Personalized Parties at Power: Case Study of the Czech Republic Petr Just Department of Political Science and Humanities Metropolitan University Prague (CZ) 25 th World Congress of Political Science Brisbane, 24 th July 2018
INTRODUCTION political parties => undergoing major changes in organizational, procedural, programmatic aspects contemporary political environment => weakening of socio-economic cleavages => provides suitable conditions for personalization of politics impact of unfinished post-communist stabilization and consolidation of political parties in CEE emergence of new political parties based on strong leaders and their characters rather than program
INTRODUCTION strong role of party leaders visible also before 2010, mainly in connection with then dominating parties: Václav Klaus (ODS) and Miloš Zeman (ČSSD) = most of 1990s and early 2000s Mirek Topolánek (ODS) and Jiří Paroubek (ČSSD) = mid and late 2000s higher level of personalization and decline of socioeconomic cleavages visible since 2010 closely connected with the emergence of businessfirm parties where personalization is key aspect
INTRODUCTION business-firm parties (late 1990s) = natural turn of events based on development typology gradual transformation of political parties across four domains (origin, ideology, organization, electoral appeal) ability of political actors to adapt to changing contemporary circumstances and the realities of political develop parties of cadres (elite parties, parties of notables) => mass parties => catch-all parties => electoralprofessional parties => cartel parties turn of century => business-firm parties or entrepreneurial parties
BUSINESS-FIRM PARTY CONCEPT Jonathan Hopkin a Caterina Paolucci (1999) political entrepreneur (personalization, leadership, centralization of decision-making processes) flexible ideological orientation (lack of official ideology) consumer strategy (voters = consumers) limited membership party activities contracted out (outsourcing) lightweight organization (strong role of party leader, low level of institutionalization, centralization of decision-making processes)
CZECH PARTY SYSTEM PRIOR 2010 relatively stable form of party system in 1996-2010: 2 permanent big parties alternating as the winner and the second in Chamber of Deputies elections: Civic Democratic Party (ODS, winner 1996, 2006), Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD, winner 1998, 2002) 2 other permanent parties: Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM), Christian-Democratic Union Czechoslovak Peoples Party (KDU-ČSL) 1-2 minor parties just for 1 or 2 terms in Parliament totally no more than 5-6 parties, since 1998 no extreme right wing represented, extreme left represented by KSČM
BUSINESS-FIRM PARTIES IN CZECH REP. Czech Republic = business-firm parties in politics since 2010 elections VV = Věci veřejné = Public Affairs (elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 2010, but failed in 2013) ANO 2011 = Akce nespokojených občanů 2011 = Action of Dissatisfied Citizens 2011 (elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 2013 and 2017; won 2017 elections) How do the VV and ANO 2011 correspond with the business-firm party concept?
INTRODUCTION other highly personalized parties in the Chamber of Deputies after 2010 Dawn of Direct Democracy of Tomio Okamura (Úsvit, 2013-2017) Freedom and Direct Democracy of Tomio Okamura (SPD, 2017-now) presentation will focus on VV and ANO 2011 only as they also were able to rise to power by becoming ruling parties in 2010, resp. 2013 and 2017
foundation PUBLIC AFFAIRS originally local political party without business connections (2002), acquired by ABL private security agency in 2009 as part of Strategy 2009-2014 (2008) political entrepreneur Vít Bárta, owner of ABL => non-formal leader, no official leadership position until 2013 X after 2010 elections = party negotiator during Cabinet formation talks (although not even a party member at that time, entered later) Radek John = formal leader and party Chairman in 2010-2013 => former anchor of investigative TV program (strengthening anti-corruption issue)
PUBLIC AFFAIRS flexible ideological orientation no self-identification based on ideology or party family, electoral program lacks any unifying ideological framework => reflects voters interests didn t declare its position on the left-right axis (chairman Radek John: We do not want to move either left or right, we want to move forward. ) socio-economical program conflict replaced by cleavage corrupted parties vs. common people gained support from both former ODS and ČSSD voters
consumer strategy PUBLIC AFFAIRS party internal documents referred to voter as a consumer => voters don t seek ideology, but immediate and simple solutions => let s give them what they want party used public opinion polls to formulate its goals and strategies limited membership during its existence = between 800-1.600 registered supporters = up to 16.000 (without members rights and obligations)
PUBLIC AFFAIRS party activities contracted out (outsourcing) some activities outsources from external agencies (experts) involvement of ABL HR division in hiring party staff low level of institutionalization financial dependence on ABL and Vít Bárta high level of personalization => decreases level of institutionalization (more as a private company) signs of nepotism (V. Bárta and wife Kateřina Klasnová Vice-chairwoman and Deputy Speaker of Parliament) party leadership often met at Vít Bárta s home
ACTION OF DISSATISFIED CITIZENS 2011 foundation movement founded by billionaire Andrej Babiš in 2011 following his criticism of corruption in politics founded from the top, although it pretends to look like protest movement from the bottom ( dissatisfied citizens ) political entrepreneur Andrej Babiš = owner of Agrofert concern with several subsidiary companies operating in the field of agriculture, chemistry industry, food industry, health care, media founder and chairman of ANO 2011 (always elected unanimously), ex-m. of Finance, now Prime Minister
ACTION OF DISSATISFIED CITIZENS 2011 flexible ideological orientation initial movement documents = mostly in negative and protest tone (criticism of current state of politics and the way the state is managed) electoral program lacks any unifying ideological framework, no long-term goals, offers mostly short term and quick solutions didn t declare its position on the left-right axis X after 2014 European Parliament elections joined fraction of Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe = pragmatic or ideological move?
ACTION OF DISSATISFIED CITIZENS 2011 consumer strategy market-oriented strategy in campaigning focus on image rather than content (program), simple slogans ( We will fix it., It is going to be better. ) limited membership approximately 3.000 members A. Babiš warns against opportunists trying to use movement s actual popularity and become members long list of strict criteria for becoming member (application process looks more like a job interview) many officials elected on ANO 2011 lists = non-partisans
ACTION OF DISSATISFIED CITIZENS 2011 party activities contracted out (outsourcing) hiring external experts and professionals (permanent cooperation with professional PR agency and political communication experts not only during elections) specific case of outsourcing = use of Babiš media low level of institutionalization very strong personalization and centralization Andrej Babiš himself influences all aspects of party life, makes most of the decisions, party dependent on him financially many of top party officials came from Andrej Babiš firms (strong linkage between Agrofert and party structures)
COMPARISON AND CONCLUSION both VV and ANO entered cabinet after being elected to the Chamber of Deputies 2010-2013: center-right majority cabinet composed of ODS, TOP 09 and VV 2014-2017: center-left majority cabinet composed of ČSSD, ANO and KDU-ČSL 2017-2018: minority single-party cabinet formed by ANO (confidence motion rejected) 2018-now: center-left minority cabinet composed of ANO and ČSSD, with the support of KSČM however, their paths after assuming power differed
COMPARISON AND CONCLUSION VV = didn t survive its rise to the national level of politics after 2010, faced many scandals (incl. corruption) in 2010-2013, party eventually split, not existing any more ANO 2011 = not only survived its first term in Chamber of Deputies after 2013, despite many problems dominated all public opinion polls in 2013-2017, strengthened and won 2017 elections, was in charge of cabinet formation
COMPARISON AND CONCLUSION factors for ANO 2011 success ownership of media identified by one clear and strong leader despite being in cabinet since 2013 until now, still has behaved more as a protest opposition movement, not as a party with responsibility strategic political communication = permanent, not just during electoral campaigns, crisis communication higher level of loyalty and discipline of ANO 2011 deputies in Parliament (key role of fraction Chairman) VV failed in most of the above mentioned factors
Thank you for your attention! petr.just@mup.cz