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www.uni-edit.net ozy@uni-edit.net 0987 161 221 Sample of Level 3 Editing Electorate Redistricting for a Single-Member District Plurality, Two-Ballot Voting System: Taiwan s Electoral Reform Abstract In light of Taiwan s electoral reform, tthis study formulates a mathematical model for electorate demarcation in line with that is attuned to Taiwan s electoral reforms, minimizing,. Of particular concern is the need to minimize the legislative seats for the main opponent opposition party in Taipei City. The working model is thus compared with historical votingelection data in order to establish which characteristics are most contested and germane to reform. It then solves the model, based on historical voting data. The study result is compared with the actual An examination of the constituency demarcation for the sseventh llegislator eelection ascertains and shows whether electorate demarcation can be manipulated to create electoral advantage. must depend on voter structure and shares, and then Demonstrable evidence of demonstrates an example of a bias toward disproportionate representation in disproportionality of the single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system ultimately attests to. This study highlights the importance of scenario analyses before adopting new electorate systems. Keyword: Opimization, Electorate Redistricting, Breadth-First Search

1. Introduction It is only Ttwo decades since fundamental democratic rights, such as freedom of the press and political association, were curtailed in Taiwan by the institution of martial lawago in Taiwan, martial law had been imposed and the formation of new political parties and newspapers was banned. Taiwan has since undergone a peaceful transition to democratic representationsince that time, Taiwan has been transformed to a country where the president is directly elected, and political power is transferred peacefully. Moreover, tindeed, the holding of the first national referendum serves as a benchmark of a much broader sweep of has been held. The progress and speed of such liberalization and democratization have been noteworthy. However, despite its achievements in democratization Notwithstanding these remarkable gains in democratic legitimacy, it is clear that further progress ishas been impeded somewhat by Taiwan was seen to suffer from legislative inactivity and inefficiency, deterioration in most especially in regard to the corrosive effects of money politics on the accountability of function of political parties, and money politics. Such factors were obstructing progress in the country and having long-lasting economic as well as political impacts. Public antipathy towards this general climate of cronyism and nepotism has led to calls for Because of such inefficiency and its negative influences, the general public began to request congressional reforms, including reform of the electoral reform systems.

2. Literature Review This section defines the domain knowledge for parameters of this research;, reviews the related literature;, and subsequently lists the 7th Municipality, County and City Legislator Electoral District Demarcation Rules in detail. 2.2.2.1. Redistricting and Gerrymandering In order to halve the number of existing legislator seats and introduce an SMDP system, the electorates need redistricting. Administrative districts, population distribution, geographical environment, theavailable transportation situation, historical source, and the number of public officials to be elected, are all variable empirical factors that need to be taken into account. The principle one person one vote; all votes are equal must be upheld so that if Comment [LT1]: CHECK: Historical source? Source of what? The source of the data, or the historical election data? Comment [LT2]: CHECK: Citation needed for this quote legislators are to be elected on the basis of based on proper representation, legitimacy and fairness. However In direct contravention of this widely held ideal, political science scholars maintain that constituency demarcation for the SMDP voting system actually makes Ggerrymandering easier than for other electoral systems. Political gerrymandering is may be defined as the drawing of electoral district lines in a manner that discriminates against a political party. From where does tthe term Gerrymandering originated in 1812 in athe context of anwhere, the opponent opposition party s state representative s iron-clad voting electorates werebeing fractured into small fragmenteds when Massachusetts ggovernor Elbridge Gerry carried out an irregular electorate demarcation which looked like a salamander. This process enabled incident helped the ruling party to increase its Sstate representative seats, but the process was criticized foras being a selfish electorate demarcation that only

servinged one party s interest. This unfair demarcation came to be called G Hence the term gerrymandering -, is a combination portmanteau of the name Gerry and the word salamander. 4.3. Model Validation and Results This section solves tests the formulated mathematical model on the basis of the data derived from historical Public Official Election information published by the CEC and Election Information Databank, and information in conjunction with data on voter structure in Taipei City from previous elections,. It was deemed appropriate here to draw on the including 2004 ppresidential eelection, the 2006 election for Taipei City mmayor, as well as the sseventh llegislator eelection (see Table 2), because these elections in Taiwan was were couched in terms of KMT and DPP voters. Incorporating the constraints of Equation Error! Reference source not found., Error! Reference source not found., and Error! Reference source not found. into the BFS algorithm, we summarized 21,535 legitimate ways for dividing 449 boroughs in Taipei City into eight election districts. According to Based on the voter structure and share for each historical election, wwe were able to calculate the seats that would have been received by the opposition KMT and the ruling DPP. From this it is possible to extrapolate and demonstrate possible redistricting for the ruling party (DPP) seeking to gain an favorable electoral demarcation that is relatively in its favor. 5.4. Conclusions

This study formulated a mathematical model for electorate demarcation to minimize the legislative seats for the main opponent party (KMT) in Taipei ccity subject to the constraints of electoral demarcation. A BFS algorithm was adopted to examine all legitimate ways of redistricting for Taipei City. Although there are 21,535 legitimate ways for dividing 449 boroughs in Taipei City into eight constituencies, the 21, 535 demarcations all allot eight seats for the opposition KMT and zero seats for the DPP by inputting the vote shares of the sseventh llegislator eelection. The DPP had 36 percent of votes across Taipei City but received no seat at all, which demonstrated a huge disparity between votes and seats. Having dutifully reported the findings of this study, it is now an opportune moment to consider the extent of its contribution to Contributions of this study to the literature. are: (1) Firstly, our research adduces empirical support for the thesis that voter structure and vote shares play a constitutive role in determining the feasibility of any manipulation of electorate demarcation.to show that whether electorate demarcation can be manipulated to create electoral advantage must depend on voter structure and vote shares; Secondly(2), to demonstrate an example of disproportionality arose in the sseventh llegislator eelection for Taipei City, and therefore scenario analyses are certainly needed before new electoral systems being can be approved or and implemented.