118 Chapter Two AD-Dharmis in Jullundhar District: An Analysis of Socio-Economic, Cultural and Political Conditions In order to understand the assertion of dalits in Punjab, it's important to appreciate the nature and scope of the exclusion, as well as the socio-economic, cultural and political realities in which the Ad-Dharmis live in the Talhan and Boota Mandi. This chapter therefore aims to study the profile of the Ad-Dharmis in Talhan village and the urban areas of Boota Mandi that correspondingly shape their assertion. The ongoing chapter based on the primary survey in Talhan and the Boota Mandi brings to the important dimensions regarding the socio-economic profile of the Ad- Dharmis,- who are the ad-dharmis, what relation do they bear to Sikhism, the nature and extent of caste discrimination against them in the sphere of education, religious institutions? What economic conditions do they live in?, what are their party preferences? Are they witness to the caste conflicts? What modes of protest do they adopt? What alternative forms of cultural symbols have they adopted to assert their identity? The chapter is based on a primary survey of total 352 households in Talhan (200 rural households) and Boota Mandi (152 urban) in the lullundhar District of Punjab state. This survey was conducted in three phases from end of August to October 2006. Before I start with the description of the Ad-Dharmis and the Mazhabhis in the selected areas of Punjab, it is important to examine the socioeconomic profile of the dalits at an All-India Level.
119 Table I: Profile of the Interviewed r~spondents in Talhan and Boota Mandi Profile Talhan Boota Mandi Age of the Number of Number of respondent respondents respondents interviewed interviewed 18-25 55 13 25-35 39 46 35-45 57 41 45-55 41 36 above 55 8 16 Total 200 152 Profile of the respondent bv Sex Male 88 85 Female 112 67 Total 200 152 Educational Qualification of the respondents school pass 137 77 graduate and above 15 29 Illiterate 48 46 Total 200 152 Occupation of the respondents agricultural laborers 2 1 contract laborers 64 24 government service holder 2 5 Income from abroad 4 Teacher Trainer 8 17 Artisans 73 53 Housewife 41 32 leatherbussiness 6 20 Total 200 152
120 I: Overview of the Jullundhar District Covering 3,401 sq km of area, lalandhar is located on the intensively irrigated plain between Beas and SutIej Rivers.1 The city, which has major road and rail connections, is a market for agricultural products. The lalandhar district consists of 5 Tehsils/subdivisions viz. lalandhar-i, lalandhar II, Nakodar, Phillaur and Sahkot. Besides these there are 5 sub-tehsils, viz. Adampur, Bhogpur, Kartarpur, Goryan and NurmahaI. The district is divided into 10 development blocks. According to 2000-2001 figures of statistical Office, the district has 956 inhabited villages. According to 2001 Census provisional figures, the total population of the district was 19,53,508 persons (10,26,535 males and 9,26,973 Females). The district is one of the leading districts in the matter of the literacy in the state of Punjab with a literacy rate of 78 (census 2001).This could be attributed to the significance of education in the. Doaba region given the greater incidence of the out migration.there has also been constant rise in the literacy rates of the scheduled castes in Punjab. it was recorded at 23.9 percent in 1981 census, increased to 41 percent in 1991 (Punjab Human Development report 2002).. The literacy rates for the scheduled caste, 2006 in lullundhur district stands at 70.48 percent. 2 I Infonnation available on http://jalandhar.nic.in 22001 Director Census Operation, Punjab :Pg 70
121 Table Two: Jullundhar District at a Glance. Area (sq. Km) 3,401 km Sub-Division 5 Tehsil 5 Sub Tehsil 4 Block 10 Town II Rural population as to total percent of the 52.52 population Urban Population as to total percent of 47.48 the Population Density (per sq. km) 746 Percentage literacy 78.0 Sche.duled castes population as to total 37.69 percent of the population Net sown area 241 (000 hectares) Total cropped area 418 (000 hectares) Cropping intensity 178 Sex Ratio 882 Scheduled Caste Population as to the 37.69 total Population Percentage increase in the population 18.96 Literate scheduled Castes and their 70.48 percentage Source: Census oflndia 2001, Human Development Report Punjab: 2004, Statistical Abstract Punjab 2006 and Official webpage of lalandhar District Before starting any of the description of the field work it's important to look into the reasons of the selection of the district and also the statistical profile of the lullundhar district. Three important reasons have governed the selection of the lullundhar district. First the overwhelming presence of Ad-Dharmis, the group that is the focus of our study in the luiiundhar District (see the table three below). Secondly, as already said in introduction that luiiundhar district in the Doaba region has been traditionally the place of birth of major social reform and political movements as well the development of the identity formation and political mobilization on the part of the Ad-Dharmis. The region has been an.important centre of Ad-Dharm movement, Ravidas movement. Thirdly the region is politically most important
22 region of Punjab. It is the region of important political parties SCF, RPI. In Jullundhar district the BSP has a strong presence among the Ad-Dharmis. Besides this it was the region where the first case of the community violence has been recorded. The Talhan event in 2002 involving the direct confrontation between the Jats and Ad-Dharmis has further led to the strengthening of the already existent assertion among the Ad-Dharmis.
Table Three: Important scheduled castes in Jullundhar and Punjab Caste Jullundhur Punjab Ad-Dharmi 60.38 15.34 Balmiki 21.34 21.34 Bangali 0.06 {j.07 Barar, Burar 0.27 0.18 Batwal 0.06 0.24 Buaria 0.06 1.37 Bazigar 1.49 2.84 Bhanjra 0.13 0.08 Chamar Jatia, Cahmar, 5.29 25.85 Rehgar, Ravidasi, Ramdasi Chanal 0.0 0.01 Dagi 0.0 0.01 Darain 0.0 0.02 Deha, Dhaya, Dheya 0.0 0.12 Dhanak 0.05 1.01 Dhorn 0.0 0.01 Dumna 0.18 2.76 Gagra 0.0 0.06 Gandhila,Gandil, Gondola 0.10 1.13 Kabirpanthi,lulaha 0.40 0.18 Khatik 0.14 0.11 Kori 0.09 0.03 Marija,Marecha 0.01 30.75 Mazhabhi 2.13 1.83 Megh 3.98 0.02 Nat 0.0 0.23 Od 0.0 0.\6 Pasi 0.08 0.0 Perna 0.0 0.01 Pherera 0.01 0.0\ Sanhai 0.0 0.01 Sanhal 0.01 0.01 Sansi,Bhedkul 1.02 1.41 Sansoi 0.01 0.01 Sapela 0.01 0.04 Sarera 0.09 0.21 Siligar 0.09 0.15 Sirkiban 0.56 0.50 Unclassified. Source: Census ofindla 2001.
124 II: Field Work in Taiban and Boota Mandi II.a. Talhan and Boota Mandi: A brief description Talhan is situated at a distance of the 15 kilometers from the lullundhar city and about 20 Kilometers from the Boota Mandi. It is one of the biggest villages of the Doaba. Talhan has around 529 households and a population of around 2946. Dalits constitute around 65-70 percent of the population with the total of 1772 scheduled caste population (2001 census). The village is well connected to a main highway by the concrete road and to the nearest city of lullundhar by a regular bus services. Talhan being the largest village has number of facilities not found in other villages of Punjab- a primary school and secondary school, allopathic hospital, post telegraph and telephone facilities. Besides this the villagers has access to the newspapers/dailies and magazines both in local regional language and Hindi language. The statistical profile ofthe village is mentioned in the table five The Ad-Dharmis are the biggest caste group in the village. Apart from being numerically pre-dominant, the Ad-Dharmis of the Talhan village have also experienced a considerable degree of the mobility and autonomy over the last couple of decades. lats who constitute only around 25 percent of the total population of the village control most of the agricultural land. As per the traditional life in the rural Punjab Dalit settlements were located in the side where the sun sets (lahindey paase, as it is called in Punjabi). Dalit houses were indeed constructed on the outskirts of the main village settlement. More important are perhaps the changes experienced in the housing patterns over the last two or three decades. The growing population and a continual expansion of the residential areas have to some extent; have diluted the old settlement structure of the village. As the newly prosperous upper castes make newer and bigger houses on the peripheries of the village, the Dalit settlements do
not remain as isolated from before. Infact all the categories of villagers have constructed new houses on the peripheries., The rest of the population is Jat Sikhs and the other communities such as the Ramgarhias (carpenters), Lohars (Blacksmiths), Jheers ( water carriers), Chimbers (Tailor) and Kumahars (Potters). Almost all the Dalits are the Ad-Dharmis scheduled castes. They are largely clean-shaven and worship Guru Ravidas. The village distinctively exhibits Prosperity. Huge and stylish houses in Talhan witness richness of the inhabitants of the village who have migrated in large numbers to the Europe, North America and the gulf. The village has a senior secondary school, Football making centre and three main Gurudwaras. The area was recently in news for witnessing the first ever case of the caste related violence in Punjab over the issue of representation over the managing committee of Talhan gurudwaras, after which the village is named. Politically also the village is crucial due to the overwhelming influence of the BSP and congress among the villagers. Another crucial aspect of the village politics as reported during the conflict was that though until recently the village Sarpanch used to be Jat, no one could get elected without the support from the sections of Ad-Dharmis, during the time of field work conducted the first ever woman dalit Sarpanch has been elected.
1?f\ Table Four: Talhan Village: Statistical Profile Indicator Hadbast Number Constituency Code Total Households Total population Agriculture workers Non Agriculture workers Total scheduled castes Population Education facility Enrolment I-V SC boys Enrolment I-V SC girls Enrolment VI-VIIl-SC boys Enrolment VI-VIIl-SC girls Enrolment IX-X SC boys Enrolment IX-X SC girls Hospital facility Number of telephone connections Commercial Bank Non Agriculture Credit society Power Supply Total Income 185 32 529_ 2946 247 748 1772 One primary school and one high school 94 78 53 71 56 43 One dispensary_ 50 I I Yes available for agriculture and domestic use 600000 Source: Census oflndia 2001; https:llwww_punjab_gov_in/general/villagedirectory/
1 Description of the Boota Mandi The more developed areas at the edge of the Punjab-the industrial and near the citiesthe economic conditions of the scheduled castes are frequently better, although this is not uniformly so. The economically improved members of the scheduled castes in some cases maintain an individualistic identity in the cities developing middle class. A greater degree of economic improvement and social flexibility is characterized by a stronger tum towards distinctively SC cultural symbols. This is certainly the case of Boota Mandi-Iocated in the Municipal Corporation Number 50*, a developed area at the edge of lullundhur city in central Punjab. Boota Mandi, like Talhan, is entirely composed of a single scheduled caste --Chamars-but the term Ad-Dharm is preferred instead. The name of there colony Boota Mandi, means 'Boot Market' or more accurately, 'Leather Market', because that trade occupies the primary source of revenue and occupation for the community. Until around 1930, there was nothing along the Nakodar road, where Boota Mandi now stands. Boota Mandi was brought on the map of Dalit politics by the Ad-Dharmis of two main sub castes-kaler and Mahey- I who were forced to leave their ancestral villages under hostile social and economic conditions. Boota Mandi a native place of the entrepreneurs has emerged as the most important economic and political centre of the Ad-Dharmis in Punjab. Here every day trade of rawhides worth lakh of rupees takes place. The traditional vegetable tanning of the hides has been replaced by the use of modem chemicals and techniques to make it compatible in national and international market. The enterprising Ad-Dharmis finding the avenues modified their skills and ventured into leather and sports goods industries. As a result of the diversification in their work they have been able to earn profits and rise up in the social hierarchy as a result of which they have started asserting their caste status. Municipal ward number were changed after the Legislative Assembly Elections of February 2007
128 The Kaler and Mabey sub-castes came to this place which provided them an access to military contracts in lullundhur cantonment for supplying the leather boots. Kaler were tenant cultivators in the village Nangal, five miles way from the Boota Mandi. They migrated to this suburb of the lullundhar city to try their luck in leather trade. Sunder Das belonged to the Mahey sub-caste and his ancestral village was Dhanal, four miles away from the Boota Mandi. Almost all Kaler and Mahey families from the village Nangal and Dhanal, respectively joined Kishan Das and Sunder Das in the newly established leather trade in Boota Mandi. Later on many sub castes of the Dalits from the villages in the vicinity of the lullundhar also came to learn the success of recently established Bussiness of the leather trade by the kalers and Mahey. Boota Mandi is not a slum, nor a ghetto: large numbers of its former residents have moved into the comfortable middle class surroundings of the new residential colonies in luuundhar, and many also draw government salaries. Many of the scheduled caste movements of this century have found financial and leadership support from among the Boota Mandi residents. Even before the Boota Mandi was founded, the original pioneers, Seth Kishan Das and Sunder Das were both active in the Ad-Dharm movement. For their caste name, the Boota Mandi residents have appropriated the Ad-Dharm MandaI's name; name and the patron-saint of the Ad-Dharm movement, the Bhakti poet, Sant Ravi Das,is prominently displayed in the art and calendars on the Boota Mandi walls. In fact there are four Ravidas Gurudwaras in the Boota Mandi, a Ravidas Library and a Ravidas Community Centre-all of them donated by the leading Kaler and Mahey families around 1950, when Boota Mandi began to prosper. There is a Ravidas Youth c1ub-a social fraternity for the high school and the college boys. They havt: even established Ad-Dharm Youth Clubs in the local Doaba College in lullundhur, with branches in five or six other colleges. India's best known scheduled caste leader, B.R Ambedkar is also represented in Boota Mandi.
1)<) Nearby, along the Nakodar Road, a new statue of Ambedkar has been erected at a major intersection; a filed has been fenced off and a small building there is a precursor of an 'Ambedkar Bhawan' to be built in the future. Further down the Nakodar Road towards the centre of the city, there are offices of Ambedkar';s Republican Party oflndia, and the editorial of the Ambedkar Journal Bheem Patrika. It is published by the L.R.Balley who also lives near Boota Mandi and is a prominent figure in the community. Politically also the constituency is important. Some of the young people in Boota Mandi have flirted with a local chapter of Dalit Panthers which has been established in nearby Pahgwara. In general the level of the activity and militancy among the among the scheduled caste youth-especially the educated and reasonably wealthy ones-has increased dramatically in the past several years. In August 1978, the young people of Boota Mandi established their own version of the Dalit Panthers, and the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti, which has launched demonstrations and agitation in the sympathy with Marathwada University issue in Maharashtra against the local atrocities in Punjab. Seth Kishan Das progeny carried on meticulously the process of Dalit consciousness, initiated by him, through actively participating in the political arena of Punjab. His grandson, A vinash Chander, contested Parliament and State Assembly elections, Sunder Dasson, Khushi Ram also served as councilor in the Jullundhar Municipal committee. The present Mayor Surinder Mahey is his grandson *. A casual visit to Boota Mandi convinces one that this town presents a vivid impression of a particular community's stronghold and success. The Ad-Dharmis community has also established education centres, libraries and community centres in the name of Ambedkar, Buddha and Ravidas. One of the mohall as (residential areas) in Boota Mandi has been named as Siddhartha Nagar. All of these names evoke sense of an independent identity which Mayor as during the fieldwork in October 2006.
130 the lower castes in the Doaba region of the Punjab were in search of since the beginning of the Ad-Dhann movement. Part One: Social Condition of the Ad-Dharmis I.a. Caste Discrimination against the Ad-Dharmis The results of the field study in the Talhan village reveals that although in village rural, old kind of caste discrimination or the untouchabili,ty has considerably come down, they have not completely disappeared.. The most visible and the long standing fonn of the caste discrimination in rural India, and also the most taken-for granted aspect of the untouchability in the public sphere, is the residential segregation of households, and Talhan is no exception to it, des[p]ite the fact that the Ad-Dhannis are in majority in this village and Jats households are only few in number. The households of the Ad-Dhannis are placed on the outskirts of the village and mainly positioned in a manner that they face where the sun sets, or popularly called in Punjab as the Lahindey Passe. There households are also tenned as the Chamarlees. This picture suggests that "notwithstanding media images of the Punjab's prosperity, the region has become ghetto of caste apartheid".3 The table La reveals the extent and magnitude of the caste discrimination in the village. The table clearly suggests that even though the problem of the untouchability is not very acute, caste based discrimination continues to exist in the village. Age-wise the table suggests that the respondents between the age group of 35-45 and 45-55 did agree that that the caste discrimination do exist. The experience of the caste based discrimination by. this group is natural as this is the group that mainly constitutes the working force and to a 3 Quoted in Ronki Ram (2007): Social Catastrophe in the making: Religion, Deras and Dalits in Punjab special article on June 11-12, posted at www.ambedkar.org
131 certain extent reflects the extent of discrimination in the working relations. Therefore the group has been witness to the discrimination more as compared to the younger generation falling in between the age group of 18-25 who argued that the caste discrimination does not exists, although a miniscule number of them also agreed to the fact that the caste discrimination does exists. This reflects change and variation within the age groups relating to the caste discrimination. While the age group falling between 18-25 is out in schools, colleges and workplaces with the colleagues from non scheduled castes groups and even within the village mingles with the same non-scheduled caste groups freely; they feel less discriminated and infact were to argue that there exists no instances of discrimination based on caste in the daily life. A comparative study of the above two groups suggests that the village is in change as far as the issues of discrimination is concemed.- As while the earlier/older generations have been more victims of the caste based, the newer generations responses to the caste discrimination remains almost absent. Yet the caste discrimination continues. By gender, the percentage of the females and males agreeing on the fact that the caste discrimination exists remain almost equal. But overall the percentage of the males reporting the caste discrimination remains more as compar~d to the females. This is natural given the fact that most of the women interviewed were housewives and less educated and since they stay more at home and performed household work the instances of discrimination against them in daily work appears to be less, as they do not come in touch with the normal public life that very often. Where as it is the men who perform daily operations, services and labor that face discrimination. It was observed in the field survey that the females mainly belonging to the labor household were the main ones to respond that the caste discrimination does exist while the females from the well off Ad-Dharmis responded absence of the caste based discrimination. This suggests that the caste discrimination exists against the poorest sections of the society.. By education and occupation it's very clear that the caste discrimination continued to be practiced against the illiterate, less educated and the contract laborers poor. This becomes particularly evident during the situations of caste
conflicts among different caste groups. In the event of growing assertion for the equal rights among the Dalits, the dominant groups in the village invariably invoke the traditional ideas of the caste hierarchy in order to reinforce their dominance.. Table La: Caste Discrimination in Talhan Village I Caste discrimination caste discrimination. Exists at exists % I does not exists % times % 18-25 (17) 8.5 (38)19 25-35 (12) 6.1 (25)12.6 (1).5 35-45 (26)13.1 (31)15.7 45-55 (24)12.1 (16)8.1 above 55 (4}2.0 (4)2.0 Male (45) 22.7 (43)21.7 Female (43)21.7 (66)33.3 (1 ).5 school pass (52) 26.3 (83) 41.9 (1).5 9raduate and above (4) 2.0 (11)5.6 Illiterate (32) 16.2 (15) 7.6 agricultural laborers (1).5 (1).5 contract laborers (42) 21.2 (22)11.1 government service holder (2)1.0 income from abroad (3) 1.5 (1 ).5 Teacher Trainer (2) 1.0 I (6) 3.0 Artisans (24) 12.1 (48)24.2 (1).5 Housewife (16) 8.1 (23)11.6 Leather business (6) 3.0 Source: Field Survey, October 2006 Unlike of Talhan the extent, magnitude and the incidences of the caste based discrimination is not severe in Boota Mandi, given its urban character. While in Talhan the cases of caste discrimination were stit! reported and were much more in numbers the cases were less in Boota Mandi. This is clearly reflection of the power structure in the rural areas. It is important to note that while the percentage of men reporting the cases of the caste discrimination remains high, in Boota Mandi the number of the males reporting the caste discrimination remains very low. Even though the contract laborers, illiterate reported the cases of caste based discrimination yet the extent of the discrimination was not that sharp as that of
133 reported in the case of Talhan. By age irrespective of all the groups' majority of the respondents argues that there exists no caste discrimination Table I.b Caste Discrimination in Boota Mandi Caste Caste discrimination Caste Caste discrimination discrimination does not exists discrimination In gurudwarns exists (yes) % 1 (no) % exists at times % (No)% 18-25 (1).7 (12) 7.9 (12) 8.0 25-35 (1).7 (42) 27.6 (3) 2.0 (45) 30.0 3:r45 (4) 2.6 (28) 18.4 (9) 5.9 (41) 27.3 45-55 (1).7 (27) 17.8 (8) 5.3 (36) 24.0 above55 (1).7 (10)6.6 (5) 3.3 (16) 10.7 Male (6) 3.9 (69) 38.8 (20)13.2 (85) 56.7 Female (2) 1.3 (60) 39.5 (5) 3.3 {65) 43.3 Agricultural labor (1).7 (1).7 Contract laborer (5) 3.3 (5) 3.3 (14) 9.2 (24) 16.0 Government Job holders (5) 3.3 (5) 3.3 Teacher Trainer (16) 10.5 (1).7 (17) 11.3 Artisanslstudents/sm all shopkeepers (1).7 (43) 28.3 (9) 5.9 (52) 34.7 Housewife (1).7 I (30) 19.7 (1).7 (31) 20.7 leather Bussiness (20) 13.2 (20) 13.3 school pass (3) 2.0 (61) 40.1 (13) 8.6 (76) 50.7 Graduate and above (28) 18.4 (1).7 (28) 18.7 Illiterate (5) 3.3 (30) 19.7 {11)7.2 (46) 30.7 Source: Field Survey, October 2006 Those who argued that there exists caste discrimination, as similar to the Talhan were in the age group of the 35-45, but as compared to rural Talhan those reporting the instances of discrimination were less in number. This suggests that urbanization has greater role to play in effecting the issues related to the caste and the caste based discrimination. With urbanization the rigidities of the caste system loose its hold. By occupation as in Talhan it is the contract and daily wage labor that remains divided on the issues pertaining to the caste discrimination. The percent and the number of those arguing that caste discrimination does exist at time was larger than those arguing that there exists no caste discrimination. This also explains that even in the cities and urban localities the caste and the class do reinforce each other where the effects based on the discrimination related to the caste are felt more. Those with the
134 improved economic status -in the government service, leatherbussiness, educated almost complained that the discrimination based on caste is almost absent. Caste discrimination in schools: The field work also attempted to find out the experiences of the Ad-Dharmis in the educational institutions. Education is multifunctional for the capitalist system-education and occupation have become inseparable, as the society requires more and more specialized services. Education is a source of economic mobility, as acquiring education is perceived to be the means of getting a white collar job, which in case of the dalits is an important element to move away from the traditional occupation. From the Dalit perspective, introduction of the modem secular education has been one of the most important changes introduced. In this respect the field works attempts to find out whether the Addharmis are taking up to education or not? What are the factors that influence the Ad-Dharmis to take up the educations? Which schools do they prefer-government or the private schools, to what extent the caste discrimination is an important factor in influencing the respondent's choice of the school, is caste discrimination an important factor in influencing the drop-out factor for the children? The field survey in the Talhan village suggests that the majority of the respondents argued that there exists no cases of caste discrimination in the schools and even if the cases were reported they were reported from the male contract laborers. As already reported that the village has a primary government school. The field visit to the school in the village suggests that by and large the practice of the untouchability was not very visible in the village schools.. One rarely comes across the cases of Ad- Dharmi students being made sit separately in the classrooms. The students interacted with each other and drank water from the same sources. Further even teachers did not reported any bias in respect of the students from different caste background; probably because most of the teachers belonged to the Ad-Dharmi community. It can also be due to the fact that only the Ad-Dharmis students were in majority as compared to the non-scheduled caste groups. With regard to the school education, it is important to keep in mind Dr Surinder Jodhka's argument "that more than the
135 untouchabiiity the problem is more with the quality of education being imparted in the government schools 4 ". The argument holds true in case of the Talhan Primary school the school did not have did not had enough infrastructure in terms of rooms and furniture required for the proper functioning of the schools. This has led non-scheduled castes of the villages to withdraw their children from the village government schools as the low standards of the teachers meant, the negative impact on the child's education. Since the influential rich classes of the village did not send there children to the school there is further little interests in improving the standards of teaching in the local schools. I.c Caste discrimination in schools in Talhan Village Source: Field Survey, October 2006 Caste disc in I Caste discrimination in schools yes % schools does not exists % 18-25 (53) 27.2 25-35 (39) 20.0 35-45 (55) 28.2 45-55 (40)20.5 above 55 (1).5 (7)3.6 Male (1).5 (84) 43.1 Female (110) 56.4 school pass (133) 68.2 graduate and above (14) 7.2 l11iterate (1).5 (47) 24.1 agricultural laborers (2) 1.0 contract laborers! i govemment service holder I (2) 1.0 (62) 31.8 income from abroad (4) 2.1 Teacher Trainer (8) 4.1 Artisans (1).5 (70)35.9 Housewife (41)21.0 leatherbussiness (5) 2.6 4 Surinder Jodhka (2002): Caste and Untouchability in Rural Punjab in Economic and Political Weekly :Pg 1820
The experience to the visit in the village government school therefore suggests that it is the poor dalit families belonging to the contract laborers, small shopkeepers, fruits-vegetable vendors that send there children to the government schools, as it hardly costs them anything. Furthermore there has been mushrooming of the private schools on the outskirts of the village and the nearby city that leads economically well off Ad-Dharmis and non-scheduled caste groups to send their children to the private schools. The main attraction towards these schools is the use of English language as a medium of instruction that will enable them to take up a job in the service sector. In my interviews the quality of good education along with the stress on the English language came to be stressed more by the Ad-Dharmis. An interesting connection can be made to the economy of Punjab. It is quite clear to all of us that Punjab agriculture is in crisis-as a result the people have shifted from the agriculture to the other sectors of economy-mainly the industries. Henceforth the greater education level meant greater chances to migrate abroad and take up rather more skilled jobs that add to the prosperity of the family. The interest of the community with respect to the education has its roots in the Ad- Dharm movement which was led by the educated leaders who laid great stress on the value of education. The field work suggests the growing importance of education among the Ad-Dharmi community- the increasing importance on the quality education and the desire to be fluent in English have led the better off Ad-Dharmis to send their children to private schools. In this phenomenon the government schools have exclusively been called as the "dalit schools". Similar to Talhan, the table below provides the extent of the caste discrimination in Boota Mandi. The table clearly reveals that there exits no caste based discrimination in the schools. Irrespective of the education, age, sex and occupation largely the respondents reported that there kids are not discriminated against this can be explain with regard to the two factors: First, there are too many private schools in and around Boota Mandi and most of the parents on account of their better economic status prefer to send their children to these schools, where no distinction exists between the Jats and
137 dalit children. Secondly, urbanization has the potential to dissolve these differences. Even these Private schools have become breeding ground of identity consciousness and awareness generation-as the Ambedkar J ayantis and Ravidas J ayantis are celebrated with great vigor that has further led to identity creation and mobilization on the part of the younger generation of the Ad-Dharmis. Caste Discrimination in Gurudwaras: The practice of the untouchability has perhaps been the most pronounced in the religious sphere. Denial of temple entry is in fact the most widely prevalent form of the collective public untouchability. Punjab obviously does not fit this framework - The primary reason for this has been presence of Sikhism; its explicit anti-caste message. the I.d: Caste Discrimination in Gurudwaras in Talhan Village Caste discrimination Caste discrimination in gurudwaras Yes % in gurudwaras no % 18-25 (7) 3.6 I (47) 24.0 25-35 (3) 1.5 (34) 17.3 35-45 (8) 4.1 (49) 25.0 45-55 (7) 3.6 (33) 16.8 above 55 (8) 4.1 Male (19) 9.7 (66)33.7 Female (6) 3.1 (105) 53.6 school pass (16) 8.2 I {117) 59.7 graduate and above (2) 1.0 (13) 6.6 Illiterate (7) 3.6 I (41)20.9 agricultural laborers (2) 1.0 contract laborers (16) 8.2 (47) 24.0 government service holder (2) 1.0 income from abroad (3) 1.5 (1).5, Teacher Trainer (2) 1.0 I (6)3.1 Artisans (3) 1.5 (67) 34.2 Housewife (1).5 (4020.4 leatherbussiness i (6) 3.1 Source: Field Survey, October 2006 It would be relevant to add here that as compared to Hindu tradition, good number of the religious functionaries taking care of the holy book (called the Granthis) emerge
from dalit caste groups. Some of them have also risen to the positions of power and influence and have also become head Granthis and jathedar at the golden temple and the Akal Takht-two of the most important seats of the Sikh Religions. With this as the background the field work attempted to find out reasons whether there existed any discrimination in the gurudwaras? If caste discrimination exists in gurudwaras what forms do they take now? What are the reasons for the construction of separate gurudwaras by the Ad-Dharmis -is it a result of the caste discrimination faced in the main gurudwaras or are they just the source of cultural identity? The field work at the Talhan village suggests that although there are no restrictions on Dalits entering the local shrines, there were several cases where Dalits felt that they were discriminated against by those who controlled gurudwaras. Detailed discussion with the individual Ad-Dharmis and group interviews in different villages revealed that though Dalits were never stopped from entering Gurudwaras built and managed by local upper castes, there were several cases where Dalits reported to have been discriminated. It is important to note that both Ad-Dharmis of Talhan and Boota Mandi referred to the instance of the Talhan Gurudwaras conflict in this case. Doaba and more particularly the regions where the field work was done -Talhan and Boota Mandi are prosperous regions and the extent of caste discrimination as a whole is not very prevalent as compared to the other regions of the Punjab; Religious discrimination also appears to be less extensive in the region. The field visit to the Talhan village suggests that there exists three gurudwaras in the village -The main gurudwara of Talhan where all the communities visits, the Ravidas gurudwaras belonging to the Ad-Dharmis and the third one belong to the 'chir' community. The general visits to these gurudwaras points out that there exists no discrimination and all major communities visits the gurudwaras -besides this the dalits in Punjab also visit the temples and there exists no discrimination with regard to there temple entry. The results of the survey below clearly indicates that whatever the age, occupation, sex and education levels there exists no discrimination with regard to the religious 5 Surinder lodhka (2002): Caste and Untouchability in Rural Punjab' in Economic and Political Weekly, May II: Pg 1817
139 places or other places of worship in Punjab. The respondents argued too many differences emerged after the Taihan conflict but over the time these differences have diminished and caste discrimination in the gurudwaras against any community is absent. All the surveyed respondents argued that there exists no caste based discrimination in the gurudwaras, either on account of the entry of the gurudwaras, serving of the langar or offering of the Karah Prasad. An important reason for this could be the presence of Ad-Dharmis in large majority in these areas that renders any kind of discrimination obsolete. Caste Conflicts Against the Ad-Dharmis: It is a well known fact that caste system has produced numerous rules about untouchability that govern everyday interactions between the social groups in rural India. From not being allowed to use certain wells and hand pumps, to being forced to eat separately, rules regulate all aspects of life for Dalits and constantly reinforce their sense of subordination. While norms about maintaining caste-boundaries applies to all the castes and even upper castes individuals may be socially ostracized by their caste members for violations, Dalits are most severely punished for transgressions. When Dalits attempt to resist the unjust rules imposed upon them, retaliation by the upper castes is swift and often violent. Atrocities and related to it the caste conflicts is not a new phenomenon.. The conflicts have often been prompted by the attempts of dalits to exercise there basic rights. A number of incidences from the other parts of the country shows that dalit women and men become the target of attack for the upper caste violence when they 'dare' to protest the infringement of their rights. The following recent instance will illustrate this fact. "On July 20, 2004, a dalit resident named Salikram of Dhanayi village in Siddhaur, Uttar Pradesh, was abused and later implicated in the false case by the police because he sent the petition to the chief Minister to save his land from. being acquired for road construction. 6 6 Thorat et al (2006): Untouchability in Rural India, Sage Publications, New Delhiffhousand Oaks/London :Pg 138
14() While the data on Punjab suggests that incidence of caste atrocities are lowest in Punjab yet a large numher of the respondents agreed on the existence of the caste conflicts in the village. The number and percentage of such respondents is particularly high among the male, illiterate, poor sections of the Ad-Dharmis, given there low economic status. Even a large percentage of the females also agreed to the existence of the caste conflicts. The main reasons for the females reporting the cases of the caste conflicts were in response to the experiences of their male counterparts.. The causes of the castes conflict varies. For the male respondents discrimination in access to the services is the main cause of the caste conflict. This is but natural as most of them work as the contract or the daily wage laborer and face everyday exploitation on account of the low payment, long hours of work, forced labor etc. The females respond that Inter-Caste marriages to be the main cause of the conflicts. Since women do not go out to work and stay mainly at home they have been witnessed only to the causes of conflicts within the village. Most of them argued that they have only seen the conflict between the families on account of the inter caste marriage -the extent is particularly severe when the boy belongs to the dalit caste. Some of them argued if a boy belongs to the daht castes - his family members particularly if he has a sister is troubled to the extent that she is not taken out of home. There have been two such instances of conflict in the village that led to the sittings of the Panchayats. In one case since the couple left abroad soon after marriage it was not greatly talked about but the second case took almost an year to be solved but when finally the girl, who was a Jat stood firmly in favor of the boy the issue was resolved. The conflict arising out of the construction of the separate gurudwaras, entry into the J at houses entry into the upper caste gurudwaras appear to be minimum, as the table suggests. The survey also reveals that the entry into Jat houses, gurudwaras appears to be the least important cause for the caste conflicts.
141 Perception of the Ad-Dharmis on the causes of the caste conflicts in Talhan Village Respondents from all the major age groups responded that the main cause of the caste conflict in Talhan village has been the Inter-caste marriage. A large number of the male respondent argued that the main cause of the caste conflict has been the Discrimination in access to services; while a large number of the female respondents argued that the main cause of the caste conflict has been the inter-caste marriages. Majority of the illiterate respondents also argued that the inter-caste marriages are the major causes of the caste conflict. Construction of separate gurudwaras emerged to be the least important cause of the caste conflict in Talhan village. Besides this the conflict over entry into Jat houses, Discrimination in access to the services entry into JatJ main gurudwaras emerged to be less important causes of the caste conflict. The only major case of the caste conflict mentioned by the interviewer was that of the Talhan conflict.
142 I.e: Causes of Caste Conflicts in Talhan Village 18-25 Discrimination in Entry into Construction of Entry into Jat access to the Jat/main the separate Intercaste Other causes houses % I services % Gurudwara % I gurudwaras % marri~es% % I (2) 1.0 (4)2.1 (5)2.6 (29)14.5 (12)6.2 25-35 (7)3.6 (2)1.0 (20)\0 (9)4.6 35-45 (18) 9.2 (4)2.1 (29)14.9 (5)2.6 45-55 (I).5 (10)5.1 (3)1.5 (18)9.2 (8)4.1 above 55 (3)1.5 (I ).5 (4)2.1 Male (36)18.5 (10)5.\ (20)10.3 (19)9.7 Female (3) 1.5 (6)3.\ (4)2,\ (76)38 (19) 9.7 school pass (3)1.5 (29)14.9 (10)5.\ (67)33.5 (23) 11.8 graduate and above (2)1.0 (2)1.0 (6)3.1 (5)2.6 Illiterate (II )5.6 {2)1.0 (24)12.3 (10)5.\ agricultural laborers (I ).5 (I ).5 contract laborers (46) 23 (18)9.2 government service holder (I ).5 income from abroad (I ).5 (3)1.5 Teacher Trainer (6)3.1 (2) 1.0 Artisans (1).5 (12)6.2 (5)2.6 {2)1.0 (33) 16.9 (16)8.2 Housewife (I ).5 (1).5 (28)14.4 {I 0) 5.1 LeathertJUssiness (1).5 (1).5 (3)1.5 {I).5 Field Survey, October 2006 Although occasional, yet the caste conflicts do occur in Boota Mandi. This could be clearly revealed from the table below. This is more clearly suggested by the working group between the ages of 25-55, indicating that during work or in the everyday interactions they come across certain situations that lead to the clash or the conflicts. Although the male respondents complain less on the instances of the caste discrimination, as indicated earlier, yet the survey suggests that a large percentage (35 percent) of them agrees on the existence of the caste conflicts. Since they are the groups that are out to work in the "public sphere", it is quite natural that the incidences of the caste discrimination against them lead them to revolt that ultimately tum into the caste conflict. The other categories to respond that the caste conflicts to occur at times includes that of the teacher trainers, housewives and the contract laborers by occupation and by education it is the illiterate that agreed on the existence of the caste conflicts. It is important to observe that the percentage of the Contract laborers and the illiterate complaining the caste conflicts is same, indicating that the contract laborers form the illiterate category.
141 Although the caste discrimination in Boota Mandi is low it is important to analyze the causes of the cases of casie conflicts. My general understanding of the question suggests four important factors have played an important role in the emergence of the caste conflicts in the area. The pattern of caste conflicts in Boota Mandi suggests that for the age group between 18-25 construction of the separate gurudwaras has been the main cause of the caste conflict. For the age group between 25-35 discrimination in access to the services as well as the inter-caste marriages are the main cause of the caste conflict. Majority of the male respondents also argued that the mam cause of the caste conflict has been the Discrimination in access to the services. By Occupation for the contract laborers discrimination in access to the services has been the main cause of the caste conflicts. Majority of the school pass students, teacher trainers, housewives answered Inter-caste marriages to be the main cause of the caste conflict. For the service sector, Discrimination in access to the services remain to be the main cause of the caste conflict.
144 I.f: Causes of Caste Conflict in Boota Mandi Discrimination in Construction of access to the the separate Inter~ste services % Qurudwaras % marriages % No respond % 18-25 (1).7 (6) 3.9 (3) 2.0 (3) 2.0 25-35 (14) 9.2 (5) 3.3 (13)8.6 (14)9.2 35-45 (11)7.2 (9) 5.9 (15) 9.9 (6) 3.9 45-55 (10) 6.6 (3) 2.0 (15) 9.9 (8) 5.3 above55 (8) 5.3 (4) 2.6 (4) 2.6 Male (40) 26.3 (10) 6.6 (15) 9.9 (20) 13.2 Female (4) 2.6 (13) 8.6 (35) 23.0 (15) 9.9 Agricultural labor (1).7 Contract Laborer (21) 13.8 (3) 2.0 Government Job holders (1).7 (3) 2.0 (1).7 Teacher Trainer (2) 1.3 (4) 2.6 (8) 5.3 (3) 2.0 Artisans/stidentsl small (15) 9.9 (7) 4.6 (13) 8.6 (18) 11.8 shopkeepers Housewife (2) 1.3 (3) 2.0 (22) 14.5 (5) 3.3 Leather Bussiness (2) 1.3 (6) 3.9 {7) 4.6 (5) 3.3 school pass (18)11.8 (10) 6.6 (28) 18.4 (21) 13.8 graduate and (2) 1.3 (9) 5.9 (8) 5.3 (10) 6.6 above Illiterate (24) 15.8 I (4) 2.6 (14) 9.2 (4) 2.6 Source: Field Survey, October 2006 The causes of the caste conflict in Boota Mandi can be attributed to several factors: Firstly, the better economic status of Ad-Dharmis, in Boota Mandi, has made them much more assertive. It is important to bear in mind whenever any conflict takes place between Ad-Dharmis and Jats it is on account of the economic status. As most of the Jats points out "Chamran ne bi saade barabar kothian daal diti aan 7... _{Even the Chamars have raised the bungalows against our bungalows). Secondly, the better literacy rate of the Ad-Dharmis overall, and particularly in Boota Mandi has led them to question the caste system. Thirdly, the incidence of the Talhan, the case of first community violence had an important role to play in the emergence of the caste conflicts in Boota Mandi. Before Talhan the incidences of the caste conflicts were rather much occasional, but it was this incident that made the 7 Personal Infonnation, Field Survey, October 2006 Jul\undhur, Punjab
145 Ad-Dharmis of Boota Mandi realized the real division between the communities and the fact that although they are economically prosperous yet still there has been hesitation on the part of the non-scheduled caste groups to grant them social recognition.. Modes of Protest of the Ad-Dharmis Dalits have worked out their own ways and strategies of resisting kind of discriminationfrom passive resistance to the militant retaliation, Punjab being no exception to it.. In Punjab the most popular strategy of resistance by the dalits has been the construction of separate places of worship for themselves. In both Talhan and Boota Mandi the Dalits have built there own Gurudwaras. But the field work points out to the fact that the construction of separate gurudwaras has not been due to the instances of the caste discrimination but is largely driven by the politics. For instance in Boota Mandi, the respondents pointed out that it was Surinder Maher, the Mayor of lullundhar, who is investing more in terms of building separate Gurudwaras. Boota Mandi and Talhan are much more important strategically as they constitute scheduled caste majority areas and he has an important hold over the constituency of the Boota Mandi.. In order to retain this hold he is building the fourth Ravidasi gurudwaras in the Boota Mandi locality. When asked why to spend more on construction of the Gurudwaras rather than spending more on providing social welfare programmes like that of "building schools and hospitals" the mayor argued out that people of Punjab are much more cultural, and in Boota Mandi, which is the scheduled caste majority area, people want to have symbols of same 8 For instance if you go in other places of lullundhar where the chuhras live they have displayed their identity by naming their residence colony as Ambedkar Nagar, similarly the Chamars of lullundhar and more particularly the Boota Mandi have there Gurudwaras. It is however important to bear in mind that the construction of the separate Gurudwaras have become a symbol of there autonomy but 8 Personal Communication with Surinder Maher,Mayor Municipal Corporation October 2006, lullundhar,punjab
46 has much more wider political reasons, rather than caste discrimination or humiliation faced by the Dalits. Construction of separate gurudwaras by both the Ad-Dharmis and the Mazhabhis have, never been met with any resistance either from the dominant castes or from the religious establishments of the sikh community. Apart from the Sikh holy book the Dalit Gurudwaras particularly the ones in Talhan and Boota Mandi have the picture of the Ravidas gurudwaras and photograph of Dr Ambedkar. However though non-scheduled castes did not mind Dalits constructing there own Gurudwaras, some Dalits reported that the 1ats and other upper caste Sikhs did not show for their Gurudwaras the kind of reverence they showed for their own. For example, even when the Dalit Gurudwara was closer, the 1ats would [refer visiting their own Gurudwaras. Although Dalits have started constructing there own Gurudwaras for asserting there autonomy many from the upper castes had lately started visiting there Gurudwaras. Most of the Ad-Dharmi respondents in Talhan village belonging to the age group between 18-25 citing Talhan conflict as an example, argued that they collectively protest against the cases of discrimination. However those in the service sector argued that they retaliate against the cases of caste discrimination by withdrawing their services, given the fact that the nature of discrimination they face is occupational in character. Again by citing the example of Talhan incident they argued "when the 1ats stopped entering our lanes, and stopped selling their milk even we decided not to enter their houses and closed our services for them. 9 The service classes mainly resorted to withdrawal of the services. This is especially true for the males who are also mainly the contract laborers falling between the age group of 35-45. The leather business in case of the conflict resorted to the collective protest, yet they did not complained about the caste conflicts and the situation of the protest, given their superior economic status. The modes of protest in Boota Mandi reveals that by age group the generation falling between 18-25 years suggests that majority of them interviewed had no idea on the protest. This indicates indirectly that such cases of the caste conflicts hardly exist. While 9 Personal Communication with Resident at Talhan village, October 2006, Jullundhar, Punjab