Summary USJI Security Policy Research Project FY 2010 Policy Recommendations for Comprehensive Japan-US Security Cooperation in a New World Order Project Leader Shotaro Yachi Visiting Professor, Waseda University Organization for Japan-US Studies Group D Security Policy Research Group is a research group within the Waseda University Organization for Japan-US Studies (WOJUSS), which primarily includes academicians, researchers, current and former public officials and journalists, with occasional invitations to outside experts, that has exchanged reports and ideas based on those reports pertaining to Japan-US security policies for approximately two years beginning in 2008. Since September 2010 the Group has coordinated with WOJUSS, and conducted discussions including overseas partners while continuing projects established within the US-Japan Research Institute (USJI), which is jointly operated by five Japanese universities. Broadening the activities of this project with the generous understanding and support of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation meant huge progress in the activities of this Research Group. We would like to take this opportunity to express our heartfelt gratitude to all those involved at the Foundation. Four Research Group meetings were held this fiscal year from September through December. In the final meeting held in December the format of research reports given up until then was changed, and there was a general free discussion based on the discussions that had continued over three years. Together with Hiroyuki Akita, Hideaki Kaneda and Tomohiko Taniguchi, who have acted as core members supporting the activities of this research project, discussion topics pertaining to issues that cannot be avoided in order to realize the Comprehensive Japan-US Security Cooperation of the title, including common Japan-US issues and analysis of the current state of the international environment, were sorted through. They also attempted an examination of the future direction that Japan must seek, policy decision-making procedures for security and defense policies, making the Japan-US Alliance a two-way partnership, and the first National Defense Program for the Democratic Party of Japan (DJP), based on the preconditions that envelop the security of Japan. In February 2011 we planned and conducted a seminar at the biannual USJI Week held in Washington DC entitled East Asian Security Environment and the Future of Japan-US Alliance, where we held lively exchanges of opinions with people involved in the Japan-US relationship, including panelist Dr. Patrick Cronin. Many voiced concerns about the so-called Japan Passing as awareness of China s presence in Asia increases, but the seminar was a success with over 100 experts in attendance. Furthermore it was broadcast by the media, not just on NHK in Japan, but the American cable service C- SPAN also had a camera there for a simultaneous broadcast, and the video was shown on 1
the website as well, so one result of this project worthy of special note was that there were many viewers all over the US. The overall theme of this research is Comprehensive Japan-US Security Cooperation. We will discuss why we dared to use the term Comprehensive while reviewing the research activities from this fiscal year, and taking another look at the background. The post-war security of Japan has fundamentally been ensured by cooperation and ties to the US, all the while experiencing critical junctures including occupation by the Allied Powers (in effect by the US military), independence and signing of the former Japan-US Security Treaty, signing of the new Japan-US Security Treaty (1960), the problems of the 1970s, The Gulf crisis and war, the collapse of Cold War structures, and the emergence of new threats (for example, international terrorism and the Iraq and Afghan War). In practical terms, it is the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Security Treaty signed at the same time, and the Japan-US Alliance structure based on them. The Japan-US security system under the new Security Treaty can truly be called a well-made system that reflects the national conditions of both Japan and the US. In it the US promises to act in the defense of Japan (Article 5), and Japan undertakes the obligation to provide bases for US forces to maintain peace and security not just in Japan but in the Far East (Article 6), and separately Japan agreed to bear a considerable portion of the expenses related to stationing US forces in Japan (Japan Status of Forces Agreement and the Special Treaty for the Financial Burden for US Forces Stationed in Japan). This kind of system was a pragmatic arrangement by the Liberal Democratic leaders of post-wwii Japan, a country exhausted and inclined toward pacifism and emphasizing economic issues, and the US, which viewed Japan as a strong supporter (ally) in the Far East. At the same time however, mutual feelings of unfairness within the Japan-US Security system emerged and strengthened in both Japan and the US, as Japan s national power increased and its international standing rose, and the US began to feel the excessive burden of providing international security. On the US side, there were feelings that while US youth would be obligated to risk their lives and blood in the event of an emergency in Japan, there was no equivalent obligation on the part of Japan (unilateral treaty), and furthermore that based on Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution Japan would not actively seek to fulfill the obligations expected of an ally (security freeride argument), or that the actual winners of the Cold War was Japan. On the other hand on the Japanese side were the feeling that Japan was actually being required to undertake the burdens of base problems and US military expenses, increasing personnel and financial contributions for US military actions overseas, and in response to the US attitude of applying high pressure over problems of trade and economic friction and for demands for international contribution during the Gulf War, factions in Japan on both the right and left embraced a nationalistic anti-american feeling (I call this the drive for independence, a feeling the Japanese people have constantly had since the end of the Tokugawa and the Meiji period). 2
It is generally said that allied nations have fears that envelop them and fears that are forsaken, between them to greater or lesser degrees. Statesmen must constantly strive to balance those fears to manage the alliance (alliance management). In Japan when left wing and progressive forces are strong (for example when there were anti-war and anti-american demonstrations during the Vietnam War) the former strengthened, but during the two Nixon Shocks (1971) the latter feelings were awakened (realization of Ambassador Asakai s Nightmare ), and among conservatives in particular there was a strong recognition during the Gulf War (1991) that the Japan-US Security system could not continue as it was. Since the end of the Gulf War Japan has shown strong awareness of the joint objective of the Japan-US Security Treaty, Peace and Security of East Asia through measures including the International Peacekeeping Cooperation Law (1992), the Joint Statement on the Japan-US Security Treaty by Prime Minister Hashimoto and President Clinton (1996), review of the Guidelines for Japan-US Defense Cooperation (1997), The Act on Measures to Ensure the Peace and Security in Situations in Areas Surrounding Japan (1999), the so-called contingency legislation (2003), and the Anti- Terrorism and Iraq War Special Measures Laws, and Japan itself has moved to strengthen its defense forces, and at the same time has taken practical steps to broadly strengthen cooperation with the US for international security both qualitatively and quantitatively. As a background, it cannot be denied that there has been strong awareness within Japan of the problem of what must be done to firmly position Japan as a trustworthy indispensable ally within the US post-cold War global strategy, and especially in East Asia, to give value to the defense of Japan. In the first half of the 1970 s both Japan and the US shared a concept of US-Japan relations in the world. That ended with the trade friction of the times, and then both countries sought policy directions that reflected their responsibilities as the number one and number two economies of the world in the world economy and the overall international trade system. Japan s position as a major economy in the world did not permit it to sit by during the Gulf Crisis and War, which occurred at the same time as the collapse of Japan s bubble economy (1990, 1991), and its readiness to act as a major political power with a major international security role was questioned. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11 ten years later (2001), Japan has deployed and operated Self Defense Force units in areas that at the very least cannot geographically be termed the Far East, broadening Japan-US security cooperation. The alliance between the two countries, which might be called the Global Japan-US Alliance, has grown to include international peace cooperation including international peacekeeping activities (PKO), anti-terrorism measures, anti-piracy measures, prevention of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, support for disaster relief, and measures to prevent the spread of infectious diseases. It can be said that the window of opportunity is open for the two countries to join forces in cooperation around the world, along with the United Nations and other multilateral efforts. Japan is required in a broad sense by the international society overall to fulfill a global role in terms of international security, and at the same time that is a necessary requirement to become an indispensable ally of the US. Looking at the overall power structure of the international society, the unipolar structure of US leadership after the Cold War is changing to a multipolar or even non- 3
polar power structure as the strength and international position of the US decline in relative terms (fettered by Afghanistan and Iraq, sub prime loan problems, and the Lehman Shock, etc.), while on the other hand there is a new power balance as newly prosperous countries such as China and India emerge. In international circumstances like these Japan is required to resolutely implement diplomatic and security measures based on strategic consideration of its own clearly established position. In order to reverse the feelings of entrapment, inward looking and shrinking thoughts that have taken root in Japanese society, it is necessary for Japan to positively engage in international society and aim for the peace, security and prosperity of the world. Looking again at East Asia, China has surpassed Japan in GDP (2010), has increased defense spending by double digits every year for more than 20 years, and has gone from being a land power to also being a sea power, and plans further enhancements to its maritime capability to exercise maritime control and influence (or deny access) from the continent to the first and second lines of islands. China s words and behavior, including its argument that the South China Sea is a vital interest, strengthening claims to territorial rights to the Senkaku islands, advances into the gas fields in the East China Sea, and the talk of dividing the Pacific Ocean with the US, have heightened tensions with Japan and the US, ASEAN nations, and nations of the Pacific region such as Australia. Tension is also rising in the Korean peninsula, with North Korean development of missiles and nuclear power, challenges to South Korea (for example the sinking of the corvette Cheonan, and the artillery shelling of Yeonpyeong Island), and the lack of transparency in its transfer of political power process. Russian confidence in a Strong Russia has returned as energy prices recover, and taking advantage of the weakness of the DJP government due to errors in domestic and foreign policies they plan to Russify the Northern Territories and strengthen their naval power. Under these circumstances, both Japan and the US must review the objective of the Japan-US Security Treaty, to maintain peace and security in East Asia, and seriously consider what kind of alliance is beneficial to both countries and what is desirable in order to ensure peace, security and prosperity in Asia and the rest of the world. Right after the Manchurian Incident Shigeru Yoshida (later Prime Minister) met Colonel Edward House, a former advisor to President Wilson, in New York. Colonel House said immediately, Nations with no diplomatic sense will inevitably be ruined. He then gave the example of Germany in World War I as a reason, saying, The example is right there, the German Empire. Yoshida expounded, The fundamental principle of Japanese diplomacy should have been good relations with the US, and that will not likely change, nor should it. That was not a matter of a temporary attitude on the part of the military after the war, but protecting a major path of Japanese diplomacy since the Meiji period. Yoshida rejected hollow neutralism, and harshly criticized anti-foreign influences. In other words, he said In view of history, the use of anti-foreign feelings in political movements shows underdevelopment in government, and it is not seen in advanced countries (Shigeru Yoshida, Reflection on Ten Years pp 22-35). It goes without saying that diplomacy is the art of pursuing national interest on the international stage. However, mature nations these days preserve compatibility between 4
national interest and international public interest. If we cite Shigeru Yoshida once more, The diplomacy of each body, each country must be the foundation for international trust more than anything else. Righteous diplomacy is the important thing for international trust. Over the long term, righteous diplomacy is certain to coincide with the national interest. Diplomats must do what is right, and firmly conduct diplomacy with that attitude. (Same publication previously cited, pp. 31, 32). In summary, the basis for Japanese diplomacy and security will continue to be the Japan-US alliance in the foreseeable future, which means preserving the main path of diplomacy since the Meiji period. At the same time, Japan must keep an eye on the new developments in the balance of power, be aware of Japan s global role and responsibilities, and fulfill them in a positive manner. It is necessary for Japan to choose the Japan-US Alliance based on its own independent position, not out of post-occupation habit. That is the meaning of comprehensive in Comprehensive Japan-US Security Cooperation. At the very least it is clear that those diverse points of discussion that came out in this research project are very beneficial when considering Japan s overall security policies based on awareness of those problems. Meanwhile, though we spent half a year challenging this major topic, we can t deny there are portions of the theme that we were unable to address. For example there are many topics for future research, including Russia s uncompromising attitude regarding the Northern Territories that has hit the media recently, relations between Japan, China and the US, cooperation between Japan, China and Korea, and involvement in the major twists in Asia Pacific economic integration and security, including the Tran-Pacific Partnership (TPP). We plan to advance research activities centering on those themes from next fiscal year. Finally, all of the documents in this report reflect the individual opinions of the authors, and do not reflect the views of the organizations they belong to. 5
Background and Research Plan for FY2010 The current international situation continues to be a Post-Cold War world with no exit in sight. It has been 20 years since the demise of the US and Soviet Union dominated structure of the Cold War era, and while both the multipolarization of the world and diversification of threats continue to develop, a new world order to preserve the stability of the international system over the long term has not been realized. In this kind of environment, Japan is expected to show leadership in peace and stability, especially in East Asia, based on the Japan-US alliance, and a close relationship of trust. What form of Global Partnership should Japan and the US build? Furthermore, how should Japan work with the US, and what kind of mechanism should be established to advance smooth cooperation with the Obama administration, which early established international cooperative diplomacy, to quickly resolve the loss of trust from that administration and the Futenma base problem. Meanwhile, the Japan-US security system provided the backbone of Japan s post-war security policies, but in consideration of awareness of the problems raised above, there are not only deep problems with equality and implementation, it has become clear that diverse threats exist that cannot be handled simply by strengthening the existing Japan-US security system. However, the discussion of the existing Japan-US security system has been restricted by domestic laws characteristic of Japan, and have been inadequate from the perspective of developing wider practical international cooperation between Japan and the US. Based on recognition of the above problems, this research project was set up with the objective of proposing policies to build concrete mechanisms based on the theory that peace and security in a new world order do not require a military global partnership based simply on the Japan-US Alliance, but rather that it is essential to build Japan-US relations that enable implementation of international cooperation in more comprehensive fields. We engaged in discussions within the Research Group and with overseas research partners to clarify how diverse organizations can use complex connections to build a comprehensive and effective partnership between Japan and the US, and how to build and implement effective and constructive means to address issues that have hitherto not been significantly addressed, such as intelligence cooperation, including responses to cyber security problems, nuclear proliferation problems, international peacekeeping activities, the piracy problem, resource management and sea lane defense, and disaster relief. In order to achieve the above objectives, we went outside the hitherto inward looking discussion framework that focused on the existing Japan-US security system, and reconsidered the obligations, capabilities and roles of Japan and the US in the light of the global age and global security. 6
Record of Activities Activity Date Theme Research Group meeting 1 September 21, 2010 The Significance of Intelligence in National Security Policy Research Group meeting 2 Research Group meeting 3 Research Group meeting 4 Overseas Research Survey October 19, 2010 November 25, 2010 December 21, 2010 February 6 to February 12, 2011 Mr. Atsuo Suzuki (Director, Defense Policy Division, Bureau of Defense Policy, Ministry of Defense) The New Power Balance and the US-Japan Alliance Mr. Nobukatsu Kanehara (Deputy Director- General (Ambassador), Foreign Policy Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Affairs) Japan s Efforts on International Peace Cooperation Mr. Koji Haneda (Director-General, International Peace Cooperation Headquarters, Cabinet Office) Policy Recommendation for Comprehensive US-Japan Security Cooperation Hiroyuki Akita (Member of Editorial Board, Nihon Keizai Shimbun) Hideaki Kaneda (Director, The Okazaki Institute) Tomohiko Taniguchi (Professor by Special Invitation, Graduate School of SDM, Keio University) Shotaro Yachi (Visiting Professor, The Waseda University Organization for Japan-US Studies) Conducted research surveys in Washington DC and San Diego, and participated in USJI Week February 6: Hearings February 7: USJI Week (East Asia Security Environment and the Future of Japan-US Alliance) Moderator: Professor Shotaro Yachi Panelists: Mr. Takeo Akiba, Minister for Political 7
Affairs, the Embassy of Japan to the US) Dr. Patrick Cronin (CNAS) Mr. Tomohiko Taniguchi (Senior Guest Fellow, Keio University) February 8 to 10: Washington DC, hearings on security and diplomatic issues Professor Shotaro Yachi (Traveled to San Diego on the 9 th ) Mr. Tomohiko Taniguchi (arrived in Tokyo on the 11 th ) February 10: San Diego, RAND Corporation, documentary survey Professor Shotaro Yachi (arrived in Tokyo on the 12 th ) * This record utilizes titles and roles as of the time of the meetings. 8
Project Members Shotaro Yachi (Visiting Professor, Waseda University Organization for Japan-US Studies) / Project Leader After graduating from the University of Tokyo, he acquired his master s degree at the university. After entering the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he served as Deputy Vice-Minister for Foreign Policy, Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary as well as Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs. Field of expertise: International relations, International security Hiroyuki Akita (Senior & Editorial Staff Writer, Political News Department, Editorial Bureau, Nikkei Inc.) After earning a degree from Jiyu Gakuen College, he studied at Boston University, where he received an M.A. He has been a correspondent in the Beijing bureau at the Nikkei Inc. He has also served in Nikkei s Political News Department and the Washington, D.C. bureau. He was an associate of the Program on U.S.-Japan Relations at Harvard Univsersity from 2006 to 07. VADM (ret) Hideaki Kaneda (The Okazaki Institute, Director/ Special Adviser) After graduating from National Defense Academy of Japan, he joined the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force where he served as Commander of the Fleet Escort Force. He has also served as Senior Fellow at Harvard University and Adjunct Fellow at the Japan Institute of International Affairs. Field of expertise: Security, Defense Nobukatsu Kanehara (Minister at the Embassy of Japan in Korea) He graduated from the University of Tokyo. After entering the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he served as Counselor, Permanent Mission of Japan to the United Nations; Director, Legal Affairs Division, Treaties Bureau; Director, Policy Planning Division, Foreign Policy Bureau; Director, US/Japan Security Treaty Division, North American Affairs Bureau; Minister, Embassy of Japan in the United States of America; Director, Policy Coordination Division, Foreign Policy Bureau; Deputy Director-General, European Affairs Bureau; and Deputy Director-General (Ambassador), Foreign Policy Bureau. Tomohiko Taniguchi (Special Guest Professor, Keio University Graduate School of System Design and Management; Visiting Professor, School of Global Japanese Studies, Meiji University) After graduating from the University of Tokyo, he worked as an editor/senior writer for Nikkei Business before spending three years 2005-08 at Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs as Deputy Press Secretary. He was also President of the Foreign Press Association in London and a CNAPS fellow at The Brookings Institution. Field of expertise: International political economy, Japanese foreign policy, 9
Media studies Shinya Murase (Professor of Law, Sophia University) After graduating from International Christian University, he acquired his doctoral degree at the University of Tokyo. He served as Professor at Rikkyo University before assuming the present post. He is currently a member of the UN International Law Commission. Field of expertise: International law 10