The Bristol Manifesto for Race Equality Batook s Blueprint Agenda for a Better Bristol

The Bristol Manifesto for Race Equality Batook s Blueprint Agenda for a Better Bristol Introduction We believe Bristol is a great city. In 2013 The Telegraph stated, Bristol is the best city to live in the UK for wealth and happiness. The European Commission recognised Bristol s success in creating a green city with a high quality of life by naming the city as European Green Capital 2015. The diversity of races within Bristol played a key part in these recognitions. Yet within this great city, racial inequality still restricts many of Bristol's citizens from sharing in its wealth and happiness. We members of Black & Minority Ethnic (BME) and equalities communities from Bristol believe that firmly tackling such inequality would secure Bristol s place as a truly great city, benefiting all Bristol s citizens. We call on the city to adopt this Manifesto for Race Equality and to work with us to a make Bristol a city that belongs to, and with opportunity for, all who live and work in it regardless of ethnic origin. This Manifesto highlights key areas where racial inequalities persist and where the gaps are widening. We ask public agencies to: commit to positive change in key areas; review progress on a regular basis; and work with us to keep the Manifesto alive. Background Race equality appears to be at a standstill in Bristol. Inequality, lack of social mobility and exclusion from the economic, social, cultural and political spheres are among the key challenges facing Bristol s BME communities. Such exclusion and inequality, whether it is driven by race, class, gender or any of the other means of dividing our world, has a huge cost. The levels of social mobility in Bristol for most BME communities are today as low as they were in the 1970s. There continues to be a stark under-representation of BME people within mainstream organisations and there is a lack of diversity within the decision makers and leaders of the City. There is a cycle of self-perpetuating poverty, powerlessness and exclusion for BME people, which needs to be broken. This document, written and agreed by local BME people, seeks to provide some practical steps to address the inequalities currently still disproportionately faced by BME communities. We are dealing with inequalities rooted deep into the city s way of doing politics and economics. We recognise that Bristol is not a special case. This is a national and a global problem. But Bristol has always sought to be a trail blazer and should now forge its very own future at the forefront for improved race equality. This Manifesto is intended to give hope to the increasingly large share of Bristol s population from BME backgrounds, that our children will have better opportunities, for instance, that young black men will be more likely to attend an elite university than go to prison; that they will not be stopped, searched and criminalised but be in leadership positions. It would be to short change the Manifesto and the city to stop there. This Manifesto is for the benefit of all Bristol because the principles of equality cross all boundaries and we endeavour to foster good relations through challenging these lingering inequalities. The aspirations of key race equality advances in the past five decades e.g. race relations legislation, the format ion of the Commission for Racial Equality and development of local Racial Equality Councils, the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry recommendations and consequently the Race Relations Amendment Act have been squandered or are no longer on our agendas. Whilst we welcome the changes in equality legislation and the relevance and importance of the Equality Act 2010 this Manifesto further strengthens the Act with a focus on improved outcomes on race equality. Our current standstill and lack of progress in race equality comes at a time when Bristol has become one of the most diverse cities outside of London, in terms of languages spoken, religions and the number of different ethnic groups. Today, nearly a quarter of Bristol residents are from a BME background (if we include white Irish and other white residents). In our schools the BME community has reached over one third, with a significant proportion being of Somali origin. 1

Current Context Combine this with the following bleak facts for our local BME residents: Under-representation of BME people in our public sector workforces and their leadership teams e.g. health trusts; Fire Service; schools; local aut hority; police this is either stagnant or decreasing. BME young people are more likely to be NEETs (not in education, employment or training) and though overall achievement has improved the sizeable gap with their white counterparts remains the same. Health inequality in particular mental health has appalling differentials for particular BME communities. The lowest life expectancy wards in Bristol are inextricably linked to race and poverty. Everyday racism both casual and pernicious continues unchecked and is more recently on the rise. Trust in the police is particularly lower across BME groups. The lack of BME representation in key economic, retail and cultural centres. BME communities are economically excluded and their potential for economic development is thwarted. Regulatory services are disproportionately enforcing and targeting BME dominated businesses. Recent Legal Aid cuts will lead to our losing the few BME law firms and staff in our city. Complaints relating to race are met with acute levels of defensiveness and there is a tendency to work harder at discrediting the victim or complainant than addressing the facts. Housing affordability limits BME communities ability to live across all Bristol areas equally. Institutional racism is still endemic in Bristol as illustrated above by how our local agencies, services and outcomes look for BME people over twenty years after the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence. The Call This Manifesto is a call to city decision makers (those elected and those not elected), especially public bodies and services that have the public sector equality duty, and private sector organisations. It requires joint action; it requires us taking the long term view for the economic and social benefits to the whole city and city-region made available through equality and inclusion. We do not come at this passively or meekly. We come with a strong sense of our own responsibility, our own legacy and the latent power in our communities. We are now 22% of the city s population. Our children are around 30% of the school population. As voters, consumers and citizens, our BME communities will increasingly be shaping life in Bristol and will be looking for leaders. This Manifesto is a call to BME individuals and groups and their allies. It is not pretending to have the final word for the many different communities under the BME banner or the many challenges they face; it is here to offer an initial rallying point around some key issues. This is not meant to be a list of asks. It is a call to engage in proactively shaping and changing our future. The Manifesto provides a local blueprint for change and leadership in the memory of Batook Pandya MBE. In order to achieve the changes required, active leadership is required not just from the public, private and voluntary sectors but also from our loc al BME communities and businesses. The Current Priorities These themes have been identified as priorities, through consultation with BME communities, where changes need to be achieved now: Criminal Justice (Policing), Employment, Economic Inclusion, Education & Young People, Mental Health, and Political Representation. As a live document it is expected that as priorities and changes are achieved then new priorities will be identified for future action. 2

Bristol Manifesto for Race Equality Principles to progress actions for change Core Principles Expectations Changes to be Achieved 1. Equality is a constitutional fundamental right for everyone, inclusive of all BME people, and should be demonstrated to be so. 2. To address the cumulative impact of multiple discrimination and disadvantage for BME people. 3. As a democratic society decision making bodies should include representation of BME people to reflect the society we live in. 4. To work towards the elimination of racial stereotyping and discrimination as a fundamental principle of achieving equality for BME people. 1. To recognise that a democratic society cannot ignore the skills, knowledge, experiences and creativity of BME people and therefore must demonstrate inclusivity. 2. To recognise that multiple discrimination and disadvantages when combined with race and other protected characteristic under the Equality Act 2010, or wider disadvantage, can have a cumulative adverse impact on BME people which needs to be tackled effectively to ensure fully equality. 3. To recognise and demonstrate the equal rights of BME people to participate in the formulation and implementation of policy, to hold public office, and to perform public functions at all levels of government including decision making. 4. Local and regional agencies to promote the elimination of stereotyping, and the removal of obstacles which give rise to the inequalities in status and condition of BME people i.e. unequal roles of BME people in educational, justice, political, economic, social and cultural terms. 1.1 Public bodies to demonstrate they fully meet all their equality duties and responsibilities for BME communities. 1.2. Bristol City Council to use its leadership influence in all its spheres to ensure that the rights & responsibilities towards BME communities are met by other organisations (public, private, voluntary & business). 2.1. Bristol City Council, Learning Partnership West, City of Bristol College and other relevant partners to develop specific NEETS pathway for BME young people in Bristol. 2.2 Bristol Mental Health and other local public bodies who have a duty to improve the mental health and wellbeing of local communities to address the under-usage of primary services and the disproportionate causes of higher admission rates among BME cohorts in secondary acute services 3.1. An explicit commitment to a dramatic improvement in the levels of political participation in Bristol from voter registration, to voter turn out to elected representation. 3.2. West of England Local Enterprise Partnership to target BME communities to publicise and support opportunities in becoming Non-Executive Directors. 4.1. Identified Post-11 Academies, Colleges and Primary Schools/Academies to report on their race equality policies, practices and strategies, in particular to raise BME attainment and improve their effectiveness in supporting BME students and parents, and show how they are working with both Bristol City Council and other support agencies. 3

5. A race equality perspective to be integrated into all activities of local and regional organisations to advance the equality of BME people. 6. To address and advance the equality of BME people, action plans and programmes must be properly resourced and funded. 7. To improve the social and economic position of BME people in the city. 5. The drafting of policies, procedures and practice which affect the daily lives of BME people must take into account a race equality perspective. These must analyse and address the effects they have on the experiences of the BME people, such as their working and living conditions. 6. Public bodies must deliver effective race equality action plans and programmes with the financial and human resources necessary for their implementation. Race equality plans must be incorporated into wider equality action plans. 7. Public, private and voluntary sector organisation must demonstrate a commitment to monitoring and take action to improve their workforce and customer racial profile. 4.2. The Chief Constable and PCC commit to reduce the race dis-proportionality and inappropriate use of Stop and Search of BME men by Avon & Somerset Constabulary. 4.3. All agencies to take responsibility to ensure positive narratives and images of BME communities are portrayed in local communications and by the media. 5.1. Organisations, led by the public sector, to demonstrate that they collect, analyse & report ethnic monitoring data to accurately illustrate progress from a race equality perspective 5.2. Organisations, led by the public sector, to demonstrate that they meaningfully engage BME communities & BME staff 6.1. Organisations, led by the public sector, to demonstrate at least 3 prioritised outcomes from their race equality action plans 6.2. Organisations, led by the public sector, to demonstrate that BME communities & BME staff have been involved in prioritising the actions in their race equality action plans 7.1. Organisations, led by the public sector, to address discrepancies in representation (over or under) of BME staff at all levels of the workforce including management, and of BME service users 7.2. Organisations, led by the public sector, to identify initiatives to promote recruitment, retention & progression of BME staff in order to nurture the clear talent within their organisations The Manifesto has been drafted by a range of agencies including Avon & Somerset Black Police Association, Black South West Network, Bristol BME Voice, Building the Bridge, Nilaari, SARI, Somali Media Group, Ujima Radio, Voscur, Bristol City Council Equalities and Public Health Teams, BME individuals and others. 4

Appendix: data re the Bristol Manifesto for Race Equality Institutional racism is still endemic in Bristol as illustrated below by how our local agencies, services and outcomes look for BME people over twenty years on from the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence : Bristol population: White British: 78%, non-white British (all ethnic groups except White British): 22%; all ethnic groups except White: 16%. [Source: Census 2011] Bristol population: In Bristol, there are now at least 45 religions, at least 50 countries of birth represented, and at least 91 main languages spoken. [Source: Population of Bristol 2014/Census 2011] Bristol population: Whilst in 2001 the BME population largely lived in the inner city wards of Ashley, Easton, Lawrence Hill and Eastville, with all other wards having a BME population of below 14%; in 2011 the distribution of the BME population had extended out to the north east of the city. Now wards with a BME population of above 14% include Lawrence Hill, Easton, Ashley, Eastville, Lockleaze, Cabot, Hillfields, St George West, Frome Vale, Horfield and Southmead. [Source: Population of Bristol 2014] Bristol population: Bristol 7 th worse in the Runnymede Multiple Inequality index: based on Bristol s ranking on inequality in education, employment, health and housing. [Source: Runnymede Trust] Education: No BME Head Teacher in any of Bristol s secondary schools (pupil population 25% BME), only 3 across Bristol s primary schools (pupil population 33%); an overall total of 2% of BME Head teachers in Bristol s schools. [Source: Bristol City Council] Education: White British who have GCSE and A-level qualifications 44%, than in the non-white British population, 34.7%. [Source: Department for Education] Education: Secondary Results 2014 for 5+ A*- C (inclusive English and Maths) are 56% for White British pupils and for Black Caribbean and Blac k African groups still below 40% and for some other groups (Pakistani, White & Black Caribbean and English as Additional Language) in the range 41 47%. [Source: Bristol City Council] Education: Somali students make up 5.3% of all students in Bristol schools and in 2013 for 5 GCSE A* - C (including English & Maths) the achievement rate for Somali pupils was 26.8% [Source: Community Profile Somalis in Bristol November 2014] Education: Young People not in employment, education or training White British 71.8%, with BME 11.8% but 16.6% are unknown ethnicity, it is acknowledged that the figures for BME NEET young people are likely to be under-represented. [Source: Bristol City Council] Employment: Economic Inactivity for White British is 35% with unemployed rate at 4%, only Indian and White Other are more economically active then White British; some BME groups have over double rates of unemployment to White British and Chinese rate of economic inactivity is highest at 56%; for some BME women economic inactivity is well over 50%. [Source: Annual Population Survey West of England 2014] Employment: 4.2% of White British unemployed; 7.7% of non-white British employed. [Source: Equalities Profile White British living in Bristol] Employment: Never worked and long term unemployed, White British: 4.5% / Non-white British 9.7%. [Source: Equalities Profile White British living in Bristol] 5

Housing: the majority of White British (77.6%) live in houses rather than flats or temporary accommodation (22.4%). This is a higher proportion that the non-white British population where 62.1% live in houses and 37.9 live in flats of temporary accommodation. [Source: Equalities Profile White British living in Bristol] Housing: The majority of the White British population own their own home (61.3%), a much higher proportion that in the non-white British population (35.2%). [Source: Equalities Profile White British living in Bristol] Housing: White British live in households with fewer bedrooms than required (6.2%) / non-white British population where a fifth of people (21.1%) do not have enough bedrooms. [Source: Equalities Profile White British living in Bristol] Health: Certain BME groups are 40% more likely to be referred to mental health services through the criminal justice system with same groups having lower than average of referrals from primary care (GPs and community mental health teams). [Source: Bristol Mental Health Needs As sessment 2010] Health: Admissions for secondary mental health care are consistently higher than average among BME groups. [ Source: Bristol Mental Health Needs Assessment 2010] Health: Experiencing racism has shown to triple the likelihood of developing depression and psychosis, experiencing racism from an employer increases risk of depression by 60%. [Source: Bristol Mental Health Needs Assessment 2010] Criminal Justice: From Quality of Life Survey 2009 21.5% BME respondents reported facing harassment based on race compared to Bristol average of 3.10% and 16% Muslim respondents reported harassment based on religion compared to city average of 1.4%. [Source: Bristol Mental Health Needs Assessment 2010] Criminal Justice: This position was confirmed in the latest Quality of Life Survey from 2013, where both BME and Muslim communities reported much higher levels of harassment based on religion and ethnicity than other groups. [Source: Quality of Life Survey 2013] Criminal Justice: BME respondents were likely to fear more for their personal safety 38% in their neighbourhoods compared to 22% for all Bristol respondents to the QOL Survey 2013. [Source: Quality of Life Survey 2013] Criminal Justice: Stop and Search: Black people 4.2 disproportionality ratio against white people. [Source: Avon and Somerset Police] Criminal Justice: Greater disproportionality in the number of black people in prison in the UK than in United States. [Source: Equality & Human Rights Commission 2010 Report "How Fair is Britain?"] Criminal Justice: 13.1% of prisoners self-identify as black, compared to 2.9% of the over 18 population recorded in 2011 census; similarly Muslim prisoners account for 13.4% of the prison population compared with 4.2% in the 2011 census, this figure has risen sharply since 2002 when Muslim prisoners were 7.7% of the prison population; 43% of 15-17 year young male prisoners being Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME), many more young BAME male prisoners than older ones. [Source: Young Review Report on Young Black & Muslim Men in Criminal Justice System (Dec 2014)] Criminal Justice: Ample evidence of demonstrating the high proportions of young black and/or Muslim men at all stages of the criminal justice s ystem compared to all other groups reporting least positive perceptions of prison life and referring to negative impact of being perceived through racialised stereotypes. [ Source: Young Review Report on Young Black & Muslim Men in Criminal Justice System (Dec 2014)] 6