Polish Journal of Social Science Vol. XI No. 1 2016 ELBLĄG UNIVERSITY OF HUMANITIES AND ECONOMY
Agnieszka Wierzbicka * Wroclaw University of Science and Technology, Poland Psychological and Spatial Aspects of Trauma Among Refugees Abstract The aim of this paper is to consider the occurrence of psychological and spatial aspects of trauma among refugees. They live in diverse conditions, however, there are several, frequent, dimensional factors indicating psychological difficulties. Space, dedicated to refugee camps, is small, restricted and random. It is organized as a temporary, homogeneous structure, and does not have qualities of human settlement. Finally, it is limited displaced persons are placed in socially, culturally and economically abandoned areas. Those permanent circumstances, merged with previous war experiences and permanent uncertainty, are leading to psychological distress and mental disorders. Introduction Nowadays the migrant and refugee crisis is one of the most important global worldwide problems. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (2015), currently there is about 65 million people displaced either within or outside of their homeland countries, out of whom those who are considered refugees was estimated at about 21.3 million. The amount of forced migrants will presumably increase (Castles, 2000). However, the existing helping system is rather focused on the quick response than on the long term solutions. It is provided by UNHCR and has its origin in 1950s post-wwii politics and 1951 Convention. The primary answer to this growing issue are temporarily built refugee camps, with the 17 years average * Corresponding author: Agnieszka Wierzbicka, Wroclaw University of Science and Technology Faculty of Architecture, Division of Environmental Development, ul. Bolesława Prusa 53/55, 50 317 Wrocław, Poland. Tel: (0 71) 320 64 60, e-mail: agnieszka.wierzbicka@pwr.edu.pl.
212 Agnieszka Wierzbicka length of stay, which are becoming settled, ethnic communities, without any economic and cultural diversity, what significantly affects the well-being of its residents (Napier-Moore, 2005). The migrant and refugee crisis is usually analyzed from demographic, economic, cultural and political consequences, however, there is a lack of attention paid to the psychological aspects of the environment, in which refugee families are forced to live. Psychological distress/trauma among refugees Several authors observed that refuges suffer from severe psychological distress and mental disorders stemming from experiences related to the process of migration (Schouler-Ocak, 2015; Robjant et al., 2009; Steel et al., 2006). Migration process consists of usually three, highly stressful, stages of transitions, i.e., disruption of personal ties and contemporary social networks, new socio-economic background and shift to new cultural environment (Bhugra, 2004). Each of these stages may be associated with prolonged uncertainty about citizenship status, exposure to violence, especially experienced in refugee camps, which are often poor in resources and evoke a sense of powerlessness among refuges. Not surprisingly, high rates of depression, anxiety, and particularly posttraumatic stress-disorder (PTDS) are observed in this specific population. PTSD is a common mental health problem that individuals develop after experiencing or witnessing life-threatening events (Foe et al., 2007; Brewin et al., 2009). PTSD symptoms encompass re-experiencing of trauma, avoidance of trauma-related stimuli, having negative beliefs and cognitions about traumatic events and increased psychophysiological arousal (APA, 2013). Kinzie et al. (2007) mentioned about four migration-related sources of trauma, which may induce PTSD: 1) pre-migration trauma, i.e., traumatic experiences happened prior to migration that were a main determinant of the migration process; 2) traumatic experiences, which happened during the journey to the new country; 3) traumatic events during the stage of asylum-seeking and resettlement; and 4) substandard living conditions in the new country related to unemployment, social isolation and discriminations, as well as overcrowded refugee camps, deprived of basic resources, where the most prevalent feeling is the common atmosphere of hopelessness and fear of repatriation. It seems that not migration itself but, rather, traumatic or highly stressful events before, during, and after migration process are the major source of psychological distress, and traumatic stress in particular.
Psychological and Spatial Aspects of Trauma Among Refugees 213 Spatial aspects of trauma among refugees It is almost a cliché to remark that the quality of space influences psychological and social environment. Steen Eiler Rasmussen, in his divagations on the subject of space in early 1950s, compared architect to the theatrical producer of human lives: he is the one, who defines the background and who organizes the way in which other people will perform (Rasmussen, 2015). In recent years, considerable attention has been paid to the role of optimal relation between space and its users, however, it does not alter enough the organization of refugee camps. Space, dedicated to refugee camps, is small, restricted and random. Existing camp planning standards are emergency ones. It means, that they are limited to 3 factors: shelter, water and food, first aid. They define basic indicators, such as required area size per person, primary supply and infrastructure, safety regulations and localization preferences (UNHCR, 2017), however, they are based on European standards and technology, while recipients are diverse. Refugee camps do not refer to the formation of a functional base for a long-term life. The social, psychological and economical aspects of life are omitted. In general, refugee camps are not even defined as human settlements, while many activists and researches emphasize that refugee camps are camp-cities in between temporary, homogeneous tents and streets (Agier, Nice, Wacquant, 2002). Uniformisation results in further obstacles it does not meet inhabitants needs and their cultural identity and diversity as well as it does not refer to local conditions. Limitation of space in a camp has a much wider field of action then just the physical frontiers. In reference to camps as emergency structures, the tendency to simplify and reduce is playing a dominant role. The urban planning is lacking in space diversity there is no distinction between public, semi-public and private areas. The same applies to living space, defined by a tent and a peace of a ground in front: one area is multifunctional and overcrowded. The major drawback of this approach is that the habitat of forced migrants is finite equal at all levels. The space is administered by outsiders: international and nongovernmental charitable organizations as well as government of hosting country. The inhabitants have no interaction with, and no influence on their environment, while, according to the Lowry s rule, in difficult space circumstances, it is crucial to: remove the obstacles; work on the quality of setting and let people adjust their environment to their needs (Lowry, 1966). The most accurate approach to this issue has been proposed by B. Dicken. In his work he
214 Agnieszka Wierzbicka has observed that camps are Auge s no-places : they do not integrate other places, meanings, traditions or religious rituals, but they remain abstract and irrelevant. (Dicken, 2004). To illustrate model camp design we can refer to accent roman military camps castrum romanum, which have become the foundation of many European cities. They were all based on rectangular shaped schemes of streets, which were concentrated around central plaza (forum). The spaces between were filled by tents, and other additional functions, such as chapels, officers quarters, hospitals, etc. With time, they were becoming centers of transportation and trade for surrounding settlements. Connected with peasant society, able to produce excess of food, they were able to ensure multigenerational life (Stambaugh, 1988). There is a boundary between the internal space of the camp and surrounding space untouchable, however, visible. Local authorities often restrict the freedom of movement of refugees. In 4 out of 10 of cases, refugees are not able to move freely to live outside the camps because of formal governmental restrictions (UNHCR, 2014). The surrounding environment exists, and it influences the camp, but at the same time it is unreachable in an obvious way. Refugee camps are usually located outside cities, in rural or suburban areas and isolated on purpose. They are detached from local commercial and cultural facilities (Dicken, 2004). The depending relations between the authorities and refugees are maintain by local low and influence the incapacitation and helplessness among those, who receive assistance. There is a relation between the internal space of the camp and surrounding space formally limited, however, permanent. People have no tools to maintain their own lives and have to depend on the others, but they keep looking for other opportunities to retake control and evade the principles. The empty spaces between tents fills up with new structures and semi-private areas appear between them, while some paths are becoming main streets. Camp space developed. The urban space of camps is permanently redesigning by self organization, based on social relations and illegal economical market (Nassir, 2016). Finally Marks The findings of our research are quite convincing, and thus the following conclusions can be drawn: temporary spatial environment, in which forced migrants are permanently living, influences the quality of life and, possibly,
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