MADAN MOHAN MALAVIYA VISION FOR CHANGE

MADAN MOHAN MALAVIYA VISION FOR CHANGE Vishwanath Pandey * Ph.D.,LLB.,B.J. The Prime Minister, Dr.Manmohan Singh while inaugurating 150 th year long birth jayanti celebration of Mahamana Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya on 27 th Dec in Vigyan Bhawan New Delhi said, He worked tirelessly to build the Indian National Congress, of which he was elected President four times. Malaviyaji served for 14 years in the Imperial Legislative Council and later in the Central Legislative Assembly. He was a fiery orator and showed his oratorical skills and intellectual prowess in a four and a half hour long speech in the Imperial Council against the Rowlatt Bill. He was Chairman of the Hindustan Times from 1924 to 1946 during which period a Hindi edition of the newspaper was also launched. Pt. Malaviya campaigned to secure entry for Dalits to the Kalaram Temple on the day of the Rath Yatra. He was a member of the Royal Industrial Commission of 1918 where he argued forcefully for granting protection to Indian industries against indiscriminate imports from abroad. For lesser mortals, these are the achievements of many lifetimes. I conclude by quoting what Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru said about Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviyaji It is fit and proper that we should pay homage to this great man who is the foundation stone of the huge building of Independence. What a glowing tribute to the great patriot, visionary and nation builder we honour today. Mahamana Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the great founder of the Banaras Hindu University was among the most eminent makers of modern India. Excepting Mahatma Gandhi, probably no man in India is so loved and respected and had such a wide following among its people as has had Pandit Malaviya. Mahatma Gandhi regarded him as his elder brother. The well known editor of the Leader, Shri C.Y.Chintamani treated Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya as the only man fit to be bracketed with the sage of Sabarmati. Mrs. Annie Besant observed Pandit Malaviya to be symbol of Indian unity among diversity of opinions. He had a good deal to say about education, the neglect of which in his opinion largely accounted for the backwardness of India. Before 1770 neither India nor Britain had a national education system. Since British rose to the pinnacle of power and prosperity by virtue of measures, which had transformed its education system, India remained neglected, even British did not agree even to the modest Primary Education Bill sponsored by Gokhale and supported by Malaviya himself. But Pt Malaviya s unbending belief that without education, India cannot have its social transformation paved a way for the fulfilling agenda, gradually in subsequent decades. He advocated provision of agricultural, mechanical and commercial education at all levels from the primary to the University. He considered it necessary that primary education should be made compulsory if not also free. The Commission recommended mechanical training to be impartedin school attached to railway workshops. Malaviya feared that if such training were confined to railway workshops, it would not benefit Indian to any appreciable extent. He suggested the introduction of mechanical training in the ordinary school and recommended introduction of courses of mechanical and electrical engineering in schools and colleges leading to an examination of the London B.Sc. standard. He expressed the hope that Calcutta and other University * Information and Public Relations Officer, Banaras Hindu University,Varanasi,221005 India Email:pandeyvnp@gmail.com, vnp@bhu.ac.in 1 P a g e

would start such courses (as he himself did at the Banaras Hindu University), practical training being made available in railway and other workshops. He consider it essential that Government should give adequate financial aid to the institutions providing such training and naval engineering and stressed the immediate need for starting commercial education in all Universities. While welcoming the Commission s recommendation for the establishment of an Industrial Development Department at the Center and also in each of the Provinces, he strongly opposed the creation of an Imperial Industrial service and of a cadre of scientists styled Imperial Chemical Service for carrying on scientific research in aid of industries. Such steps, he apprehended, would place the future of Indian Industries in the hands of Bureaucrats recruited in England, like the existing Imperial Services, who would be both costly to this country and indifferent to its interests. He referred, indignantly, to the services working such departments as agriculture, veterinary, meteorological and geological surveys, which were intended to be manned by Indians but having been initially recruited abroad by reason of Indians with requisite qualifications not being available at the time, continued to be manned by Europeans even after Indian with degree in European universities became available. He cited the glaring example of the Indian Education Service to which such eminent scientists as Sir Profulla Chandra Roy has not been admitted Intensive Efforts for B.H.U. The Malaviyaji most notable achievement in the sphere of constructive activities is the establishment of the Hindu University at Benares for which he has worked ceaselessly for over 25 years. Such important institution are usually built up by the benefactions of super-rich men, or by high officials taking the lead with the backing of Government, or by means of public subscriptions raised to commemorate a great name. But in the present case the University has been brought into existence by the devoted exertions of a private citizen, mainly through the trust reposed by the public in his devotion, character and high moral purpose. Advocate of Industrial Development The Malaviyaji interests are nation-wide and are not confined to politics or education. Every good public cause has his sympathy and support. He has been a strong supporter of compulsory primary education from the time the late Mr. Gokhale introduced his bill in the Imperial Legislative Council in 1911. He has also been one of the principal organizers of the Hindu Mahasabha Movement, the Object of which was to promote co-operative effort for all good purposes among the Hindus so that the community may not fall below other nationalities, either within or outside the country, in energy and virile power for defense or self-improvement. Malaviya has been a vigorous advocate of the policy of industrial development in the country. The minute he wrote for the Report of the Industrial Commission (1916-18) has often been quoted the true Indian view of the industrial needs of the country. In the minute he has pointed out how Indian industries have suffered in the past by discouragement and neglect and how vital it is to foster industries on modern lines for the economic uplift of the country. If a genuine movement for this purpose were set on foot, he hoped to be able to carry on a campaign and collect a very large sum within the country itself to provide the capital needed for organized industries. Need For Scientific And Technical Education India cannot regain her prosperity until the study and application of the modern sciences become, so to speak, naturalized in the country.the patriotic endeavors which are being made to send students to foreign countries for technical education, in his opinion, are most praiseworthy. But they are no doubt meant to 2 P a g e

serve, as a small beginning. Technical education cannot be expected to make any real progress until there is at least one well- appointed polytechnic institution in the country capable of giving efficient instruction in the principles and practice of the technical arts, which help the production of the principal necessaries of life of the Indian population. But mere industrial advancement cannot restore Indian to the position which she once occupied among the civilized countries of the world. And even industrial prosperity cannot be attained amongst all concerned, and these can only prevail and endure amongst those who are fair in all their dealings, strict in the observance of good faith and steadfast in their loyalty to truth. Such men cannot be found in sufficiently large numbers to keep a society to which in an organized, efficient and healthy condition, when the society to which they belong is not under the abiding influence of a great religion acting as a living force. The foregoing considerations point to the need for bringing the Hindu community under a system of education which will qualify its members for the pursuit of the great aims of life (trivarga) as laid down in the scripture: (1) Discharge of religious duties (Dharma) (2) Attainment of material prosperity (Artha), and (3) Enjoyment of lawful pleasures (Kama). The fourth great aim, salvation (moksha) must be pursued by each individual by his own efforts under the guidance of his spiritual preceptor and in accordance with the methods of his own particular creed or denomination. Malaviya Ji Madan Mohan Malaviyaji was born on December 25, 1861 and died on November 12, 1946. He got his B.A. degree in 1884, LL.B in 1891, and practiced in the High Court of Allahabad. He was editors of newspapers and journals viz. The Hindusthan (a daily Hindi Newspaper), The Indian Union, Abhudaya, Maryada and The Leader and Chairman of Hindustan Times Group till he breathed last. Malaviya was one of the earliest protagonists of the Indian National Congress and since 1886 he had been associated with it. Four times, he was bestowed Presidentship of Indian National Congress, a unique distinction of political maturity and respect which he commanded. In 1903, Malaviya was elected to the Provincial Legislative Council. There he delivered important speeches on the annual financial statement, the Excise, Rowlett and the Bundelkhand Land Alienation Bills. He was subsequently elected to the Imperial Legislative Council in 1909 and continued to be its member till 1930. His enthusiastic support to Gokhale s Elementary Education Bill was well known. Malaviya s vision of modern India envisaged rapid industrial and agricultural development of the country and for that he advocated education in the field of sciences and technology. At his behest were organized the Indian Industrial Conference at Banaras (1905) and U.P. Industrial Conference at Allahabad (1907). His dissent to the report of the Industrial Commission (1916-1918), as its member, is a brilliant exposure of the economic and industrial problems of India and at the same time an indictment of the British economic policy towards the country. At the Calcutta Congress of 1920, Malaviya opposed the adoption of Gandhian Programme of noncooperation. In 1932, he presided over the All India Unity Conference at Allahabad. The Communal Award of Ramsay Macdonald was severally criticised by him at the Congress Nationalist Party Conference in August 1934 at Calcutta. 3 P a g e

Legislative Council Pandit Malaviya performed brilliantly for the economic and social emancipation of masses of India during his career as law maker spanning three decades. Much of his efforts and views are not known. He was elected from the provincial legislature of U.P. in 1909 for central council/assembly where he continued till 1930. He effectively argued on number of vital economical and social issues as well reforms in governance. On 4 th April, 1910 a bill to provide for the better control of the Indian press was moved which was opposed by Malaviyaji forcefully. I am only anxious that the provisions of the Bill which have created an apprehension in the minds of the people that the liberty of legitimate discussion which is highly beneficial to the people and the Government will be curtailed, should be given up or recast. My Lord, when the Press is left at the mercy of the Local Government, when it is left to the Local Government by merely issuing a notice to demand a security, I submit the freedom with which newspapers have expressed their criticisms of the acts and omissions of Government is very much likely to suffer. On 6 th Aug,1910 a bill was moved in the imperial council to provide for the continuance of the Seditious Meetings Act,1907 which Malaviyaji apposed saying as there is nothing special in the existing circumstances which would justify an opposite course. It has been said, that the Government of India have been denouncing the practice of torturing accused persons with a view to extort confessions from them at least ever since they enacted the Indian Penal Code, which has laid down that any person who would so put people to torture would be liable to be punished with imprisonment which may extend to seven years. But the existence of such a provision has not evidently proved to be a sufficient deterrent, and in view of the facts brought to light in some recent cases, it was clearly necessary in the public interests to draw public attention to the evil with a view to have special measures taken to effectually discourage it. Malaviyaji was champion of educational cause of India from very beginning of his active life which later reflected in his commitment to establish the Banaras Hindu University. In fact he wanted many such universities. Supported Elementary Education Bill moved by Shri Gokhale on 19 th March, 1912 and suggested to refer it to select committee. One of the apprehension of some muslim members of the council were that by passing the bill the interests of Urdu language may injure. Malaviyaji was of the view that during last 70 years Hindi and Urdu are the medium of education without any problem. Similarly caste and numerous creeds in this country will welcome the Act. He also allayed the fear that compulsory education may be resented, But the true justification for the adoption of compulsion lies in the assumption that elementary instruction ought not merely to be vigorously extended, but, ultimately, to be made universal, and that this is impossible without compulsion. That there will always be a proportion of parents, weak or apathetic or shortsighted or greedy, who will neglect their duty, except under pressure, is implied in the legislation of all Western countries. This country is full of conservative elements, non-official as well as official, which will decline to accept the theory that, elementary instruction ought ultimately to become universal; but responsible opinion appears to be committed to that conclusion, and considering what is being done elsewhere in the world, we do not see what else is possible without the gravest economic and other risks. We stand then, ultimately committed to the necessity of compulsion. In the same way he argued for the Simultaneous Examination on Sep.1917 and moving the bill, he was of the opinion, "This Council recommends to the Governor-General-in-Council that the Government of India should move the Secretary of State to arrange that the examination for the Indian Civil Service should henceforth be held simultaneously in India and in England, successful candidates being classified in the list according to merit." It was no doubt true," said he, "that the natives of India might compete in these examinations, but as 4 P a g e

they could only do so by coming to London, at great expanse, and then might be unsuccessful, to say that the examinations were practically open to them was an idle mockery." His proposal was that there should be examinations at Calcutta, Madras and Bombay; there should be the same papers and the same tests as in London, and that the successful candidates, whether English or native, should spend two years in England. Speaking in the imperial council on 20 th March, 1916 on the abolition of indentured labour, he concluded after a lengthy speech, My Lord, human reason and experience alike show that indentured labour is an unmitigated curse, and the greater the inequality between the contracting parties and the longer the period of contract, the greater is the extent of the evil. Aud both humanitarian and political considerations humanitarian far more than political demand that it should be abolished as early as possible and replaced by free labour, which is, after all, the most efficient form of labour. Indian indentured labourers have too long been denied their birthright as human beings, and it is high time that the yoke of slavery was removed from their necks. Opposing to the position that Indian Councils have no fiscal power, speaking on the Budget debate in the Imperial Legislative Council on March 23, 1917, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya said, I mean no disrespect to your Excellency or your colleagues in the Government of India but I am sorry to say that not you but His Majesty's Secretary of State is the Government of India, because it is an open secret, we all know it to our regret, that every matter of importance relating to the revenues of India must be decided by the Secretary of State for India. He added, The Indian National Congress and the Moslem League are also put forward a carefully considered scheme of reforms. There is thus no doubt much material before the Government to help it to come to a decision on the reforms. He further argued, Among these reforms, one of the most important forcibly suggested by the discussion on the Budget to-day is that India should enjoy fiscal autonomy and that its Legislative Council, which is constituted by law, should have the sole power to determine what taxes should be raised and how the money raised should be spent. The action that has recently been taken by the Lancashire party in England with reference to the increase made in the import duties on cotton goods throws a lurid light on the need of having fiscal autonomy conferred on India. As regards the general question the claim of us Indians to have a real voice in the administration of our domestic affairs is unanswerable. President of Congress for Self-Government Malaviyaji had a unique distinction of being a congress president for four times. In 1909 (Lahore) and 1918 (New Delhi) he was an elected president. In 1932 (Calcutta) and 1933 (New Delhi) he was to preside but could not address the meet because of arrest. In his various addresses as president or speaker he was debating relentlessly to bring change by means of political reforms, bringing change through economic policies or suggesting for social change by inculcation of values of Sanatan Dharma. During his address to Lahore Congress in 1909, he declared, This conviction found the clearest and most emphatic expression in the Congress which met in Calcutta in 1906. Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji, the revered patriarch of the educated community, speaking with the knowledge and experience born of a life-long study of the defects and shortcomings of the existing system of administration and oppressed with the thought of the political and economic evils from which India has been suffering, declared in words of burning conviction that " Self-Government is the only and chief remedy. In Self-Government lies our hope, strength and greatness." Mr. Dadabhai did not urge that full- fladged representative institutions should at once be introduced into India. But he did urge, and the whole of educated India urged through him, that it was high time that a good 5 P a g e

beginning were made " such a systematic beginning as that it may naturally in no long time develop itself into full legislatures of Self-Government like those of the self-governing colonies." (Hear, hear.) He was a firm believer in the plurality of India, though misconception has been created about this. In the same congress he concluded by saying that, I have faith in the future of my country. I have no doubt that the policy of the preferential treatment of one community over another and all other obstacles which keep the great communities of India from acting together, will slowly but steadily disappear, and that under the guidance of a benign Providence feelings of patriotism and brotherliness will continue to increase among Hindus, Mahomedans, Christians and Parsees, until they shall flow like a smooth but mighty river welding the people of all communities into a great and united nation, which shall realise a glorious future for India and secure to it a place of honour among the nations of the world. He thundered in Delhi Congress in 1918, Ladies and gentlemen, I have shown that we have many complaints against the existing bureaucratic system. I have also said that self-government is the only remedy. It is our conviction that if we Indians had an effective share in the administration of our affairs, we should have managed things very differently. How we should have managed them is not a mere matter of conjecture, but is clearly shown by the resolutions that we have passed during the last 32 years in regard to many questions of public interest Those resolutions show that if we had an effective voice, an effective control in the administration of our country s affairs, we would probably have achieved at least half as much progress as the Japanese have achieved, that our people would have been more prosperous, more contented, and in every way more happy then they are at present. We ask for this opportunity of national self-development, and trust that our British fellow-subject, including those in the Indian Civil Service, will support and help us in this demand. It is particularly necessary that they should help us against those who are misrepresenting us and making a misuse against us of the recommendations of the Rowlett Committee. I have expressed before this my whole hearted condemnation of the ways pursued by some of our misguided youths. I deplore that they were misled. But what is now of importance is to remember the circumstances under which evil tendencies grew up among them. I would ask every Englishman who considers this question to make a mental survey of what passed in India from the period of 1897 to 1915. I would ask him to remember that it was the Plague Administration in Poona that gave rise to alarm and resentment among the people and led to the unfortunate murder of two Englishman and to the deportation of the Natu brothers. I would ask him to remember the partition of Bengal. I would ask him to remember the repressive measures which were adopted to put down the agitation against the partition; also the various other repressive measures passed between 1817 to 1915. I will then ask him to consider what has been done by the Government in the same period in the matter of reforms and in redressing the grievances of Indians. He will have to recognise that while on the one side there were causes created for discontent, the reasonable demands which Indians had been making were not granted. Our industries were not encouraged. The difficulty in finding careers for our young men was growing. Education was not sufficiently spread; poverty was increasing, racial inequality was kept up between Europeans and Indians : there were invidious distinctions made between Indians and Europeans in the services and in the matter bearing arms. All these causes contributed to a state of feeling which might well lead, deplorably but pardonably lead, some Indian youths into the paths of sedition. If our English friends will bear these facts in mind, I think they will arrive at a juster judgment that they are likely to do otherwise. All that I would say to them is that remedy for the state of things which the Rowlett Committee deplore, assuming their conclusions to be correct, lies not in forging any repressive legislation but in granting large and liberal measures of reform, which will remove the root-causes of discontent and promote contentment and satisfaction among Indian people. 6 P a g e

Dissent Note In The Indian Industrial Commission Malaviyaji was elected to the first Indian Industrial Commission (1916-18) to represent Indian Legislative Council along with others. The Malaviya was placing his views for the economic and industrial reforms right from 1886 when he participated second Indian National Congress in Calcutta and where Mr.A.O.Hume was impressed by the speech of 26 years young man. His dissent note presents India of his dreams, wherein he surveyed Indian Economy and Industrial scenario. Malaviya ji placed his form views regarding economic backwardness resulted because of colonial partiality, need for scientific, technical and commercial education, promotion of Indian cotton and handicrafts industries and industrial finance etc etc. Malaviyaji said that I cannot conclude this note better than by endorsing the following generous and wise words of Sir Frederick Nicholson. " I beg to record my opinion that in the matter of Indian industries we are bound to consider Indian interest firstly, secondly and thirdly- I mean by ' firstly ' that the local raw products should be utilised, by ' secondly ' that industries should be introduced, and by ' thirdly ' that the profits of such industry should remain in the country. If measures for the industrial development of India are taken in 'this spirit, India will become prosperous and strong, and England more prosperous and stronger. The Commission has been instructed to examine and report upon the possibilities of further industrial development in India and to submit its recommendations with special reference to the following questions. " (a) whether new openings for the profitable employment of Indian capital in commerce and industry can be indicated ; "(b) whether and, if so, in what manner, Government can usefully give direct encouragement to industrial development- (i) by rendering technical advice more freely available; (ii) by the demonstration of the practical possibility on a commercial scale of particular industries ; " iii) by affording directly or indirectly financial assistance to industrial enterprises ; or (iv) by any other means which are not incompatible with the existing fiscal policy of the Government of India." Banaras Hindu University Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya s services to the socio-political life of Indian and its economic regeneration have indeed been great. But greater still and more enduring has been his selfless devotion to the cause of education through the establishment of the Hindu University at Banaras. He wishes to make it an ideal centre of learning, and for same he gave up his lucrative practice at the bar. Many people had greeted his scheme with ridicule, regarding it as utopian and impracticable. Obviously, there was grave problem of financial support. But by dint of his personal charm, integrity and sincerity, Malaviya was able to collect the large sum of money required to establish University of his dream. It will not be an exaggeration to record that Malaviyaji was the heart and soul of Banaras Hindu University, a living monument of his untiring energy and endeavour and supposed to be one of the greatest achievements of the twentieth century in the country. The one of the major objective behind this University was to create manpower to reconstruction of India after attainment of its freedom. It is note- worthy to record here that the mandate has been fulfilled by the alumni of the University in laying down the infrastructure and developmental projects. It may also be noted here that the engineering and science education in Banaras Hindu University had been a backbone of creating institutional network in the country and that includes prestigious institutions like Indian Institute of Technology, 7 P a g e

Management, Medicine and number of scientific laboratories and institutions. In fact steel, coal, power and such other mining industries are flourishing because of the labour of alumni of the BHU. He worked ceaselessly to put the University on a firmer root and guided its destiny as its Vice- Chancellor (1919-39) and Rector (1939-46). He exhorted the Indian youths to be man of character. In his famous convocation address (1929) he observed that the education they had received was required to plant an ardent desire in their minds to see their country free and self-governing. He cherished desire to prepare the youths to discharge every obligation which may be cast upon them for the early fulfillment of it. He reminded that the highest duty of a citizen was to offer that final sacrifice of his life when honour of motherland required it. Conclusively, he wished them to act with a full sense of responsibility and to work in the right spirit and under proper guidance for the freedom of the country. To sum up Malaviya s colossal personality, it may be relevant to quote Mahatma Gandhi, who wrote I found him (Tilak) as Himalaya, I thought that it was not possible for me to climb up that an un scalabel height. I then went to Shri Gokhale. He appeared to me like a deep ocean. I found that it was not possible for me to enter so deep. Lastly, I approached Malaviyaji. He seemed to be as crystal like as the stream and I decided to have ablutions in the sacred stream. 8 P a g e