THE REPRESENTATION OF EAST ASIA IN LATIN AMERICAN LEGISLATURES HIROKAZU KIKUCHI (INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT ECONOMIES)

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Transcription:

THE REPRESENTATION OF EAST ASIA IN LATIN AMERICAN LEGISLATURES HIROKAZU KIKUCHI (INSTITUTE OF DEVELOPMENT ECONOMIES) 2017/8/17 @ UNIVERSIDADE DE BRASÍLIA

START OF (EAST) ASIAN MIGRATION TO LATIN AMERICA First Asian arriving at Latin America à Filipinos in the 16 th century - Chinese: mid-19 th ß coolie trade. - Japanese: end of the 19 th century - (South) Korean: 1960s

POLITICIANS OF EAST ASIAN DECENT IN LATIN AMERICA - Early 20 th century: challenging the criollo political class (e.g., Víctor Polay-Risco of the APRA, municipal councilmen of Japanese descent in Brazil) - The Cold War era: leftist tendency (e.g., Carlos Ominami, Luiz Gushiken) - From the 1990s: more diversity in ideological origin

POLITICIANS OF EAST ASIAN DECENT IN LATIN AMERICA From left to right: Alberto Fujimori (Peru), José Antonio Chang (Peru), Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong (Mexico), and Mario Ishii (Argentina). - Many scholars have focused on Fujimori and his government - No systematic analysis on politicians of East Asian descent in Latin America!

RESEARCH QUESTIONS What is the representation of East Asia in Latin American legislatures? 1) Representation and career structure (descriptive aspect) - Are people of East Asian descent overrepresented/ underrepresented in Latin America? à every Latin American legislature - Do political careers of legislators of East Asian decent differ from those of other legislators? à Brazilian Chamber of Deputies 2) Asian interest and response of legislators (substantive aspect) - How do legislators respond to Asian interests? à Brazilian Chamber of Deputies (The case of the Frente Parlamentar Mista Brasil-Peru-China Pró Ferrovia Bioceânica)

# OF SEATS AND # OF LEGISLATORS OF EAST ASIAN DESCENT IN LATIN AMERICA (AS OF AUGUST 1, 2016) seats East Asian seats East Asian Argentina: L 257 1 El Salvador 84 0 Argentina: U 72 0 Guatemala 158 0 Bolivia: L 130 0 Haiti: L 92 0 Bolivia: U 36 0 Haiti: U 23 0 Brazil: L 513 3 Honduras 128 0 Brazil: U 81 0 Mexico: L 500 0 Chile: L 120 0 Mexico: U 128 0 Chile: U 38 0 Nicaragua 92 0 Colombia: L 166 0 Panama 71 1 Colombia: U 102 0 Paraguay: L 80 0 Costa Rica 57 0 Paraguay: U 45 0 Cuba 612 0 Peru 130 3 Dominican R.: L 190 0 Uruguay: L 99 0 Dominican R.: U 32 0 Uruguay: U 31 0 Ecuador 137 0 Venezuela 167 0

PREVIOUS POSITIONS OF BRAZILIAN DEPUTIES OF EAST ASIAN DESCENT, 1991-2015 (N=20) National Immediately before At some point prior President/Vice-President 0 0 Minister of State 0 0 Other federal government position 0 0 Senator 0 0 State Governor/Vice-Governor 1 1 State Deputy 8 10 State Secretary or other state government position Municipal 0 0 Mayor/Vice-Mayor 0 5 City Councilmember 3 12 Municipal government position 2 2 Other position 6 N/A

CAREER CHOICE OF BRAZILIAN DEPUTIES OF EAST ASIAN DESCENT AND THEIR SUCCESS, 1994-2014 (N=28) Sought Held President/Vice-President 0 0 Minister of State N/A 0 Other federal government position N/A 0 Senator 0 0 Deputy (reelection) 20 9 Governor/Vice-Governor 0 0 State Deputy 0 0 State Secretary or other state government position N/A 1 Mayor/Vice-Mayor 0 0 City Councilmember 1 1 Municipal government position N/A 0 Retirement (including the cases of passing away) N/A 3 Other position N/A 6

POLITICAL CAREER OF BRAZILIAN DEPUTIES OF EAST ASIAN DESCENT VS. BRAZILIAN DEPUTIES IN GENERAL Previous positions (Gemignani, 2015) 1) Similarities - State deputy à Deputy: 40.0% vs. 22.45% - Municipal councilman à State deputy: 40.0% vs. common 2) Differences - Municipal councilman à Deputy: 15.0% vs. so rare - Mayor à State deputy à Deputy: 5.0% vs. 13.33% - Vice-governor à Deputy: 5.0% vs. common

POLITICAL CAREER OF BRAZILIAN DEPUTIES OF EAST ASIAN DESCENT VS. BRAZILIAN DEPUTIES IN GENERAL Future choice (Gemignani, 2015) 1) Static ambition - Reelection (sought): 71.4% vs. 74.6% - Reelection (success): 45.0% vs. 63.7% 2) Progressive ambition - Senator: 0.0% vs. 16.25% - Vice-governor: 0.0% vs. common 3) Regressive ambition - Mayor: 0.0% vs. 7.5%

WHY DO THESE DIFFERENCES EXIST? A possible answer = geographical concentration 1) Progressive ambition Higher district magnitude à Less likelihood of having progressive ambition (Leoni, Pereira, and Rennó 2004) - 11/20 deputies from the State of São Paulo - 5/20 deputies from the State of Paraná 2) Municipal councilman à Deputy - All the 3 deputies who followed this trajectory based in a state capital.

PROJECT OF THE TWIN OCEAN RAILROAD (FERROVIA BIOCEÂNICA) - One of the largest Chinese projects. - Should make the transportation of Brazilian commodities and Chinese goods less time-consuming and less expensive. - China will invest $5-12 billion ß 35 agreements between Li Keqiang and Rousseff in 2015. - counterarguments: economic viability, possible protests of indigenous groups and environmental NGOs, Evo Morales - Deputies and Senators formed a caucus called Frente Parlamentar Mista Brasil-Peru-China Pró Ferrovia Bioceânica to support this project.

WHAT IS FRENTE PARLAMENTAR? - inter-party groups in Congress (should be regarded as caucuses) - 247 frentes parlamentares as of August 24, 2016 (!), which range from the Evangelical caucus to Brazil-Japan and Brazil-China caucuses. - Each caucus should include at least one-third of members of the National Congress (deputies or senators). - Each caucus must be registered to the Congress with its charter. What factors make a deputy to join the Frente Parlamentar Mista Brasil-Peru-China Pró Ferrovia Bioceânica?

STATISTICAL ANALYSIS Data: Deputies affiliations with caucuses in 2015 N = 513 DV: Brazil-Peru-China caucus (dichotomous) Ivs: Brazil-China caucus (dichotomous), Brazil-Japan caucus (dichotomous), East Asian descent (dichotomous), state on the route (dichotomous), gross state product per capita, number of terms in office, vote share, party dummies (dichotomous)

WHAT FACTORS MATTER? Independent variables IVs Brazil-China caucus.312(.215) DEM -.920(.608) Brazil-Japan caucus.492**(.210) PDT -.125(.568) East Asian descent.232(1.070) State on the route.329(.306) PSDB -.824*(.435) Gross state product per capita.028**(.014) Number of terms in office -.037(.058) Small parties.330(.396) Vote share.136**(.047) Constant -1.680****(.463) σ².355(.157) Log likelihood -320.35 N (observations) Wald χ² 32.18* N (states) 27 Note: Standard errors in parentheses. *p<.10; **p<.05; ***p<.01; ****p<.001. 513

PREDICTED PROBABILITIES Model 1 Baseline.304 (.179 -.429) Member of Brazil-Japan caucus (Brazil-Japan caucus = 1) Higher gross state product per capita (gross state product per capita = 28.075) Lower gross state product per capita (gross state product per capita = 9.871) Higher vote share (vote share = 5.499) Lower vote share (vote share = 0.475) Member of PSDB (PSDB = 1).417 (.256 -.578).361 (.212 -.510).252 (.133 -.372).381 (.236 -.526).237 (.120 -.354).161 (.060 -.261)

PRELIMINARY FINDINGS - People of Japanese descent are overrepresented in the Peruvian and Argentine lower houses. Those of Korean and Chinese descent are underrepresented. - Political careers of deputies of East Asian descent and other deputies are different. Some deputies of East Asian descent directly moved from a municipal council. They rarely came from a mayoralty (via a state legislature) or a vice-govenorship. - Deputies of East Asian descent did not depart to the common destinations for other deputies such as the Senate, a vicegovernorship, and a mayoralty. - Membership of the Brazil-Japan caucus, gross state product per capita, vote share in the last election, and their affiliation with the PSDB influence a deputy s decision to be a member of the Frente Parlamentar Mista Brasil-Peru-China Pró Ferrovia Bioceânica.