Geo Factsheet www.curriculum-press.co.uk Number 297 The Socio-Economic Dynamics of the Brazilian Favela Favela is the name for the shanty towns in Brazil. Like all shanty towns they are unplanned spontaneous settlements in the suburbs of LDC cities. Favela is now seen as a derogatory term, so favelas are now officially known as popular communities. Figure 1 Favelas in Brazil General characteristics of the Brazilian Favela Globally they are characterised by a number of common elements. Most shanty towns feature unplanned buildings, often built on poor foundations and on top of older structures. The unabated growth, particularly early on in the settlement s history has led to many shanty towns being devoid of transport communications and infrastructural essentials such as electricity and clean water supply. The speed of development has seen only rudimentary sanitation and sewerage systems which are unable to cope in times of flood, heat or high usage. Favelas, as in many LDC shanty towns were originally built around the edge of the wealthier central parts of the city on low quality sites so they continue to expand the city as they grow, whilst restricting development of the wealthier central zones. The wealthy residential areas sit close to the central business district or tourist thronged coastlines (such as Rio de Janeiro, Figure 1), a direct opposite of the Burgess model of European cities. Many recent favelas are found on the edge of cities. 1 Favela dwellers are characterised by huge differences in income and health in contrast to their wealthier central city neighbours. Literacy rates are also understandably lower in shanty towns than in most other parts of the cities in which they exist. There is often a hierarchy within the community that influences wealth and residence within the shanty town itself. The character of Brazil s shanty town dwellers differ from other parts of the world as they have unique cultural characteristics influenced by invasion, colonialism and national migration. However, shanty towns vary in their problems and level of poverty across the globe. Shanty towns in tropical African countries (such as those in Lagos, Nigeria) experience greater levels of poverty than those in Brazil, where at least some benefit of Brazil s rise as an economic power (BRIC) is felt. Brazil s favelas also show some signs of ingenuity and development that are less apparent in poorer nations. The common issue that continues to contribute to a general lack of development across the cities and nations in which all shanty towns exist is a process called poverty of access (to education, jobs and health care). Regardless of government aid and the ingenuity of residents, ultimately this process will consolidate the cycle of poverty which exists in Brazil s favelas.
Table 1 shows the average profile of favelas in Brazil Services in favelas Access to sanitation 67.3% Access to water 88.3% Access to electricity 95.7% Access to garbage 95.4% collection People in favelas Overall 11½ million Brazilians around 35% in Rio % non-whites 70% Illiteracy over 10% The historical development of the Brazilian Favelas The first unplanned settlements, in 1700s, were called bairros africanos (African neighbourhoods). Freed black slaves moved in from within Brazil and the Caribbean. Brazil only entered a period of rapid development in the 1950s coinciding with the success of the national football team in the World Cup and a new democratic government, which gave confidence to TNCs looking to exploit a developing nation rich in natural resources and with excellent trade links to the US market. Consequently, the favelas of modern Brazil did not grow until industrialisation of the major cities such as Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and Sao Paulo. A rural-urban exodus ensued, continuing into the present day. Rural dwellers envisaged opportunities to earn greater incomes working, for example, in the great car manufacturing industries of Sao Paulo. Inevitably migration to the cities far outweighed employment opportunities. Unemployed, without affordable accommodation, many people ended up in shanty settlements such as Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. These settlements grew and became known as favelas. Favelas connected many towns within wider regions, creating mega cities. Sao Paulo is the best example of this, consisting of hundreds of towns connected to create a mega-city over 80km across with upwards of 20 million residents. Sao Paulo grew because of manufacturing jobs and poverty in the surrounding rural regions. The attraction to Rio was similar but also due to the perception that wealth could be made from tourism. Furthermore, the wealthy society created by the tourism industry and the demand from tourists themselves has until recently seen unabated growth of the drugs industry, particularly the dealing of cocaine. This black market industry and the globalisation of the drug (it can be transported into Rio from Colombia, Bolivia or northern Brazil, consumed in Rio or transported onto European or US markets) attract new residents to Rio s favelas every day. Case Study: the Favelas of Rio de Janeiro In 1879 many freed slaves and soldiers from Bahia, settled on the undeveloped land of Providência hill outside of Rio. They nicknamed the place favela hill from their common reference point of a place in Bahia populated by a tree called favela which gave many soldiers a skin irritation. The housing crisis of the 1940s forced the urban poor of Rio to erect hundreds of shanty towns in suburbs until these favelas replaced tenements as the main type of residence. Industrialisation, a boom in hotel construction and increasing popularity of Rio as a tourist destination (such as Copacabana) caused mass rural to urban migration from the 1970s. The favelas sprawled at such a rate that it was impossible for any form of infrastructural planning to take place. Around 1,000 favelas in Rio Largest, Rocinha, contains 70,000 people officially, but 150,000 estimated. 37 murders per 1,000 people largely in favelas 18 favelas have UPPs (Police PacificationUnits) Today the favelas of Rio display many socio-cultural characteristics. The people have formed communities that implement ingenious ways of developing infrastructure. They exist as a hierarchical community, often that hierarchy displayed by the location in which residents live within the favela. There is crime and conflict displayed within favelas. Yet communities often form an alliance against armed police or in gang warfare against neighbouring favelas. Many inhabitants make quite a living from the black market supply of drugs to Rio s wealthier residents, whilst others work long, hard hours. Many hope and dream of becoming footballers or musicians, which drives a thriving talent amongst young individuals but this is often curbed by a lack of opportunity to display this talent. Figure 2 Map of Rio showing favelas 2
Cultural Diversity in Rocinha, Rio Rocinha is Rio s largest, most diverse favela. It contains nearly 70,000 people (2010 census). Traditionally associated with poverty and unemployment, recent gentrification has seen some of the lower middle classes move into Rocinha, bringing with them a small, but increasing population with white European heritage. The predominant ethnic group are of black Afro-Caribbean, often of rural Brazilian heritage. Catholicism is the main religious practice resulting from Portuguese colonial rule. Although there are street languages and colloquialisms practiced in the favelas (to create walled communities or maintain heritage languages among favela immigrants) most of the population speak Portuguese. European culture is also evident in the way football permeates cultural life in the favelas. Often looked upon as a way out of poverty and a means of identity depending from which favela you originate (eg Vila Cruzeiro favela people follow Cruzeiro).The teams success are a source of pride and, on a darker note, gangs are named after the teams. Music is the cultural pulse of the favela. Samba is the rhythm of the favela. It is traditional Brazilian dance music but has changed to integrate with the African roots of many of the favelas population. This music has become hybrid over time and today displays the Afro-Brazilian migrant heritage of the favela populations with a flavour of European dance music and American disco influenced by the increasing mixing of international tourism and favela youth in provision of black-market industries. Today Samba schools are the community heart of each favela. An example, a version called Baile funk-samba, is a cultural symbol of Rocinha favela, played by local samba fusion DJ, Zizinho (Figure 4) who is also a favela tour guide and hostel manager and one of the many residents encouraging favela tourism. Those in between are residents on low incomes, working multiple jobs to support their children s education and to purchase blackmarket utilities from those whose ingenuity has enabled access to electric and water mains. More often than not favela inhabitants will owe money to crime gangs for protection of a rudimentary business or because they were sold a plot of land. This hierarchy is often accepted, as many residents will put up with drug and gun crime because these same gang members will hold up a chemist to supply ill residents with the treatment they would otherwise not be able to afford, or offer protection against gangs from other favelas as well as supplying the basic utilities. Figure 4 An electricity supply line on the edge of the Rocinha Figure 3 Graffiti art celebrating DJ Zizinho in Rocinha, an icon of samba fusion music. http://www.flickr.com/people/anijdam/ http://www.petertsaiphotography.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/rocinha_comunidade_favela-111.jpg Similarly, each favela holds their own carnival and celebrates during the Rio Carnival each year. Hierarchy and Ingenuity in the Favela In Rocinha, the wealthier residents inhabit the upper reaches of the favela or those areas bordering the planned inner city. They contain those at the top of the blackmarket income chain (the heads of drug gangs, black-market utility suppliers and those who work for them) and the lower working classes who originate from the city and who edged into the favelas when attempts were made to gentrify them in the 1990s. http://commons.wikimedia.org Adam Jones 3 Favela has become a tangle of wire as it is harnessed for the blackmarket supply to the upper favela by electricity pirates. Wealthier favela residents choose properties higher up mountain slopes for a multitude of reasons beyond status. The sewage flows down slope where sanitation systems are at worst non-existent and at best rudimentary. They have height advantage over the police who regularly carry out drugs raids on the favelas from the lower reaches of the inner city. The torrential rain in the tropical wet season also means that flood water and run-off effects are felt most heavily at the bottom of the favela. The only downside of an upper location is an increased risk of landslides. Socio Economic Problems of Life in the Favelas Favelas display the following negative socio-economic issues as a result of physical location and structure and social hierarchy. Perceived opportunity in Rio due to tourism means the favelas grow very rapidly and the unplanned growth contributes to top heavy structures with poor foundations, pressurising the green landscape beyond the city as it sprawls. Black-market trade of materials is common, since the government attempted to gentrify the favelas. Many residents did improve their homes, yet many decided to be content with the structure of their property and sell the materials for hard cash.
Black-market drug trade has increased due to the juxtaposition of favela property and coastal tourist wealth. The demand for drugs from the tourist industry and those citizens who earn money from tourism has seen a rise in cocaine importing from Colombia and Bolivia. The supply of demand has created a spider web of crime involving people from every level of favela life and created waves of other crimes such as murder, gang warfare and burglary, both within the favela and spilling into the inner city. This situation costs Rio s police force tens of millions of dollars each year as the criminals are very difficult to catch. The poverty gap between the favela, inner city and coastal resorts such as Copacabana is emphasised by the juxtaposition of favela properties built next to five star hotels. Furthermore the recent development of favela tourism (tourists can visit the club from the film City of God in Cidade de Deus favela or peruse the graffiti art on the shambling streets of Rocinha) further fuels the drug trade and opportunistic crime. Understandably, poverty stricken citizens want a slice of the wealth they see around them each day. Conversely tourism provides for black-market income in trading drugs or souvenirs or favela accommodation so government policy of punishing tourists is less strict than towards residents. Many of the local prisons are completely overpopulated by favela dwellers. The lack of sanitation improvements mean that large favelas such as Rocinha experience major sewage and disease issues, particularly during the summer time and wet seasons. Education is less easily available in favelas so many children turn to the guidance of local crime gangs and the promise of wealth. Sexually transmitted infection prevalence rates are high as teenage prostitution, lack of sex education and disregard for contraception due to the influence of Catholicism combine to cause disease. The lack of government subsidised health care and lack of access to it in the favelas often leads to common illnesses becoming more serious and debilitating reducing access to work. Many favela dwellers fail to get access to permanent work and rely on informal employment. Figure 5 Poverty stricken favela in Rio Rocinha has seen more development than many South American favelas in this respect. These solutions came after decades of trying to implement favela eradication schemes which had created homelessness, or inter-favela migration causing friction in host communities. Local government in Rio has also tried to encourage private investment in the favelas in an attempt at redevelopment. Private investors have been encouraged by extra policing and a crack down on drugs and gun violence. There are increasing opportunities in favela tourism through accommodation, clubs, bars, samba schools and tours of Rocinha and Cidade de Deus, encouraging infrastructural development and creating business opportunities for residents. Local government policies in Rio, as in Rio Cidade have been introduced to empower the police force to solve crime related issues. Since 2008, Police Pacification Units have enforced laws on drug trafficking in key favelas, and aimed to clean up drug related crime with the World Cup 2014 and Olympics 2016 in mind. They currently exist in twenty favelas (see Figure 2). Conclusion Success can only be obtained by reducing Poverty of Access! In 2007 President Lula insisted that reducing poverty in Brazil s favelas and the gap between rich and poor, could only improve by dramatically by reducing poverty of access. He cited Curitiba s planned transport system and a similar system developed in the improving city of Bogota as examples of success. Essentially those living in shanty towns, due to the unplanned nature of these locations, are unable to access reliable (any) communications which will allow them access to jobs, education or healthcare. Examples of poverty of access are the traffic jams which exist on the circular arterial road of Sao Paulo that block favela connections to city amenities. Theoretically, a shanty inhabitant would need to leave the shanty town (where roads are rudimentary and public transport limited) then connect to the city via the main arterial routes which are heavily grid-locked throughout the day. This makes accessing a potential job (and income) in another part of the city impossible except for those living in Southern shanty towns. As a result, the individual (or family) continue to live on a low income. This scenario could be replicated whereby an ill resident is unable to access hospital treatment, or a child with academic potential is unable to access an institution of education. Linking favelas to other developed parts of the city and reducing the cost of travel for residents, as takes place in Curitiba, would greatly reduce poverty of access. Recently cable cars are being built to link favelas to the main source of employment in the CBD. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:office_towers_and_favela_-_adam Jones, Ph.D. Developing Rio s Favelas A number of recent moves to address such issues are: In 1995, the Centre for Digital Inclusion started computer schools to reduce the digital divide experienced by favela residents and through community centres, give residents access to online job application and education to improve income and literacy. In 2007.President Lula announced a four year investment plan in Brazil s favelas, including favela redevelopment promotion by private investors. It encompassed the provision of house improvement materials for residents as in previous attempts at gentrification. However, it also succeeded in providing the more accessible parts with utilities infrastructure and paved streets. 4 Figure 6 Favela, Rio According to Brazil Census 2002, 20% of Rio s population lives in favelas. Note the building up the mountainside in the foreground where the wealthier favela residents live and the juxtaposition of favela and downtown hotels in the background. Note the landslip to the left, a regular hazard for top-heavy properties built here with poor foundations.
Key words Favela - Portuguese term for the shanty towns found on the periphery of most of Brazil s large cities. Gentrification - making improvements and maintaining existing properties Black-market Industry - income or profit from selling or distributing illegal goods or services Hybrid Culture - the mixing of culture and tradition to create something new Poverty of Access - lack of access to jobs, education and healthcare, impinging on development. Questions 1. Explain how government has tried to develop the favelas of Rio de Janeiro (8) (Answers to include gentrification, redevelopment attempts, advent of favela tourism, crack-down on crime, impact this may have on residents in terms of standard of living). 2. Discuss the positive and negative aspects of life for favela residents (15) (Answers should be balanced in terms of social, economic and cultural issues and should include positive aspects of cultural hybridism and diversity, ingenuity of residents to provide infrastructure, community cohesion through samba schools and football, improving opportunities through redevelopment and favela tourism. Also include negative issues such as social and structural hierarchy, various crimes including racketeering, gun and drug crime and hazard of using black-market electricity. Other negatives include lack of access to jobs and education, and therefore income in the city and tourist centres, due to a lack of access. General indicators such as literacy and income and the juxtaposition of wealth and poverty emphasising the poverty gap in Brazil). Further Research City of God Film 2002 (And related documentary News from a Private War ) www.megacitiesproject.org (Projects to solve problems in Rio s favelas can be researched) Pearlman, J. (2009) Favela: Four Decades of Living on the Edge in Rio. Oxford University Press Michael Palin BBC series on Brazil for footage or Rio and San Paulo http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Favela_dos_Trilhos_-_2009_Cauan Kaizen http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Favela_do_Moinho,Milton Jung http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/filezimbres Acknowledgements; This Geo Factsheet was researched and written by Alexander Cooke who currently teaches at Manchester Grammar School for Boys. Curriculum Press, Bank House, 105 King Street, Wellington, TF1 1NU Geopress Factsheets may be copied free of charge by teaching staff or students, provided that their school is a registered subscriber. No part of these Factsheets may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any other form or by any other means, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1351-5136 5