PHUNC V A House Divided Liberian Civil War
Letter from the Crisis Director Hello! My name is Kayla Wendt and I am incredibly excited and honored to be your Crisis Director for our Liberian Civil War committee! I am a junior here at Penn State studying both History and International Politics with a focus in International Relations. This is my second PHUNC and my first time directing my very own committee, and I cannot wait to see what incredible places you take this committee. I am also thrilled to be working with your chair for the second year in a row; we joined Penn State International Affairs and Debate Association together, and last year I was the chair for her committee at PHUNC, now we have collaborated again to bring you this committee full of nonstop danger and humanitarian crises. This committee is dear to my heart, I have been thinking about this committee for years and it is a simulation of the events that impacted my own family, as my younger brothers are Liberian Refugees. I hope you are able to both have fun with this committee as well as learn about a little known piece of modern history that impacts our lives every day. There has been a lot of buzz in recent years about buying conflictfree diamonds, now you as delegates of this committee will have a unique insight into the blood diamond industry. You will also gain knowledge into the actions of the only head of state to date to have been charged with war crimes to this date, Charles Taylor. I cannot wait to see where you take this committee; will you be able to create a peaceful solution to the first Liberian Civil War? Will you be able to prevent the second? I encourage all of you to really commit to your positions and your country s motivations in this conflict, most importantly, I want you to have fun with this committee and be creative! Kayla Wendt, Kvw5359@psu.edu Presented by Center for Global Studies 1
Letter from the Chair Hello! My name is Kelly Harrington and I cannot wait to be your chair at PHUNC this year! I am a junior at Penn State studying International Relations, just like your Crisis Director, Kayla. This is my second PHUNC; at the last one I directed a committee which Kayla chaired, and now the roles are reversed! This is my first time chairing a crisis committee, although I have some previous General Assembly chairing experience. I am very excited to be in the room this time around to watch everything happen in real time. As you might have noticed, your Crisis Director Kayla and I are very similar; we have the same major, have run similar committees, and are both very involved in Penn State s Model UN club, PSIADA (Penn State International Affairs and Debate Association.) In fact, we ve known each other since we were very little, and we ve been best friends since then. However, Kayla has a very unique facet of her life, and that would be that two of her younger brothers are Liberian refugees. Over the years, I learned much about their story, and the broader history of Liberia, through Kayla, and quickly became fascinated by it. I am enthralled not only by this committee because I find the premise interesting, but because it has strong personal meaning for the Crisis Director and my best friend. At first glance, this committee might seem like it approaches issues that are not relevant to you; it can be easy to put things out of our minds when they occur thousands of miles away. However, I think this committee is of critical importance not only because of the human rights and political science lessons to be learned from it, but also because it could be dealing with issues directly affecting your life. For example, the blood diamond industry and the push for conflict-free diamonds are huge topics of debate today. It is also important to understand the history of a warlord like Charles Taylor to better comprehend the Liberian people s struggles. I can t wait for PHUNC to see how this committee plays out. In what ways will you work to heal the wounds of the first Liberian Civil War, and will you be able to prevent the second? I strongly encourage you to research as much as you can about Liberia s history and your position s history and powers. Lean on your diplomacy skills to solve problems collectively and creatively. Last, but certainly not least, remember to have FUN! Presented by Center for Global Studies 2
What is Crisis? In General Assemblies, delegates are given a static situation, a problem or series of problems that they have until the end of the conference to address in the form of a resolution. Negotiation and diplomacy amongst the delegates are the only driving forces of committee, and at no point in time will the core set of problems change, or will any new updates be provided to the delegates based on their negotiations. This is the form of Model UN that many students are used to competing in, but at PHUNC, our committees are Crisis Simulations. Crisis is similar to assemblies with a few major differences. Committees are smaller (usually 15-20 positions) and as such delegates will have far more opportunities to speak in debate. Just like assemblies, delegates will be tasked with a situation or series of problems that they have to address in the committee. However, these situations are dynamic, and at any point in time, delegates could receive a major update (sometimes called a crisis alert) about the situation they are dealing with. These updates will be drafted by a team of our staffers and have the potential to steer the course of debate, for example: if delegates are discussing terrorism in the Middle East, and a delegate from the United States was garnering a lot of support to sanction Iran for their alleged support in the matter, a crisis update revealing that the CIA has been arming terrorist groups would dramatically shift the tone of the debate. Crisis updates will come periodically throughout committee sessions, and delegates are expected to react to them. Unlike assemblies, delegates may propose committee resolutions (called directives) at any point in time, and may vote on them once they are introduced and debated. Delegates are expected to write directives to solve problems that arise in crisis updates, as well as use them to steer towards the ultimate goal of the committee. Unlike resolutions, directives are expected to have more actionable items (movement of money, detailed relief efforts, etc.) rather than symbolic items (condemnations, calls to action, etc.). Most substantive directives will be shortly met by a crisis update informing the committee of how their actions have changed the world that they are acting in as delegates. One last unique element to crisis simulations is portfolio powers and crisis notes. Each delegate will be provided with powers that are specific to your position. For example, if you are the CEO of a Pharmaceutical company, you will have a certain amount of money allotted to you, or if you own a Media Outlet, you may have some degree of power over influencing public opinion, and of course, if you are a head of state or high ranking government official, you have power over that office. Delegates may write notes to the crisis staff inquiring about their resources or can write a note saying that they intend to unilaterally use these powers. To go back to the Media Outlet position, you may want to disparage the sitting Head of State that opposes your committee s agenda, so you order your stations to do that; a future update may show that this individual s approval rating has plummeted. Just like that, delegates can use their power to advance the goals of the committee without getting approval from others in the room. Presented by Center for Global Studies 3
On the other hand, delegates are also welcome to use their notes and portfolio powers to advance their own standing in the committee. In the case of a CEO position, a delegate might inform crisis that they intend to acquire a series of solar panel companies, following this, they would pass a directive that subsidizes or promotes solar energy and could find their position far richer than when they first started. These advances in your position might reveal themselves in later updates, giving yourself more influence over debate in the committee room. In addition, delegates who amass a higher standing in crisis can use that standing to be more effective in solving later crisis updates, as they will have more resources. If any of this is still confusing, don t worry. There will be further explanations before the first session of committee, and you can feel free to ask your chairs or crisis staff questions throughout the weekend. Have fun and enjoy the conference! Sincerely, Daniel Donaher USG for Crisis and Committee Development Presented by Center for Global Studies 4
Background Established in 1822, when hordes of African-American volunteers settled in the country, Liberia has been plagued by ethnic tensions throughout its history. Since its declaration of independence from the United States in 1847, those that identify as Americo-Liberians have controlled the government. This ethnic minority established its dominance over the indigenous populations and controlled the area for over 100 years, until Samuel Doe grabbed power. Liberia has had very close ties with its neighboring West African States throughout history. Its main relations are to its bordering nations of Sierra Leone, the Ivory Coast, and Guinea. These nations are all rich in natural resources, most importantly gold and diamonds. Its neighboring country of Sierra Leone is the driving factor of the ECOWAS decision to intervene in the war to come. In 1980, Samuel Doe, an ethnic Khran, lead a coup against the Liberian government, becoming the first non-americo-liberian to control the country. Following the coup, Doe and his supporters formed a military government known as the People s Redemption Council (PRC). The PRC then allied with the United States, receiving funding from them despite the many allegations of corruption and repression by the Doe regime. In 1985, Samuel Doe and his supporters successfully created and adopted a new constitution and held elections. Doe, in an election condemned as fraudulent by the international community, claimed the presidency. Later that same year, a counter coup was attempted by former Liberian Armed Forces Commander Thomas Quiwonkpa from the neighboring state of Sierra Leone. His attempt quickly failed, he was killed, eaten, and displayed on the executive mansion grounds as a message to his supporters. The attempted coup allowed ethnic tensions to skyrocket. The Gio and Mano tribes, located in the Nimba County in the north of the country, had supported Quiwonkpa in his insurgency attempt, while the main supporters of Doe were members of the Khran tribe, of which Doe is a member. After the death of Quiwonkpa, Doe cracked down on the Gio and Mano tribes. While this suppression was growing, a former ally of Doe, Charles Taylor, began amassing forces in Liberia s neighboring country, The Ivory Coast. With support of the host country, Taylor was able to train forces in the country, and on December 24th, 1989, he invaded Liberia s Nimba County. Nimba County is home to the majority of Gio and Mano tribe members, the subjects of Doe s crackdown earlier in the year. Because of this, Taylor could garner massive support in the county. Thousands of Gio and Mano joined Taylor s rebel army, as well as thousands of members of other ethnic Liberian tribes, they became known as the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL). Months later in July of 1990, Taylor s forces began to lay siege to the capital city of Monrovia. During this siege, Taylor s right-hand man, Prince Johnson, split from Taylor, forming his own force, The Independent National Patriotic Front, or INPF. The two groups continue to sack the city, with both gaining territory in the city as Doe and his government defend it. The chaos in the city have caused foreign nationals, diplomats, and members of the US Navy to evacuate the city. Presented by Center for Global Studies 5
With the tensions in Liberia reaching a boiling point, ECOWAS has decided to create the Economic Community Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), championed by Nigeria, with the following goals: impose a cease-fire, help Liberians establish an interim government until elections can take place, put an end to civilian casualties, ensure the safe evacuation of foreign nationals, and most importantly, to prevent the conflict from spreading into neighboring states. Currently they are working to persuade Samuel Doe to resign and go into exile due to his very weak position at home and abroad. It is to this climate that you, the country representatives and leaders of the ECOMOG mission enter Monrovia. Committee Structure Each member of this committee will represent a member state of the Economic Community of West African States, because you have just intervened militarily in a conflict you will be expected to move and allocate troops in a manor in which will protect civilians and economic interests as completely as possible. It should be noted that ECOWAS has not given support to either side of the war, as such you operate similarly to a UN monitoring force, you should not be engaging in any full scale fighting as if you are on either side of the conflict. Each member state will be given a set of portfolio powers upon entering the committee room, however you will not operate as if you are the sole decision makers of any state, you are merely representing their interests. The actions of Samuel Doe and Charles Taylor, as well as any other outside forces will be controlled by crisis. Topics of Debate As a member of the ECOWAS intervention council it is important for you to consider the official and unofficial missions of your intervention force. Possible topics of debate include official mission statements such as preventing serious human rights violations and limiting civilian casualties, how to prevent the conflict from spreading to neighboring counties, and how to end the conflict. When discussing how to limit human rights violations there are a variety of solutions you may examine. You could station troops around civilian camps or attempt to negotiate safe zones, or any other number of actions. When debating how to prevent the spread of the war to neighboring countries, you must first keep in mind that some of your fellow delegates are representing these countries, be sure to keep in mind that these delegates will have special interest in this topic. Methods of prevention to debate include border patrols, individual country action, and more. You may also consider debating the underlying reasons for intervention as you debate, these include the interruption of the diamond industry by rebel forces and the spread of blood diamonds, diamonds mined to fund rebel groups, the mining of which is known to include severe working conditions for adults and children alike. Possible solutions include lobbying leaders of the diamond trade to push for stronger identification of non-conflict diamonds and control of the industry itself. Presented by Center for Global Studies 6
Learning Objectives By the end of the conference, you should have some sense of the answer to the following questions. 1. How will students learn to balance key issues such as internal and external pressures? 2. What is the importance and innerworkings of the Economic Community of West African States? 3. How will students be able to better negotiate as they attempt to end the civil war and improve the economic state of West Africa? Delegate Positions Benin- At the point of ECOWAS intervention Benin was coming off an institutional crisis, their crisis was followed by a movement to political liberalization that would soon sweep across Africa. They had previously been a communist state and was finishing up the process of creating a brand new constitution moving away from Marxism. However, because of their previous communist regime, the country was in debt and in the process of entering agreements with the IMF. The country is striving to find its place in the international community as the newly democratic government takes hold. Burkina Faso- The country is closely allied with the Ivory Coast, a point of contention for many in the country. Their current President, Compaoré, has recently attained the power in an accused coup last year, he has recently unfolded limited democratic reforms in the country and has a presidential election scheduled for next year. They have not yet pledged troops to the ECOMOG peacekeeping force in Liberia, and their post-coup government faces pressures from their ECOWAS counterparts to contribute to the effort. Ivory Coast - The Ivory Coast is at odds with many of its ECOWAS partners as it harbored Charles Taylor prior to his incursion into Liberia. In the country, the Ivory Coast allowed Taylor to train his troops that were to invade Liberia. They are still seemingly supporters of Taylor despite the increasing flow of refugees across their boarders. While they are accused for supporting the violent Charles Taylor, they assure they advocate for stability in the region. There are worries in the Ivory Coast and its neighbors that the war will spill over into their country. While not pledging troops to the ECOMOG forces, they have given medical supplies to the mission thus far. The Gambia- Prior to the intervention, Gambia was part of the Standing Mediation Committee striving for a peaceful solution to the Liberian conflict. They have committed a small number of troops to the peace efforts in Monrovia. It has been ruled by the same man, Dawda Jawara, since Presented by Center for Global Studies 7
1965, and has tensions with Senegal, which almost surrounds the small nation, after their recent withdraw from their military alliance. Ghana- Member of the Standing Mediation Committee to resolve the conflict prior to escalation. When they achieved their independence, they were doing well economically, with a relatively high per capita income and low national debt, however, they experienced a decline in the following years and have recently been attempting to regain their good name through reconstruction and international involvement. A large portion of its economy, much like Liberia s, relies on gold, while the rest of their economy relies on coca and timber. Guinea- Guinea was also a member of the Standing Mediation Committee and contributed initial forces to the efforts. In the early 80s, after a bloodless coup, Guinea came under new leadership and turned away from socialism. Mali- At the time of ECOWAS involvement, Mali was facing the possibility of their own civil war with the rising of the Tuareg peoples, who were striving for their own self determined state in the region between Mali and Niger. Unlike other West African member states, Mali has not yet pledged troops to the ECOMOG force to be stationed in Liberia. Prior to the EOMOG intervention, Mali was a member of ECOWAS s Standard Mediation Committee to achieve a peaceful resolution to Liberia s conflict, the committee however, ultimately failed. The conflict in Liberia had no direct effect on Mali, and they were weary of intervention in the conflict. They declined to participate in the peacekeeping mission but face pressure from other ECOWAS members to aid in the intervention. Nigeria- Generally recognized as the leader of the group, and integral it its creation, Nigeria showed great interest in intervention in Liberia. It committed the largest number of troops to the Liberia out of any ECOWAS country, and the majority of commanders in the EOMOG force were Nigerian. Several reasons are cited for Nigeria s insistence for ECOWAS involvement, the desire to prevent destabilization in the region, or the thousands of Nigerians and other West Africans living in Monrovia, however, the greatest reasons for Nigerian involvement include accusations of support for the Doe regime and the desire to become West Africa s regional superpower. At the time of intervention, Nigeria was Africa s most populous country, and was struggling with accusations of corruption in the Babangida government, as they did not yet have a civilian ruled government, and Babangida kept pushing back their transition date. Prior to the military deployment, Nigeria was involved in the 5 member Standing Mediation Committee employed by ECOWAS to discover a peaceful resolution to the situation in Liberia. Togo- Togo was a member of the Standing Mediation Committee, however they did not contribute forces to the peacekeeping efforts like the other mediation team members. Along with Nigeria, Togo helped create ECOWAS. The two nations continue to work together closely despite Togo s resistance to full intervention. Like many other Africa nations at this time, democratization was taking hold, causing tension in the country between the government and those calling for further democratization. Sierra Leone- Sierra Leone is most at risk following the uptick in violence in Liberia. The rebel group, the Revolutionary United Front in the eastern portion of the country. The RUF is heavily Presented by Center for Global Studies 8
supported by Charles Taylor, and their presence is threatening the lucrative diamond industry in the region. There are worries in the country, as well as ECOWAS as a whole, that the diamond industry will be overtaken by these rebel groups, threatening the overall economic security of the region. The presence of the RUF threatens to cause a spreading of civil war from Liberia to its neighbor. Despite the mounting pressure in its own country, Sierra Leone was very invested in containing the violence in Liberia, and contributed to the ECOMOG peacekeeping force. Cape Verde - The Islands off the coast of West Africa are struggling to choose between socialism and democracy, but do not yet have a multi-party state. Despite this, The Movement for Democracy Party has established itself in the public eye and is planning a convention later this year. Although the country is presented with this internal conundrum, it is invested in negotiation efforts within Liberia, they have not yet committed troops to the efforts, and like many other ECOWAS nations, face pressures from the others to commit to the ECOMOG force. Previously had a close relationship with Guinea Bissau due to colonial ties and similar language, however the countries have grown apart in the last 10 years. Guinea Bissau- Like other countries in West Africa, Guinea Bissau has not yet had multi-party elections, however it is well on its way as it has recently integrated members of different parties into the governmental structure by appointment. It hopes to further its efforts to democracy in the future as well as expand its international influence through memberships with organizations like ECOWAS and the UN. Guinea Bissau seeks to rekindle its relationship with Cape Verde due to similar language and previous close ties as Portuguese colonies. Overall, the country is hesitant about the intervention due to previous attacks on international organizations by rebels, as such they have yet to contribute forces to ECOMOG. Niger- Niger is the Largest country in West Africa, however, 80 percent of its land lies in the Sahara Desert. Due to its dry climate and lack of resources it is continually plagued by drought and relies on its outside partnerships for aid. Despite this, the country is rich in uranium ore, an asset to ECOWAS. It is able to use this to its advantage in negotiations. One thing that Niger has no shortage of is people, it suffers from overpopulation in its southern region. While it has yet to contribute troops to ECOMOG, it faces pressure to commit to the force through their plentiful population. It is also facing international pressure after a student protest for a democratic system lead to the death of three students and many more injuries. The country must balance the various international pressures in order to maintain useful economic and foreign relations with other ECOWAS countries. Senegal- Senegal is rich in natural resources and commodities such as various cash crops. Phosphates, and the refinement and production of many goods such as construction materials. It is one of the most stable countries in the region and has a bourgeoning tourism sector. Despite this there is occasional pushback from rebels in the country due to the long term of President Abdou Diouf. Although Diouf has ruled for 9 years, he has encouraged broader political involvement, reduced government involvement in the economy, and more. The country has a very positive relationship with the West, as it has just finished a term on the UN security council last year. It also has very positive relations with Mauritania. Much like Nigeria, the country hopes to establish itself as a regional power, although it has yet to commit troops to the ECOMOG force. Presented by Center for Global Studies 9
Mauritania- Approximately 90% of the land in Mauritania is in the Sahara Desert, as such, much of its population in concentrated in the south and along the coastline of the country. The country is officially an Islamic state, and as such faces many ethnic tensions, evidenced by the recent uptick in violence and the expulsion of some 70,000 sub-saharan Mauritanians in the past few years. Although it has many internal tensions, its external relations are very good. The country has very deep relations with Morocco and Western-allied Arabic states. It hopes to attract more support from western nations due to its support for the furtherance of human rights in Liberia through its ECOWAS involvement. Equatorial Guinea- Equatorial Guinea is straddling their position in Central Africa with their close relationship to their West African neighbors, whose natural resources draw the country to trade with the region, as they have yet to discover any large resources of their own. Equatorial Guinea is also under pressure from their neighbors for their human rights record. They have yet to contribute forces to the monitoring force, and will likely face pressures to do so. Cameroon- Cameroon has recently undergone a political shift in their country, as a result of years of corruption and cronyism, the country is suffering from a major economic downturn. Because of their faltering economy, the country has turned to foreign aid for help, they hope that their involvement in this issue with ECOWAS will result in aid from the organization in recovering their economy. During this time they are also facing pressure from the Southern Cameroons for more autonomy, as the ethnic tensions between the Northern French Cameroons and the Southern British ones. They also have yet to contribute forces. UN Representative -The UN representative to ECOWAS has been operation in cooperation with ECOWAS for several years. Although fairly new, the UN seeks to aid ECOWAS in creating a more stable West Africa. The troubled region represents an important resource and opportunity for the United Nations. It hopes to aid ECOWAS in stabilizing Liberia, but hopes to see peace talks held before committing serious aid to the project or creating a monitoring force. Sources Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group. Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 23 July 2017, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/economic_community_of_west_african_states_monitoring_group. ECOWAS and the Subregional Peacekeeping in Liberia. The Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, 25 Sept. 1995, sites.tufts.edu/jha/archives/66. First Liberian Civil War. Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 31 July 2017, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/first_liberian_civil_war. International Democracy Watch. Economic Community of West African States, www.internationaldemocracywatch.org/index.php/economic-community-of-west-african-states-. Presented by Center for Global Studies 10
Liberia: Conflict Profile. Insight on Conflict, Jan. 2010, www.insightonconflict.org/conflicts/liberia/conflict-profile/. Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa; Building Peace in West Africa: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea-Bissau. Foreign Affairs, 28 Jan. 2009, www.foreignaffairs.com/reviews/capsule-review/2003-01-01/liberias-civil-war-nigeria-ecomogand-regional-security-west. Violence. Brilliant Earth, www.brilliantearth.com/conflict-diamond-trade/. Brown, Natalie E. ECOWAS and the Liberia Experience: Peacekeeping and Self Preservation. United States Department of State, 1999, Look, Anne. Mali, ECOWAS, Not on Same Page on Military Intervention. VOA, VOA, 18 Sept. 2012, www.voanews.com/a/mali-ecowas-military-intervention/1510417.html. MAYAKI, Harouna. Economic Community of West African States(ECOWAS). Economic Community of West African StatesECOWAS, www.ecowas.int/. Ojo, Olatunde J. B. Nigeria and the Formation of ECOWAS. International Organization, vol. 34, no. 4, 1 Oct. 1980, pp. 571 604. JSTOR, JSTOR. Pike, John. Liberia - First Civil War - 1989-1996. Globalsecurity.org, www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/liberia-1989.htm Waging War to Keep the Peace: The ECOMOG Intervention and Human Rights (Human Rights Watch Report, June 1993), www.hrw.org/reports/1993/liberia/. Presented by Center for Global Studies 11