ISSN 2502-0722 Project Supervisors Rahimah Abdulrahim Executive Director, The Habibie Center Hadi Kuntjara Deputy Director for Operations, The Habibie Center Managing Editor Ray Hervandi Thinking ASEAN Team A. Ibrahim Almuttaqi Askabea Fadhilla Fina Astriana Muhamad Arif Rahma Simamora Wirya Adiwena Contents A Note From the Editor Articles The Philippine Economy and the Road Ahead In Pursuit of a Principled Philippine Foreign Policy Drawing to a Close: An Overview of President Benigno Aquino s Term in Office Infographic: The Philippines 2016 Election ASEAN Round-Up Meeting Kicks Off to Resolve Smog and Forest Fires in ASEAN ASEAN Chair A Potential Coming of Age for Laos Korea, ASEAN Discuss Cooperation Talking ASEAN Roadshow 1 2 2 5 7 9 11 11 11 11 12
Dear readers: A note from the editor Welcome to the March 2016 issue of the monthly Thinking ASEAN! In May, the Philippines will hold a general election that will also vote for who gets to replace the outgoing President Benigno Aquino III. In recent years, the Philippines has caught international attention for its high level of economic growth and progressive attempts at institutional reforms. All this good news, however, comes out of a background of thwarted economic potential of the early postwar years and, more recently, the slow journey forward after the People s Power struggles. This issue of Thinking ASEAN presents three articles written by young Filipinos who take a look at their country from several perspectives: economic development, foreign policy and an overview of what the Philippines has achieved under President Aquino. Noel B. Del Castillo, Senior Lecturer at Miriam College and the University of the Philippines and Consultant for the World Bank, puts the recent progress of economic growth in a historical context before expounding on the prospects of the Philippine economy under its next president. The second article, written by Andrea Chloe Wong of the Center for International Relations and Strategic Studies in Manila, outlines how principled the Philippines pursues its foreign policy. She also briefly compares and contrasts the delimitation negotiations between Manila and Jakarta to simmering tensions in the South China Sea. Lastly, Ma. Armenia C. Gomez, Lecturer at the Faculty of Behavioral and Social Sciences of the Philippine Normal University, looks back at the ups and downs of President Aquino s administration as it draws to a close. Our infographic this month goes deeper into the nitty-gritty details of the who and the what in the Philippines 2016 election, while our ASEAN Round-Up articles present news on haze, Laos and ASEAN-South Korea relations. Please do not hesitate to drop me a line at thinkingasean@habibiecenter.or.id if you have comments, suggestions or prospective submissions. Happy reading! Best regards from Jakarta, Ray Hervandi Managing Editor Thinking ASEAN is a monthly publication that aims to provide insightful, cogent and engaging perspectives on issues central to contemporary Southeast Asia and the ASEAN member states. It is a product of The Habibie Center, with the generous support of the Republic of Korea s Mission to ASEAN. The content of Thinking ASEAN does not reflect the official opinion of The Habibie Center or institutions related to the publication. The Habibie Center was founded by Indonesian President Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie in 1999 as an independent, non-governmental and non-profit organization to promote the democratization and modernization of the country. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in Thinking ASEAN lies entirely with the author(s). For comments, suggestions and prospective contributions, the Managing Editor of Thinking ASEAN can be reached at thinkingasean@habibiecenter.or.id.
Issue 9 / March 2016 2 Top view of Jones Bridge along Pasig River, Manila. Photo Credit: Wikipedia. The Philippine Economy and the Road Ahead Noel B. Del Castillo is Senior Lecturer at the Department of International Studies at Miriam College and at the University of the Philippines School of Economics. He is also a consultant at the World Bank Philippines Office. Despite global and regional uncertainties, economic growth for the Philippines has been averaging at 6.2 percent in the last five years. Across the developing East Asia region, the country is among the top performing economies, placing second only to China (Figure 1). While there were momentary slowdowns in its growth, the economy remains a solid performer due to its macroeconomic stability as well as transparency and accountability reforms. Figure 1. Average GDP growth rate (2010-2015) Source: World Development Indicators
Such economic resilience, due to strong macroeconomic fundamentals, caught the attention of the international community. The Philippines was recently invited by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to participate in its lending facilities to address the European financial crisis and, through the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP), 1 the Philippines extended a US$1 billion loan to IMF. In 2013, the country received its historic first investment grade credit rating, which was followed by several other rating upgrades. The investment grade rating lowers the country s borrowing costs, allowing it to generate savings that can then be spent for social services. For Filipinos, the investment grade rating means more funding for education and health care. However, the Philippine economy was not always a stellar performer. For the most part of its history, it has been called as the sick man of Asia. A Tale of Ups and Downs The Philippine economy has been frequently cited as one of the world s major development puzzles (Balisacan and Hill, 2003). After the Second World War, the Philippines was identified as one of the countries most likely to succeed in the East Asian region. South Korea, Taiwan, Indonesia and even China paled in comparison to the Philippines GDP per capita, which was only second to Japan in the region at that time. Balisacan and Hill (2003) argue that even the country s initial conditions in 1946 were favorable to economic transformation. Yet, the Philippine economy did not take off and other countries in the region overtook it. The last five decades have been a recurring boom-and-bust period for the Philippine economy (Figure 2). Rapid growth during the postwar period was not sustained in the 1950s. While export promotion in the 1960s led to higher growth, the largely protected domestic economy became a serious impediment. The 1970s ushered in higher growth due to massive spending on infrastructure, but the debtdriven growth model could never sustain it. Rather, it led to an economic crisis. While its neighboring countries grew, the Philippines became a marginal player in the region. Its GDP per capita was overtaken by South Korea and Taiwan in the 1960s and China in the 1990s (The Maddison-Project, 2013). By the 1980s, the country had its first serious postwar debt crisis mainly due to the mismanagement of the economy during the Marcos regime. In 1983, the Philippines experienced a balance-of-payments crisis that led to a debt default. The country would encounter two more crises the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and the global financial crisis of 2008 after that but by then, it was better prepared due to reforms undertaken after the Marcos era (Canlas, 2015). Fiscal reforms increased the tax effort enabling the government to generate additional funds for public spending, while the shift of monetary policy towards inflation targeting empowered the BSP to support economic growth via price stability. Inflation targeting only worked because BSP was allowed to have policy and instrument independence. Figure 2. Philippine economic growth Source: Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) Prospects Despite the slower performance in 2015, the Philippine economy will remain robust and is projected to improve from 5.8 percent in 2015 to 6.4 percent this year (World Bank 2015, p. 14). With many infrastructure projects in the pipeline, growth is poised to regain its momentum. The upcoming presidential election this year is expected to increase government spending,
Issue 9 / March 2016 4 Figure 3. Sector share to Philippine GDP Source: Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) expanding further the output. The continuous decline of oil prices in the global market will also significantly benefit the oilimporting economy. This can translate to lower food inflation and result in higher household savings. Finally, the business process outsourcing sector is still a growing industry, providing decent-paying jobs to the more educated Filipinos. A robust and inclusive growth is needed to make it sustainable. The last five years witnessed a robust economic growth but not an inclusive one. 2 For one, only a fourth of potential entrants to the labor force get good jobs (World Bank, 2013). The country s weak performance on inclusivity is due to its historically weak economic growth and lack of structural transformation. Over time, agriculture and manufacturing have been in constant decline suggesting the sectors low productivity, while the service sector has been growing since 1985 (World Bank, 2013) (Figure 3). Pursuing inclusive growth entails that huge support must be given to both agriculture and manufacturing sectors. Finally, sustained credible leadership is needed to ensure that fiscal support will be present to engender development. This will be particularly crucial to the Philippines integration to the ASEAN Economic Community. The incumbent administration has demonstrated its commitment to pursue reforms in critical areas. It ensured the passage of the country s much-needed reproductive health law and the timely restructuring of taxes on cigarettes and alcoholic beverages and indexation to inflation. The recent enactment of the Philippine competition law aims to bring the country to par with its regional counterparts in providing the country its own law guiding competition. The country s long-term prospects would greatly depend on how succeeding administrations can sustain the present gains and use them to further invest in its human capital, and in physical and soft infrastructures. Endnotes 1. The Philippine central bank. 2. The World Bank (2013) defines inclusive growth as the type that creates more and better jobs and reduces poverty (p.5). For a more in-depth analysis of the Philippine development story, please refer to World Bank (2013). Philippine development report: creating more and better jobs. References Balisacan, A.M. and H. Hill (2003). Introduction, in A.M. Balisacan and H. Hill, eds., The Philippine economy: development, policies and challenges. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. The Maddison-Project. http://www.ggdc.net/maddison/ maddison-project/home.htm, 2013 version. Canlas, D.B. (2015). The Phililppines: on the road to being an emerging economy. The Philippine Review of Economics, 52(2): 65-81. World Bank (2013). Philippine development report: creating more and better jobs. Manila and Washington, DC: World Bank. World Bank (2014). Philippine economic update: investing in the future, sharing growth and job opportunities for all (August 2014). Manila and Washington DC: World Bank. World Bank (2015). Philippine economic update: making growth work better for small businesses (October 2015). Manila and Washington DC: World Bank.
Territorial map claimed by the Philippines, showing internal waters, territorial sea, international treaty limits and exclusive economic zone. Photo Credit: Wikipedia. In Pursuit of a Principled Philippine Foreign Policy Andrea Chloe Wong is Senior Researcher at the Center for International Relations and Strategic Studies in Manila. A principled foreign policy, this is how the Philippine government describes the means by which it promotes its goals and strategies in the international community. Such description is apparent in the country s efforts to advance its international agenda that is encapsulated in its Three Pillars of Philippine Foreign Policy. Among the so-called Three Pillars, the preservation of its national security visibly manifests the Philippines unswerving commitment to uphold a principled foreign policy. This is evident in its adherence to a rules-based approach in protecting its territorial sovereignty. An example of which is the signing of the Agreement Concerning the Delimitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) Boundary between the Philippines and Indonesia on 23 March 2014. It is the result of 20 years of negotiations based on the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) pertaining to maritime boundary delimitation. However, the looming maritime dispute in the West Philippine Sea, also known as the South China Sea, makes promoting a principled Philippine foreign policy a daunting task. Unlike its case with Indonesia, the Philippines has to deal with interlocking maritime concerns, such as freedom of navigation and protection of marine resources. It also has to engage with various claimant states, the most difficult of which is China given the apparent power asymmetry. Nonetheless, the Philippines remains steadfast in pursuing a principled and holistic foreign policy. As a claimant state, the Philippine government employs various strategies that seek to manage the various stakeholders and address the convoluted issues surrounding its maritime claims. And as a small power, the Philippines implements a comprehensive foreign policy that advocates for international law, capitalizes on its security alliance, pushes for strategic partnerships, and campaigns for political support in multilateral institutions. In January 2013, the Philippines filed a case at the Arbitral Tribunal challenging the legality of the China s nine-dashline claim over nearly the entire West Philippine Sea. The Philippine government contends that China s claim violates the principles of UNCLOS by infringing on its 200-mile exclusive economic zone that is within the West Philippine Sea. It effectively framed its complaint as a maritime delimitation/entitlements issue, since arbitration bodies under UNCLOS do not have the mandate to address sovereignty-related issues. The Philippine government considers this
Issue 9 / March 2016 6 landmark case as a durable, legal, and peaceful solution to the West Philippine Sea issue, despite China s boycott of arbitration proceedings and its possible disregard of an unfavorable outcome. Yet by adhering to international law, the Philippines demonstrates its commitment to protect its interests through a rules-based approach that upholds the equal rights of nations amidst highly asymmetrical power dynamics. The Philippines is also capitalizing on its alliance with the United States to neutralize China s military power and aggression in the West Philippine Sea. It has signed the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) with the US in 2014, which provides a legal framework for the increased rotational presence of American troops in Philippine territories. EDCA also aims to promote the long-term modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and develop additional maritime security in the country. Most importantly, EDCA serves as a deterrent against further encroachments and military actions by China in the West Philippine Sea. Aside from its US alliance, the Philippines is pushing for strategic partnerships with other countries in light of its security concerns. Since 2011, it has elevated relations with Japan given their common maritime issues, which led to the 2015 joint declaration highlighting the exchange of defense materials, implementation of joint training exercises, and enhancement of maritime safety. Meanwhile, the Philippines has also signed a joint strategic partnership agreement with Vietnam in 2015, despite both countries being claimant states in the South China Sea. This partnership seeks to bolster military exchanges, port visits, and information-sharing. The Philippines has also promoted defense cooperation with Australia through the ratification of the Status of Visiting Forces Agreement in 2012; and South Korea with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding for the Improvement of Military Cooperation in 2013. In addition, the Philippines recognizes the vital role ASEAN plays as a collective force in dealing with China on maritime disputes. It vigorously campaigns for political support and greater solidarity to counter China s aggressive actions in its neighborhood. However, given the varied interests of each ASEAN member, the Philippines is uncertain how effective the organization will be in the long term, judging from the tepid and divided response of ASEAN that has yet to agree on a Code of Conduct in the South China Sea. Meanwhile, China s trade and investment deals with ASEAN make the economic costs too high for members to fully denounce Chinese naval assertiveness. Yet despite these realities, the Philippines is optimistic that further regionalism and community building efforts will enable ASEAN to promote a stronger and more cohesive stance in dealing with China. Moreover, the country is hopeful that its pending arbitration case will empower ASEAN and its other claimant states to unite against any unilateral and military actions that threaten regional peace and stability. Promoting a principled Philippine foreign policy, as espoused by the former Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs Albert del Rosario, remains the compass that guides the country. This is particularly tough and taxing for the Philippines as it confronts complex issues that reveal its weak defense capabilities and geographic vulnerabilities as an archipelagic state. Yet the Philippines remains committed in implementing a foreign policy that values diplomacy, respects international law, and engages in multilateral institutions.
Republic of the Philippines President Benigno Aquino III meets with Filipino Sailors in the hangar bay aboard the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70). Photo Credit: Wikipedia. Drawing to a Close: An Overview of President Benigno Aquino s Term in Office Ma. Arsenia C. Gomez is Lecturer at the Faculty of Behavioral and Social Sciences of the Philippine Normal University. In his inauguration speech on June 30, 2010, President Benigno Aquino III promised to focus his presidency on good and effective governance, improvements in agriculture, education and infrastructure, better economy, and peace and order. After almost six years in the top post, what has President Aquino accomplished? The Aquino administration will probably be remembered for its good governance and transparency initiatives. In 2011, barely less than a year in office, he made it a point to depose the then Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez, who was believed to sit on her job as the chief complaint investigator of the country. President Aquino also supported the impeachment case filed against Chief Justice Renato Corona, who was perceived to be shielding the corruption-marred administration of former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Although both officials were not directly connected with graft and corruption, their inefficiency and political biases necessitated their ouster. After all, they looked as if they were obstructing the Aquino administration s quest for good governance. Since President Aquino assumed office, the Philippines Corruption Perceptions Index has continuously improved, except in 2015. From 85th spot in 2014, the country regressed to 95th position last year. 1 In any case, the improved standing of the country and its subsequent credit rating upgrades are attributed to the administration s good governance is good economics policy. As President Aquino concludes his term in June, he will be credited for having secured an average of 6.2 percent economic growth rate in the last five years, the fastest the country has achieved since the late 1970s. 2 The Aquino administration is also credited for successfully passing two important bills into law: the controversial Reproductive Health Law and the much-needed Enhanced Basic Education Act of 2013 or popularly known as the K-12 (from kindergarten to year 12) Law. Languishing in Congress for many years due to the powerful lobbying of the Roman Catholic Church, the Reproductive Health Law was finally approved in Congress in 2012. Meanwhile,
Issue 9 / March 2016 8 the enactment of the K-12 Law is seen as a major step in educational reform in a country that is trapped in a ten-year basic education combining primary and secondary schooling. The government believes that the additional school years will improve the quality of education in the Philippines that has lagged behind other countries in Southeast Asia for decades. This is considered a very timely law and a significant legacy of the Aquino administration as it empowers the country to be more competitive with the regional and global standards of education. Despite its successes, the Aquino government faces valid criticisms from the public. The exposé on the fraudulent use of the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) by 141 legislators, both from President Aquino s own political party and the minority party posed a huge challenge to the Daang Matuwid ( Righteous Path ) mantra of his administration. Aware of the President s forthright aversion to corruption, the Filipino people expect corrective and punitive actions against corrupt lawmakers, whether friends or foes. However, as of today, only eight legislators have been charged at the anti-corruption court. This is regarded as a dismal figure considering the large number of legislators accused of squandering the people s money. 3 With the coming elections in May, the Philippines will have to contend with political uncertainties after the end of the Aquino administration. This year s election is perhaps the most unpredictable that this politics-obsessed country has ever had. First, the Supreme Court has ruled against a disqualification case that that could have been a stumbling block for one favorite presidential candidate. Second, the first four presidential hopefuls who frequently top the surveys if they are to be believed all have realistic chances of winning the election. If the presidential election is a four-way race with no runaway winner, the Philippines is expected to have a minority president who will need to constantly convince the whole nation of his/ her worthiness. President Aquino is endorsing the candidacy of Manuel Mar Roxas III. If he is elected, Roxas promises to continue and improve on the gains of the current administration. With these pronouncements, his term will be predictable. If the winner turns out to be one of the other three candidates Vice President Jejomar Binay, Senator Grace Poe, and Mayor Rodrigo Duterte what will their policies be like for the country? Based on their policy agendas, these candidates will probably continue the good things that President Aquino has started, such as the Conditional Cash Transfer given to the poorest of the poor, infrastructure development, and transparency in government. However, their future administration will likely improve on these policies and projects. If Poe will be elected, she plans to computerize frontline government services and pursue public access to government procurement documents. Both Binay and Roxas intend to decongest urban centers, particularly Metro Manila. Binay has suggested the relocation of government offices outside the nation s capital, whereas Roxas is planning to develop the rural areas to make the cities less congested. Meanwhile, Duterte believes that the Philippines should strengthen trade relations with ASEAN to encourage development in Mindanao. In general, President Aquino will be leaving office with a more confident Philippines that is economically better off than when he assumed the post in 2010. This is reflected in previous surveys that judge his government s performance relatively better than its predecessors. In the midst of the excesses of Philippine politics, President Aquino has tried his best to serve his real bosses but not without any mistakes. In fact, not all the legacies of the Aquino administration are indomitable; some of which are vulnerable to politics. Ultimately, the future of the positive changes that the Aquino administration has promoted in the Philippines lies in the hands of the Filipino people. If the people will once again put into office an unethical and incompetent leader, then everything will be lost again. It is hoped that the Filipino people will vote wisely for a better future of the Philippines. Endnotes 1. Corruption Perception Rankings 2015(2015). Retrieved from http://www.transparency.org/cpi2015 2. Philippine Daily Inquirer (2016, February 10). Economy and jobs. 3. Ombudsman on PDAF cases: Long road to justice. Retrieved from http://pcij.org/stories/ombudsman-on-pdaf-cases-longrough-road-to-justice/
The Philippines 2016 Election The Philippines will soon hold their general election in May 2016. Indeed, the archipelagic nation is one of the few countries in Southeast Asia with a steady history of democracy. This dynamic and vibrant history restarted in recent times when Filipinos took to the street in 1986 to demand a rule by the people, from the people, and for the people. Celebrating this history, Thinking ASEAN takes a closer look at the upcoming election. The Election The votes will go for 12 seats at the Senate All seats at the House of Representatives All governors and vice governors All mayors and vice mayors All members of the city councils The elections are organized and adjudicated by the Commission on Election (COMELEC). The self-proclaimed premier guardian of the Philippines ballot is a government body that is designed to be constitutionally independent from executive, legislative, and judicial institutions. COMELEC is also fiscally independent. The Major Parties There are numerous political parties in the Philippines, with most being minor parties trying to gain seats through the party-list system. However, the COMELEC has acknowledged a number of parties as major political parties which is similar to the traditional definition of political parties. Name Leader Founded Seats in the House of Representatives Seats in the Senate People Power - Christian Muslim Democrats Gloria Macapagal Arroyo 2008 14 / 292 1 / 24 Liberal Party Benigno Aquino III 1946 110 / 292 4 / 24
Issue 9 / March 2016 10 Name Leader Founded Seats in the House of Representatives Seats in the Senate Nationalist Party Cynthia Villar 1903 21 / 292 5 / 24 Nationalist People s Coalition Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. 1991 38 / 292 2 / 24 National Unity Party Elpidio Barzaga 2011 27 / 292 0 / 24 United Nationalist Alliance Toby Tiangco 2015 8 / 292 5 / 24 The Presidential Candidate Jejomar Binay United Nationalist Alliance Former Vice President in Benigno Aquino III s cabinet Miriam Defensor Santiago People s Reform Party Senator, ran for presidency in 1992 and 1998 Rodrigo Duterte Philippine Democratic Party-People s Power Mayor of Davao City Grace Poe Independent candidate Senator Mar Roxas Liberal Former Secretary of the Interior and Local Government at Benigno Aquino III s cabinet.
ASEAN ROUND-UP Meeting Kicks Off to Resolve Smog and Forest Fires in ASEAN Thai Visa News, 7 March 2016 A meeting in Chiang Mai chaired by Thai Minister of Natural Resources and Environment Gen. Surasak Kanchanarat has gathered representatives of the ten member ASEAN countries to prepare a roadmap to make ASEAN free of smog. The major objective of the meeting is to find solutions and measures to resolve the issue in the region. It is also expected that an ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Environment will be held to help enforcing a timely solution. Read more: http://news.thaivisa.com/chiang-mai/meetingkicks-off-to-resolve-smog-and-forest-fires-in-asean/134293/ Why it matters: Haze has been a topic of major debates in ASEAN. Although some countries are blamed for it, the issue is very transnational in nature. The smog has significant economic, health and societal impacts for most countries in the region. Since the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP) has yet to be effective in tackling the haze problem, the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Environment will at least contribute to a coordinated regional effort to tackle the root causes of the problem. ASEAN Chair A Potential Coming of Age for Laos The Strait Times, 5 March 2016 Laos current position as the chair of ASEAN has been identified as a potential coming of age for the relatively isolated country. The United States has donated millions of dollars to clear unexploded ordnance left behind during the Indochina Wars. Meanwhile, its strategic position has led to Chinese investment in its north. Japan is also an increasingly major player in Laos with its official development assistance to the Mekong region over the next three years. Professor Thitinan Pongsudhirak emphasizes that Laos has gained prominence this year because it chairs ASEAN at a time of heightened geopolitical tension in the region. Read more: http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/se-asia/ asean-chair-a-potential-coming-of-age-for-laos Why it matters: The ASEAN chairmanship has provided Laos with a great deal of opportunities. However, beyond its sudden attractiveness to great powers, such as the United States, China and Japan, Laos is entitled to guide the first year of AEC implementation. The country needs to balance the current spotlight it receives and maintaining the responsibility to ensure the process of regional integration goes on. Korea, ASEAN Discuss Cooperaation The Korea Times, 21 February 2016 Earlier last month, the representative of ASEAN s ten member states gathered at the 8th Council Meeting of the ASEAN-Korea Center in Seoul. Deputy Minister for Political Affairs Kim Hong-kyun rearticulated the existence of the ASEAN-Republic of Korea Plan of Action to Implement the Joint Declaration on Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity (2015-2020). He further emphasized that ROK intends to widen and deepen cooperation on some priority areas that lag behind, such as narrowing the development gap, connectivity, trade facilitation, SME development, tourism promotion, employment creation and cultural preservation Read more: http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/ nation/2016/02/176_198549.html Why it matters: During the last twenty years, ASEAN-ROK relations have reached a new height since it was first commenced in 1989. The realization of the ASEAN Community will bring a tremendous change to this relationship as the two parties discover more opportunities beyond bilateral relations to work closely in addressing new challenges regional and global landscape. Especially, ASEAN s vibrant business environment will become even more attractive for Korea with freer movement of goods, services and people.
Issue 9 / March 2016 12 TALKING ASEAN ROADSHOW Promoting A More Inclusive Post-2015 ASEAN The Habibie Center s ASEAN Studies Program is expanding its successful Talking ASEAN public discussion program and will be holding it in all ASEAN countries. The goal of this expansion is to strengthen the dialogue among various stakeholders at the policy making and grassroot levels to increase their awareness, knowledge, and understanding of issues facing ASEAN as it deepens its integration. The expanded format provides a platform from which ASEAN policy makers can interact with CSOs, academics, media, and other relevant stakeholders as well as provides a space for discussion on pressing regional issues in ASEAN. Talking ASEAN on The ASEAN Community is Here: Now What? Bangkok, Thailand 12 February 2016 The Habibie Center in collaboration with the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) Thailand held a Talking ASEAN public dialogue entitled, The ASEAN Community is Here: Now What? at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, Thailand. This particular edition of Talking ASEAN featured H.E. Mr. Jakkrit Srivali (Director-General, Department of ASEAN Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Thailand), Assist. Prof. Dr. Kitti Prasirtsuk (Director, Institute of East Asian Studies, Thammasat University), Dr. Alexander C. Chandra (Associate Fellow, The Habibie Center), and Mr. Kavi Chongkittavorn (Senior Fellow, ISIS Thailand) as resource persons with Prof. Dr. Thithinan Pongsudhirak (Director, ISIS Thailand) moderating. H.E. Mr. Jakkrit Srivali explained that ASEAN was very much a work in progress. On the question of What now after the launch of the ASEAN Community? he noted that this question had been frequently asked. In his opinion the key was to temper our expectations to make the ASEAN Community realistic. H.E. Mr Jakkrit went on to note that ASEAN started as a political cooperation and only afterwards expanded into other areas, such as the socio-cultural area. Another key pointed out by H.E. Mr Jakkrit was on how to manage changes within the region. ASEAN was at a crossroad in the sense that it was a loosely based institution, dependent on personal relation, yet it was now trying to become a people-oriented institution. Assist. Prof. Dr. Kitti Prasirtsuk explained that in terms of the people s perception towards ASEAN, there were two conflicting trends: to overestimate and to underestimate ASEAN. This was especially true in Thailand where some members of the public believed the AEC would make ASEAN become similar to the EU with free flow of people, labour, and goods. Prof. Dr. Kitti went on to challenge those who underestimated ASEAN as a mere talkshop. He argued that we had to appreciate ASEAN because at least we had some achievements in the ASEAN Economic Community. Meanwhile Dr. Alexander C. Chandra s presentation focused on three main points: the achievements of the ASEAN economic integration, key challenges in the deepening of ASEAN economic integration, and what to do next. Regarding the achievement, he explained that there was a significant reduction of tariff rates and that trade expansion had doubled. He pointed out that many companies have already developed ASEAN-oriented strategies. The last speaker to present was Mr. Kavi Chongkittavorn who explained that ASEAN had survived for nearly five decades because it was not too weak and not too strong. He viewed that it was easy to support ASEAN and ASEAN centrality because it had no enemies. He further explained that the ASEAN Community had a role as a bridge builder, for example, between the US and China. ASEAN could also promote open regionalism through the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and the East Asia Summit (EAS). Talking ASEAN on Women Empowerment and Gender Equality in the ASEAN Economic Community Lao PDR, 25 February 2016 The Habibie Center and the Institute for Foreign Affairs (IFA) held a Talking ASEAN public dialogue on Women Empowerment and Gender Equality in the ASEAN Economic Community. This particular Talking ASEAN featured as resource persons Ms. Chansoda Phonegthip (Director General, National Commission for Advancement of Women), Ms. Soukphaphone Phanit (Lao PDR S representative for the ASEAN Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children (ACWC)) and Mdm. Nguyen Thi Tuyet Minh (Chairwomen of Vietnam Women Entrepeneurs Council (VWEC) and Chairwomen of ASEAN Women Entrepreneurs Network (AWEN)) with HE Amb. Yong Chanthalangsy (Director General of the Laos Institute of Foreign Affiars) and A Ibrahim Almuttaqi (Head, ASEAN Studies Program, The Habibie Center) as cochairs. The objectives of this Talking ASEAN were to: (1) discuss the current development of women participation in the ASEAN Economic Community; (2) identify challenges and opportunities in the efforts to promote women empowerment and gender equality in the ASEAN Economic Community; and (3) produce possible recommendations on the efforts to promote women empowerment and gender equality in the ASEAN Economic Community. First to present was Ms. Chansoda Phonegthip who spoke on the topic of Women empowerment and gender equality in the ASEAN Economic Community: Opportunity and Challenges. This was followed by Ms. Soukphaphone Phanit s presentation on the topic of Women s role in the ASEAN Economic Community. Last to speak was Mdm. Nguyen Thi Tuyet Minh who presented on the topic of ASEAN Efforts to promote women empowerment and gender equality in the ASEAN Economic Community
The Habibie Center was founded by Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie and family in 1999 as an independent, non-governmental, non-profit organisation. The vision of The Habibie Center is to create a structurally democratic society founded on the morality and integrity of cultural and religious values. The missions of The Habibie Center are first, to establish a structurally and culturally democratic society that recognizes, respects, and promotes human rights by undertaking study and advocacy of issues related to democratization and human rights, and second, to increase the effectiveness of the management of human resources and the spread of technology. Metro Manila - Skyline. Photo Credit: W.ikimedia Commons The ASEAN Studies Program was established on February 24, 2010, to become a center of excellence on ASEAN related issues, which can assist in the development of the ASEAN Community by 2015. The Habibie Center through its ASEAN Studies Program, alongside other institutions working towards the same goal, hopes to contribute to the realization of a more people-oriented ASEAN that puts a high value on democracy and human rights. The objective of the ASEAN Studies Program is not merely only to conduct research and discussion within academic and government circles, but also to strengthen public awareness by forming a strong network of civil society in the region that will be able to help spread the ASEAN message. With the establishment of ASEAN Studies Program, The Habibie Center aims to play its part within our capabilities to the ASEAN regional development. ASEAN STUDIES PROGRAM The Habibie Center Jl. Kemang Selatan No.98, Jakarta Selatan 12560 (P.) 62 21 781 7211 (F.) 62 21 781 7212 www.habibiecenter.or.id www.thcasean.org facebook.com/habibiecenter @habibiecenter