The domestic impact of the First World War I Political truce in 1914 Prior to 1914 there was in Europe a growing anti-war movement. For example, in 1907 there was an international congress at The Hague to discuss disarmament, but it did not have any success. There was the fear that international banking would collapse as a result of war. The French trade union, Confédération Général du Travail, stated that they would stage a general strike in the event of a war. Yet war was accepted by the citizens of each country as a necessity and as an emotional release. It was an expression of national solidarity. When war was declared in August 1914 all political parties in Germany for instance agreed to a truce a Burgfriede. This was because the government had succeeded in portraying the war as a defensive reaction to Russian aggression. There was very little opposition to the war at first, and up to 1916. German socialists were prepared to countenance a war with Russia. For them Tasrist rule was the epitome of tyranny. The Imperial Chancellor, Bethmann-Hollweg, realised that it was important to give the impression that the war was a result of Russian aggression. On 29 th July there was an emergency meeting of Socialist leaders at Brussels. These leaders did not seem to realize the gravity of the situation. They also recognised that nationalist sympathies were stronger than socialist principles. For example, the Austrian socialist leader, Victor Adler, admitted that Vienese workers were enthusiastically anti- Serbian. Socialists in France and Germany respectively backed their governments and voted for war credits. The German Socialist leader Jaurès supported the war. However, he was assassinated by a nationalist fanatic on his return to Germany from Belgium. The Prime Minister spoke warmly at Jaurès funeral. In France, socialists supported the government and the government revoked its Carnet B, which was a list of socialist leaders to be arrested in the event of war. Socialists in Germany debated for hours prior to outbreak of war, and they sent a delegation to France. But by the 4 th August they voted unanimously for war credits. There was almost unanimous solidarity shown by citizens of all the belligerent countries. Even in Russia the regime received the support of the left. For example, the anarchist Kripotkin and the social theorist Plekhanov supported the British, French and Russian cause. Only Lenin denounced the war at the Second International. 1
There was the general illusion that the war would be short and very few were aware of the suffering that the war was going to create. Intellectuals also supported the war effort. For example, the famous historian Friedrich Meinecke defended Germany s cause against Oxford historians. The French historian Ernest Lavisse was joyous at the outbreak of the war and Bergson called it civilisation against barbarism. II German Dictatorship As war progressed the German military high command was able to extend its control over German life. One reason was that the Kaiser lost confidence from the start of the war, and exerted little political influence during it. He became a mere figure-head, and instead of presenting himself as a caring leader he preferred to amuse himself on his estates. The Chancellor, Bethmann, depended on the Kaiser for political support, and consequently, was isolated once the Kaiser withdrew from the political arena. Thus Bethmann and the government were unable to resist the extension of military control. Bethmann sought to widen support for the government and made concessions to the SPD. This resulted in reform of Prussia's electorial system, but did alienated the support of the Prussian elites for the government. In response to this, it was Bethmann who appointed Hindenburg & Ludendorff on 29 August 1916, but both Hindenburg & Ludendorff were more popular with the people than Bethmann and the government. The situation within Germany also became critical in 1917. The British blockade of Germany began to take effect and the solidarity between the parties began to break down. In April 1917 the Independent Social Democratic Party was formed, and it called for "peace without annexations and indemnities". The Kaiser in April 1917 declared that he was prepared to consider constitutional changes and a commission was appointed. The military rejected opportunities to achieve a negotiated peace, and sought to militarised society with the Auxiliary Service Law. The High Command remained in control and forced Bethmann to resign. Bethman was succeeded by the insignificant Prussian official Georg Michaelis. The Reichstag was effectively powerless and Hindenburg and Ludendorff were left in control. They widened the war aims to include even more extensive annexations. 2
III The human experience Germany The war had a devastating impact on German society. 2.4 million died, and many more were permanently disabled, physically and/or mentally. During this period real wages collapsed. By 1918 railwaymen earned 83.9% of their 1913 income, printers earned 54.1%, miners earned 63.7%, and civil servants earned 55.0% of their 1913 income. After the war there was a massive eruption of social unrest, and, whilst strikes accounted for only 1.86 million working days lost in 1917 in 1919 this figure rose to 33.08 million working days lost. At first the shortages were only perceived to be inconveniencies, but pessimism set in from Autumn 1916 onwards. There was a rise in civilian deaths from 121,000 in 1916 to 293,000 in 1918. Solidarity between classes did not develop, and social unrest increased. The working classes saw the industrial classes as "sharks" who made huge profits whilst others suffered France The French lost nearly 2 million killed. The French economy suffered from the initial invasion with 6% loss of territory and loss of vital coal and iron resources. The French were forced to increase their imports, but the early reverses of the war forced them to reorganise and modernise their industry and hence expand their heavy industry, improve their technology and bring the industrial revolution to a completion. 41% of France s 3 million men mobilised were peasants; hence, agriculture suffered. Women and children had to take over and there were chronic shortages of grain, sugar and cattle. But the rich appeared to be very little affected. Refugees had to be moved from occupied territory; women had to work on farms and in factories. The army placed large parts of France under military control and excluded civilian politicians, resulting in conflict between the army and parliament. Italy Following their entry into the war, the weaknesses of the Italian economy and their lack of raw materials were exposed. But the war helped to modernise the Italian economy. It also contributed to an increase in corruption and to a loss of confidence in parliamentary democracy. 3
Britain Britain faced shortages of munitions and men. Lloyd George took charge of munitions production in June 1915. In 1916 Britain introduced compulsory military service, replacing the system of voluntary enlisting introduced by Lord Derby in November 1915. Women also had to work in factories. Both Britain and France needed the cooperation of the trade unions and socialists were included in both governments. As a result the war strengthened the trade union movement in both countries. British losses during the war were: 750,000 killed from the British isles; 200,000 from the Empire. The mass killing created a small increase in the proportion of women in the population. 1.5 million men had some permanent injury. The junior officers suffered most. Whilst most of the deaths were caused by injury in battle, disease also took its toll, especially in the armies of Salonika and Mesopotamia, which suffered outbreaks of malaria. One of the lasting effects on survivors of trench warfare was shell-shock. The other major problem was venereal disease. At first the authorities refused to acknowledge the problem, but the French started organising brothels from 1916, and protective sheaths were issued after 1917, and free treatment for venereal disease was introduced. The direct effect of the war on the general population was minimal less than 1,500 civilians were killed. There were shortages of commodities as a result of the war. After 1917, however, real wages almost caught up with their pre-war levels; there was an erosion of the wage differential between skilled and unskilled labour. Dislocation of state finances The war was financed by an intricate structure of inter-allied debts, with Britain and France heavily indebted to the United States. This created a financial crisis in the postwar period, leading governments to increase their borrowing and to print money, and hence gave rise to inflation. Inflation started to mount during the war itself. All the countries had a manpower shortage, thus leading to restricted output and increasing inflation. IV Anti-war movement The SPD believed that Germany was fighting a defensive war, and that annexations of territory were not Germany's aim. However, other people wanted a peace of victory a 4
Siegfriede which would establish Germany's supremacy in Europe. In fact, all the other parties were in favour of annexations. Thus there was a potential for the Reichstag to divide into opposing parties, and whilst Bethmann favoured privately the Siegfriede, he was careful to avoid openly stating his position, and sought rather to maintain the consensus within the Reichstag. The anti-war movement increased in 1916. In Germany a minority split from the Social Democratic Party to form the Independent Social Democratic Party. On the left of this party the Spartacus group, led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, protested in the Reichstag against the war. They were imprisoned for much of the war. The German Military Command became increasingly dominant, and they were determined to have a peace of victory, and Bethmann's attempts to negotiate peace with Russia and the USA were undermined by the Military. In April 1917 the government adopted the Kreuznach programme, which sought extensive annexations in both the East and the West. The Russian Revolution intensified social conflict, and opposition to the war. In July 1917 Erzberger, a radical politician of Centre Party, proposed a peace resolution, which was passed by 212 votes to 126. After this, Bethmann resigned, and the military dictatorship increased. The OHL (Army Supreme Command) created a Fatherland Party (Vaterlandspartei), led by Tirpitz and supported by donations from industry. By 1918 this party had grown to 1.2 million members. The pacifist movement in France gained support. Alphonse Merrheim, leader of the Syndicat des Métaux, gives it his support. The CGT produced the slogan, 'This war is not our war'. Merrheim attended the socialist conference at Zimmerwald in 1915. In June 1917 there was a planned international socialist congress at Stockholm. The Russian government was in support of this. Socialist members of the British and French governments (Arthur Hederson and Albert Thomas) were sent to Russia to persuade the provisional government to continue with the war. But the French and British governments did not support the Stockholm conference. But the majority Socialists in France, Britain and Germany continued to support the war. 5