Towards a new Democratic World Order

Similar documents
Russia, the Eurasian Union and the Transnational Elite

Globalization, Russia and the Left

Oil, economic warfare and self-reliance

Disaster theories and the crisis: the peak oil case

What is Global Governance? Domestic governance

Τhe Transnational Elite and the NWO as conspiracies.

H.E. Mr. Lech KACZYŃSKI

Belarus and Ukraine Balancing Policy between the EU and Russia. by Andrew Skriba

Economic Assistance to Russia: Ineffectual, Politicized, and Corrupt?

This was a straightforward knowledge-based question which was an easy warm up for students.

Spain: Beyond the general strike*

BUILDING SOVEREIGNTY, PREVENTING HEGEMONY:

The End of Bipolarity

1 Rethinking EUROPE and the EU. By Bruno Amoroso

SPEECH GIVEN BY DR. MAUNO KOIVISTO, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND, AT THE COLLEGE OF EUROPE, OCTOBER 28, 1992

Oxfam Education

Economic Warfare the Main Western Weapon

Return to Cold War in Europe? Is this Ukraine crisis the end of a Russia EU Partnership? PAUL FLENLEY UNIVERSITY OF PORTSMOUTH

Democracy, Sovereignty and Security in Europe

CHAPTER 10: Fundamentals of International Political Economy

A Southern critique of the Millennium Development Goals.

CHINA IN THE WORLD PODCAST. Host: Paul Haenle Guest: Su Hao

The crisis of democratic capitalism Martin Wolf, Chief Economics Commentator, Financial Times

Final exam: Political Economy of Development. Question 2:

PERSONAL INTRODUCTION

Paul W. Werth. Review Copy

The BRICS and the European Union as International Actors: A Strategic Partnership in a Multipolar Order.

Examiners Report June GCE Government & Politics 6GP03 3D

Democracy and Democratization: theories and problems

The Israel-Lebanon War of 2006 and the Ceyhan-Haifa Pipeline

A Global Caste System and Ethnic Antagonism

CENTRE WILLIAM-RAPPARD, RUE DE LAUSANNE 154, 1211 GENÈVE 21, TÉL

The real causes of the catastrophic crisis in Greece and the Left *

BRICS Cooperation in New Phase of Globalization. Niu Haibin Senior Fellow, Shanghai Institutes for International Studies

The order in which the fivefollowing themes are presented here does not imply an order of priority.

THE BALTIC SEA REGION: A REGION WITH DECENT AND MODERN JOBS

Global Scenarios until 2030: Implications for Europe and its Institutions

Overview: The World Community from

AP Comparative Government

CH 17: The European Moment in World History, Revolutions in Industry,

Ten Key Questions of Russian Foreign Policy

EC 454. Lecture 3 Prof. Dr. Durmuş Özdemir Department of Economics Yaşar University

What is Inclusive Democracy? The contours of Inclusive Democracy *

Introductory Remarks. Michael Schaefer, Chairman of the Board, BMW Foundation. Check against delivery!

Faculty of Political Science Thammasat University

Newsletter. The Outlook for the Tri-polar World and the Japan-China Relationship 1

The Cold War Notes

The Ecological Crisis as Part of the Present Multi-dimensional Crisis and Inclusive Democracy*

Chapter 2: The Modern State Test Bank

The Former Soviet Union Two Decades On

Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya General People's Committee for Foreign Liaison and International Cooperation.

Political Economy of. Post-Communism

Types of World Society. First World societies Second World societies Third World societies Newly Industrializing Countries.

China Nunziante Mastrolia

island Cuba: Reformulation of the Economic Model and External Insertion I. Economic Growth and Development in Cuba: some conceptual challenges.

China s Road of Peaceful Development and the Building of Communities of Interests

Exam Questions By Year IR 214. How important was soft power in ending the Cold War?

Va'clav Klaus. Vdclav Klaus is the minister of finance of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic.

SR: Has the unfolding of the Dubai World debt problem in the UAE hampered broader growth prospects for the region?

Western Responses to the Ukraine Crisis: Policy Options

Imperialism and its Accomplices: The Question of Dictatorship. And Democracy at Home and Abroad. James Petras

Con!:,rressional Research Service The Library of Congress

RUSSIA S IDENTITY FORMATION: PUTIN S PROJECT

i. measures for an accelerated implementation of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos;

Globalization and Shifting World Power

The Historical Evolution of International Relations

Globalization and a new World Order: Consequences for Security. Professor Kjell A. Eliassen Centre for European and Asian Studies

Examiners Report June GCE Government and Politics 6GP03 3D

ON THE LENGTH OF THE TRANSFORMATION PERIOD IN FORMER COMMUNIST COUNTRIES

Examiners Report June GCE Government and Politics 6GP03 3D

Defence Cooperation between Russia and China

EXPERT INTERVIEW Issue #2

A Sustained Period of Low Oil Prices? Back to the 1980s? Oil Price Collapse in 1986 It was preceded by a period of high oil prices. Resulted in global

We the Stakeholders: The Power of Representation beyond Borders? Clara Brandi

Review of implementation of OSCE commitments in the EED focusing on Integration, Trade and Transport

War Economy of Syrian Crisis

The European Union played a significant role in the Ukraine

Chapter II European integration and the concept of solidarity

Ukraine s Integration in the Euro-Atlantic Community Way Ahead

The EU and Russia: our joint political challenge

Thoughts on Globalization, 1/15/02 Pete Bohmer

Introduction. Paul Flenley and Michael Mannin

Peter Katzenstein, ed. The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics

The bankruptcy of Syriza and of the globalist Left

Plurilateralism and the Global South. --Kamal Mitra Chenoy *

9.1 Human Development Index Development improving the material conditions diffusion of knowledge and technology Measure by HDI

ITUC 1 Contribution to the pre-conference negotiating text for the UNCTAD XII Conference in Accra, April

The character of the crisis: Seeking a way-out for the social majority

A SCENARIO: ALLIANCE OF FRUSTRATION. Dr. Deniz Altınbaş. While the relations between the European Union and Russia are getting tense, we

POLS - Political Science

report THE ROLE OF RUSSIA IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: STRATEGY OR OPPORTUNISM? Milan, 12 October 2018 from the Dialogue Workshop

United Nations General Assembly 1st

12 November 2014 Roger E. Kanet Department of Political Science University of Miami

Comparative Politics: Domestic Responses to Global Challenges, Seventh Edition. by Charles Hauss. Chapter 9: Russia

CISS Analysis on. Obama s Foreign Policy: An Analysis. CISS Team

THE HOMELAND UNION-LITHUANIAN CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATS DECLARATION WE BELIEVE IN EUROPE. 12 May 2018 Vilnius

The 'Hybrid War in Ukraine': Sampling of a 'Frontline State's Future? Discussant. Derek Fraser

IPIS & Aleksanteri Institute Roundtable 11 April 2016 IPIS Tehran, Iran

The Relationship between Globalization and the Civil Society Development in Iran during the years (with an emphasis on parties and press)

Be afraid of the Chinese bearing gifts

Transcription:

The International Journal of INCLUSIVE DEMOCRACY, Vol. 10, Nos. 1/2 (Winter-Summer 2014) Towards a new Democratic World Order TAKIS FOTOPOULOS (03.11.2014) Abstract: This article examines the preconditions for the creation of a new democratic World Order of sovereign and self-reliant nations to replace the present New World Order of neoliberal globalization. A strategy is proposed for the creation of such a democratic world order from below, leading to a new kind of internationalism, which will be inspired by the principles of solidarity and mutual aid rather than the catastrophic principles of competitiveness and profitmaking, as at present. At the beginning of the new millennium, in an article examining the theoretical aspects of globalization and the related approaches attempting to interpret this phenomenon, I had drawn the following conclusion: I think that humanity faces a crucial choice in the new millennium. Either we continue our present patterns of life, within the present institutions which secure today s huge and growing concentration of power at all levels and the consequent continuous deepening of the present multidimensional crisis, or, alternatively we embark on a process which would create the preconditions for the establishment, for the first time in History, of a new and truly Democratic World Order. 1 At that time, globalization had not yet taken its present dimensions in terms of concentration of power at all levels. In particular, it did not (yet) mean the loss of economic and therefore national sovereignty for those countries integrated into the New World Order (NWO) of neoliberal globalization in a relationship of dependence to the Transnational Elite (TE), i.e. the network of the elites A short version of this article was published in Eleftherotypia, an Athens daily, on 2/11/2014. The article was also published simultaneously in Pravda.ru, 3/11/2014. It was edited by Jonathan Rutherford. <http://english.pravda.ru/opinion/columnists/03-11-2014/128949- democratic_world_order-0/> 1 Takis Fotopoulos, Globalisation, the reformist Left and the Anti-Globalisation "Movement" Democracy & Nature, Vol. 7, No. 2 (July 2001), pp. 233-28. <http://www.democracynature.org/vol7/takis_globalisation.htm> Page 106

controlling the global economic, political and information processes mainly based in the G7 countries. It is therefore clear that the fundamental aim of the social struggle today should be a complete break with the present NWO and the building of a new democratic world order which would be founded on sovereign and self-reliant nation-states. The conditions of virtual political and economic occupation we live under today, mean that people resisting it have to form Popular Fronts for National and Social Liberation fighting for economic and national sovereignty through the break with the NWO. Then, once the people of a particular country have broken with this criminal Order, they should join with peoples from other countries, also fighting for the same aims, to form together new economic unions of sovereign states. As long as the member countries are characterized by complementary production structures, any possibility of involuntary transfer of economic surplus from some countries (usually the weaker ones, as is the case in the EU) to other countries in the Union is ruled out. Therefore, a collective kind of self-reliance could be achieved within the economic area covered by such a union. Needless to add that the peoples in the West (the socalled world community ) never hear anything about the real significance of globalization and are spoon-fed information that either distorts or is economical with the truth by the TE-controlled mass media. In this sense, the completion of a Eurasian Union, as originally conceived, i.e. as an economic union of sovereign nation-states, in which nations could secure self-reliance within the Union as a whole and would have the ability to impose whatever social controls on markets they decided, would have been an event of a tremendous global significance for the development of a new democratic global order to replace the present criminal NWO of neoliberal globalization, which has already destroyed the lives of billions of people all over the world. Particularly so if the Eurasian Union could expand to cover also all those peoples in the world who presently fight against the TE for their sovereignty and self-determination, either in the Arab World (Syria and Iran, as well as those who were forcibly integrated into the NWO like Iraq and Libya), and also those in Latin America (Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and others) and the rest of the world. However, this presupposes that the Eurasian Union will not just be an extension of the present NWO into the Eurasian space, as the TE itself and particularly some parts of it like Germany wish (whose elite even speaks of an extension of the EU into the Eurasian space), and, of course, the liberal globalists within the Russian elite the fifth column as Putin called it in his Crimea speech. Clearly, the aim of all these elites is simply to expand the geographical area of activity of TNCs even further to areas, which are not yet fully integrated into the NWO. Yet, it is clear that the new democratic order will have to be based on very different values and principles of organization than the Page 107

present order, otherwise it will not have any raison d être and no sane person, who does not have any economic or other interests associated with the further expansion of the TE s empire, would fight for it! The institutional framework that has been established today all over the world, i.e. in all countries integrated into the NWO, consists of a model in which economic growth, sometimes for its own sake, is the fundamental economic aim. In this framework, the continuation of growth depends on a process of further internationalising the economy, a fact which implies a self-perpetuating vicious circle. Thus, the destruction of economic self-reliance, as a result of internationalization necessitates a growing dependence on imports and therefore creates further pressure to expand exports in order to finance them. But greater exports presuppose more competitiveness and therefore corresponding improvements in productivity that, in the end, can only come from more investments in technology, research and development. And who controls world trade and investment in a globalized economy? Of course, the Transnational Corporations (TNCs), which possess the productive and technological base that allows the constant improvement in productivity which is required by the cut-throat international competition. As I showed elsewhere, 2 a core of a few hundred TNCs control the bulk of global revenues! No wonder that by the late 1990s, the fifth of the world s population living in the richest countries in the world from where the TNCs originated (mainly the G7 countries) controlled 86% of world GDP and 82% of world export markets. 3 Therefore, in this process, the victors necessarily are those most competitive ones, who possess the production and technological bases that allow for the continual increase in productivity required by the tough international competition. In other words, in the present globalization era, it is not anymore nation-states fighting among themselves for the division of world markets but transnational corporations who rule the world. It is these huge oligopolies that are always the victors, irrespective of where they base their activities. So, the fact that today China or India look like economic superpowers (or rising superpowers) is not an economic miracle but just an economic mirage. If any of these countries stopped offering the comparative advantages they presently do, particularly in terms of cheap production cost to the TNCs, the economic miracle would end overnight when the latter move to one of the other countries begging them to invest in their own area. The myth therefore that competition is good for the people assumes that people are just consumers looking for the cheapest possible price for what they buy. Unfortunately they are also producers and the continuous suppression of their wages and incomes 2 See The Transnational Elite and the NWO as 'conspiracies', Pravda.ru (20/10/2014). <http://english.pravda.ru/opinion/columnists/20-10-2014/128839- translational_elite_nwo_conspiracy-0/> 3 UN, Human Development Report 1999 (NY: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 3 Page 108

within the globalization process has already led to the dualist consumer society within a new type of growth economy I mentioned before. So, globalisation is good for a small minority of the world population and too bad for the vast majority of it. However, although growth (or better development) may be necessary in order to meet the needs of the population (sometimes even the basic needs), there is no need for a rational society to grow for growth s sake, a process which apart from the obvious ecological adverse effects can be shown to also have catastrophic social and cultural effects, as well as political effects as real democratic processes are impossible in today s centralized societies implied by growth. So, growth for growth s sake is an irrational process imposed by those controlling production, i.e. the TNCs, which do not even hesitate to create artificial needs just to make more profits and expand further. Therefore, as long as the fundamental economic decisions about what, how and for whom to produce are not social decisions taken collectively and directly by citizens themselves but, instead, are taken by individual consumers through the market, then despite the myths of orthodox economics which are based on an imaginary perfectly competitive world, assuming away the crucial distributional aspects, the resulting allocation of resources is not only far from efficient but also inevitably leads to the present huge and growing inequalities in the world distribution of income and wealth. So, the new democratic world order of sovereign and self-reliant nations should set the foundations to transcend the historical systems of control over the means of production and distribution. That is, the private vs. the state control of the means of production and distribution. Today, the crucial historical issue is how the conditions could be created for the control of the means of production to be exercised directly by society, through the citizens assemblies, which will directly determine the economic and political processes. This is particularly urgent today when it is fully realized that the collapse of the Cold war bipolar world, instead of leading to the creation of a mass movement is this direction, led to exactly the opposite: the creation of the present criminal unipolar world and the parallel development of a degenerate Left that directly or indirectly (or objectively ), supports it. Thus, part of it adopts the usual reformist approach that effective change from within the system is still possible, despite the fact that historically it has proved to be a total failure in even stopping the reversal of all major social conquests of the last century concerning the right to full employment, working conditions, the rights to strike and demonstrate, let alone the right to a social wage in terms of the social welfare state that was condemned to death by the TE. Similarly, the antisystemic part of the Left has, mostly, not even a clue about globalization as a new systemic phase and of the present struggle of working class people everywhere for national and economic sovereignty, as a precondition for any radical change. Instead, it still talks about Page 109

intra-imperialist struggles, and still expects a global revolution, presumably some time in the next millennium given, in this millennium, there has not even been a pan-european workers strike against the dramatic reversal of historical social conquests! However, it is clear that the alternative pole I described above for the transitional period, i.e. an economic union of sovereign states, like the Eurasian Union, will not of course establish such direct democratic institutions, as long as the present unipolar NWO is still around. Yet, just by challenging the present NWO and implicitly also questioning the soviet bloc s way of allocating resources, it will inevitably raise again the crucial issue of direct control of resources by society in the new democratic world order to emerge, following the overthrowing of the NWO of neoliberal globalization. In other words, only an economic and political union of peoples resisting today s unipolar NWO would be in a position to create the pre-conditions to transcend the present homogenization and put the foundations for a different, really self-managed society something obviously impossible today when the vast majority of the world population, the victims of globalization, live under conditions of effective occupation fighting for their own survival. Therefore, the crucial issue today, in the fight for the creation of a new democratic world order, is how we create this alternative pole of sovereign selfreliant nations, in full knowledge that the TE will use any kind of economic or physical violence at its disposal to abort any such effort with all the huge means available to it. At the outset, it should be clear by now why the creation of self-reliant societies is the necessary (though not the sufficient as well) condition for economic and national sovereignty. Self-reliance here is meant in terms of autonomy, rather than in terms of self-sufficiency, which, under today's conditions, is neither feasible nor desirable. A useful definition of self-reliance is the one given by the 1974 Cocoyoc Declaration of non-aligned countries as reliance primarily on one's own resources, human and natural, and the capacity of autonomous goal-setting and decision-making. 4 Thus, although self-reliance implies maximal utilisation of local resources and sources of energy, it should not be confused with autarchy and should always be seen as a necessary condition for autonomy in the sense here of political and economic sovereignty. Needless to add that self-reliance in this sense is impossible within the World Trade Organization framework and the limited degree of import substitution allowed by its rules, whereas it is perfectly feasible within a Eurasian Union built according to the principles described above. Next, a real struggle for economic self-reliance could begin in earnest by a Popular front for National and Social Liberation like the one I mentioned 4 Quoted in Paul Ekins, Trade for Mutual Self-Reliance (London: TOES publication), 1989, p. 13. Page 110

above, through the radical restructuring of the productive base, with the aim of meeting, at least, the basic needs of all citizens, rather than meeting market demands, as prescribed by the Transnational Elite. Furthermore, citizens could then enjoy the benefits of Social Health, and Education, as well as Social Insurance (through new public organizations that they themselves would control directly) and recover the public assets and social goods, which are currently being sold out to transnational corporations and loan sharks. Finally, it should be stressed that self-reliance should not be seen in the narrow context of a single country, even a big one such as Russia, but in the context of the alternative pole of sovereign nations I mentioned above. This implies that another necessary condition for the implementation of such a program 5 is the radical change of geopolitical conditions, so that the Libyan or Ukrainian examples are not repeated in the countries moving away from the NWO. This presupposes the creation of an international front of all countries presently resisting the NWO, from Venezuela, Bolivia and Cuba up to the countries in the EU periphery that everyday get closer to a break with the EU, which has condemned them to mass unemployment of pseudo-full employment and poverty, the peoples in the Middle East (Syria, Iran), as well as the peoples in the broader Eurasian area. Particularly the Russian people who presently, from communists up to nationalists, and from radical social democrats to Christian orthodox are united against the NWO and who by definition will play a leading role in the new democratic world order. One could expect that once such an alternative pole for a new democratic world order is created there will be a transitional period between the present unipolar world order (which is disguised as a pseudo multi-polar world), and a future new Democratic World Order based on self-reliant and sovereign nations, which is obviously incompatible with it. It seems therefore that the most likely scenario for the transitional period involves a bi-polar world, in which the present NWO will co-exist in tension with the emerging real multipolar world of self-reliant and sovereign nations, like the one that could potentially be provided by a Eurasian Union provided of course that the latter functions as a real alternative to the present NWO rather than simply as a complement to it, as the liberal globalists within the Russian elite wish, supported by at least part of the TE. Needless to add that such a strategy would also allow a genuine, new form of internationalism to be built from below, which will be inspired by the principles of solidarity and mutual aid rather than the catastrophic principles of competitiveness and profit-making, as at present. 5 See for such a detailed program, Takis Fotopoulos, Ukraine, The attack on Russia and the Eurasian Union (published shortly by Progressive Press), ch. 11. Page 111