideas of aspirations and capabilities coupled with the Migration Hump theory are more suited to describe the phenomenon of emigration levels from Poland to the United Kingdom. Figure 16: GDP growth rates in Poland and EU, 2000-11 Source: Orlowski, 2011 25 Figure 17: Poland GDP figures, 2006-14 25 Orlowski, W. (2011), Post-accession economic development of Poland in Eastern Journal of European Studies, Volume 2, Number 2: pp. 7-20.
Source: Trading Economics, 2014 As Okolski & Salt elaborate, there was not only aspiration to emigrate. Practical improvements in travel eased the friction of distance for those moving. The increased availability of transport means and routes, with the wide availability of coach routes and cheap airlines, made it easier to come and go. [as well as being] more effective and executed at lower costs [which] included the widespread use of plastic money cards, mobile phones and the internet. 26 But it is not just economic concerns that have created aspirations for people to migrate in Poland to the United Kingdom. As Okolski & Salt argue, over several months after 1 May 2004, journeys from various parts of Poland to London and other cities of the UK became iconic in the Polish media Although many failed the prevalent message sent back to families in Poland was one of success such mystification culminated in The Londoners, a TV drama series which debuted in 2008 27. Such evidence fits into De Haas model of aspiration and motivation. Conclusion This paper has analysed the relation between the United Kingdom and Poland, two Stage IV countries on the demographic/mobility transition theory and attempted to understand why there are immigration links and whether those links are caused by the Zelinsky s mobility transition theory. Using fertility and demographic data to confirm that the United Kingdom and Poland fit into the theory and at what stage, this paper has investigated mobility transition theory as posited by Wilbur Zelinsky and sought to frame the theory as part of an evolution that continues with Skeldon s spatial dimension and developmental observations that add a physical relationship to the theory and De Haas amendment to include migrant aspirations and capabilities. It is this important elaboration of human capability through agency in De Haas use of Amartya Sen s work that really pushes Zelinsky s theory forward. This theory seeks to explain how developing countries in more medium stages of development have increased levels of emigration by disassociating transition theory from migration hump theory which is often confused with it. As noted in this paper, 26 Okolski, M. & Salt, J. (2/12/2014) Polish emigration to the UK after 2004; Why did so many Come? Retrieved from: http://www.ceemr.uw.edu.pl/vol-3-no-2-december-2014/articles/polish-emigration-uk-after-2004-why-did-so-many-come 27 Ibid.
migration hump theory is concerned with short-term spikes as opposed to long-term trends of migration. In order to test this and show the effect on the United Kingdom, Poland was used as a case study and was chosen because of its high levels of emigration to the United Kingdom. What was discovered was that to fit the mobility transition theory, a number of core elements must be met including high emigration and immigration, low fertility, high life expectancy with small, almost incremental levels of population growth. With Poland, although it fits into the Stage IV of the demographic transition theory with the United Kingdom, it does not have high levels of immigration like the United Kingdom. There are many factors that might explain this, however, it is the conclusion of this paper that initially low levels of economic development played a significant role in determining the flows of migration in relation to Poland. It is the view of this paper that the best explanation for the significant flows of migrants from Poland to the United Kingdom can be found in the theory of the Migration Hump developed my Martin & Taylor. All of the data provided in this paper points to significant flows emigrating from Poland since the country joined the European Union in 2004. This paper suggests that Poland joining the European Union is akin to a trade treaty which fits the migration hump analysis. This coupled with De Haas crucial development of the mobility transition theory to include capability and aspiration provide a better analysis of the migration relationship between Poland and the United Kingdom, however, the financial crisis of 2008 may skew the figures in such a way as to invalidate the analysis but there is not enough contradictory empirical evidence to suggest otherwise. Further research testing the outcome of this paper would need to be done on other countries in the 2004 European Union accession (like Romania) to see whether this model applies to those countries as well. References Castles, S., & Miller, M. J. (2009). The Age of Migration: International population movements in the modern world (4th ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan De Haas, H. (2010) Migration Transitions: A theoretical and empirical inquiry into the developmental drivers of international migration DEMIG Project Paper No.1: IMI Working Paper #24. Oxford, UK: International Migration Institute. Kaluzynska, M., Karbownik, P., Burkiewicz, W., Janiak, K. & Jatczak, M. (2014) Poland s 10 years in the European Union report 2014. Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Warsaw. Retrieved from: https://www.msz.gov.pl/resource/fa393546-1309-4ea8- ad30-2c93d01e7f36:jcr OECD Economic Surveys - https://www.oecd.org/eco/surveys/poland-2016- overview.pdf [Accessed: 30 th June 2016] Office for National Statistics, Population by Country of Birth and Nationality Report: August 2015. Retrieved from: http://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/inter nationalmigration/articles/populationbycountryofbirthandnationalityreport/2015-09- 27
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