FOR RELEASE November 29, 2018

FOR RELEASE November 29, 2018 FOR MEDIA OR OTHER INQUIRIES: Carroll Doherty, Director of Political Research Jocelyn Kiley, Associate Director, Research Bridget Johnson, Communications Manager 202.419.4372 RECOMMENDED CITATION Pew Research Center, November, 2018, Conflicting Partisan Priorities for U.S. Foreign Policy

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping America and the world. It does not take policy positions. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, content analysis and other data-driven social science research. The Center studies U.S. politics and policy; journalism and media; internet, science and technology; religion and public life; Hispanic trends; global attitudes and trends; and U.S. social and demographic trends. All of the Center s reports are available at. Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. Pew Research Center 2018

Republicans and Democrats have very different goals for U.S. foreign policy % who say each should be a top foreign policy The public s leading longrange foreign policy goals for the United States are focused on security, including economic security. About seven-in-ten (72%) say that taking measures to protect the U.S. from terrorist attacks should be a top for the country, while about as many (71%) say the same about protecting the jobs of American workers. Two-thirds (66%) say preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) should be a top longrange for the United States. With only a handful of exceptions, including stopping the spread of WMD, there are sizable differences between Republicans and Democrats on the 26 foreign policy goals in the survey by Pew Research Center, which was conducted Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018.

2 Nov. 7-16 among 10,640 adults. And on several foreign policy goals, particularly the importance of maintaining U.S. military superiority, there also are notable gaps between older and younger adults. U.S. allies. Improving relationships with U.S. allies ranks at the top of Democrats foreign policy goals (70% top ) but is a middle-tier objective for Republicans (44%). In addition, Republicans are 30 percentage points more likely to say that getting other countries to assume more of the costs of maintaining world order should be a top for U.S. foreign policy (56% vs. 26%). U.S. military superiority. A large majority of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents (70%) say that maintaining the U.S. military advantage over all other countries should be a top for the U.S.; just 34% of Democrats and Democratic leaners rate this as a top. Notably, maintaining U.S. military superiority is a top for a majority of adults ages 50 and older (62%). But just 30% of those younger than 30 say this should be a top foreign policy. Refugees and immigration. While only about four-in-ten Democrats (39%) say that aiding refugees fleeing violence should be a top foreign policy, far fewer Republicans (11%) say the same. Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to rate reducing both illegal immigration and legal immigration into the U.S. as major priorities. The partisan divide on the importance of reducing illegal immigration, 48 percentage points, is wider than at any point in the past two decades (68% of Republicans vs. 20% of Democrats). Climate change. Partisans have long differed over the importance of dealing with climate change. But the gap is especially wide today, with 64% of Democrats and just 22% of Republicans saying that dealing with climate change should be a top foreign policy for the U.S. (The survey was conducted before the Nov. 23 release of the National Climate Assessment.)

3 Russia, Iran, China and North Korea. Partisan opinions about limiting the power and influence of Iran and Russia are nearly mirror images: 52% of Democrats say reducing Russia s power and influence should be a top, compared with 32% of Republicans. By contrast, 52% of Republicans rate limiting Iran s power as a top goal, compared with 29% of Democrats. Reducing China s power and influence is not a leading goal for either party, but more Republicans (39%) than Democrats (26%) rate this as a top. There is greater partisan agreement on North Korea: 43% of Republicans and 35% of Democrats say limiting North Korea s power and influence is a top. Partisans differ over importance of limiting power of Russia, Iran, China % who say limiting the power and influence of should be a top foreign policy 52 43 39 32 52 Russia 35 North Korea 29 Iran 26 China Trade and economic relations. Reducing the U.S. trade deficit with other countries is viewed as a top foreign policy by 54% of Republicans, compared with 33% of Democrats. And more Republicans (51%) than Democrats Rep/ Lean Rep Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018. Dem/ Lean Dem (40%) say promoting U.S. economic interests abroad should be a top foreign policy. Among the public overall, attracting skilled workers from other countries (16% top ), promoting democracy in other countries (17%) and finding a solution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians (18%) rank near the bottom of the long-range foreign policy goals. However, for each of these items indeed, for all 26 priorities in the survey majorities say they should be given top or some.

4 Younger Americans (those under 30) are generally less likely to say that the issues presented in the survey should be a top. Across the 26 items included in the survey, those under 30 are an average of 10 points less likely than those 65 or older to say each should be a top. In some cases the gaps between older and younger Americans are much larger. Large age gap on importance of limiting power and influence of other countries % who say limiting the power and influence of should be a top foreign policy 54 52 50 43 Russia Iran North Korea China Younger Americans are much less likely than their older counterparts to prioritize limiting the power and influence of several prominent foreign powers. Only about three-in-ten young people feel that the U.S. should place top on limiting the power and influence of Russia (29%), Iran (29%) and North Korea (26%). Even fewer say the same about China (21%). By contrast, Americans 65 or older are much more likely to say that limiting the influence of these countries should be a top. For instance, 54% say limiting the power and influence of Russia should be a top for the U.S. 29 29 26 21 Ages 18-29 30-49 50-64 65+ Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018.

5 There are a few issues that younger people place greater importance on than older adults. About half (49%) of those ages 18 to 29 say the U.S. should make protecting groups or nations threatened with genocide a top ; fewer of those 65 or older (36%) say the same. Younger people are 18 percentage points more likely than the oldest adults to say that promoting and defending human rights in other countries should be a top (41% vs. 23%). When it comes to aiding refugees fleeing violence around the world, those younger than 65 are more likely than those ages 65 and older to say this should be a top foreign policy for the U.S. Younger Americans place more emphasis on promoting human rights % who say should be a top foreign policy Protecting groups threatened with genocide Promoting and defending human rights in other countries Aiding refugees fleeing violence around the world 49 41 28 36 23 19 Ages 18-29 30-49 50-64 65+ Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018.

6 There s also a substantial age divide in the given to goals involving the U.S. military. Americans 65 and older are more than twice as likely as those under 30 to say that the U.S. maintaining its military advantage over all other countries is a top (64% vs. 30%). Few young adults prioritize maintaining U.S. military advantage % who say should be a top foreign policy Maintaining the U.S. military advantage over all other countries 64 Younger people are more likely than older people to say that reducing U.S. military commitments overseas should be a top (34% vs. 20%). 34 30 Age gaps also are seen in dealing with terrorism. About eight-in-ten of those 50 and older (81%) say that taking measures to protect the U.S. from terrorist attacks should be a top, this figure drops nearly 20 points among those under 50 (63%). When asked about whether the U.S. should prioritize taking measures to seek out and destroy terrorist groups in other countries, about a quarter of Reducing U.S. military commitments overseas Ages 18-29 30-49 50-64 65+ Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018. Americans under 50 (27%) say it should be a top compared with 44% of those 50 or older. 20

7 The public s views of long-term goals for U.S. foreign policy have shifted over the past two decades. In many cases, partisan divides have emerged or widened when it comes to how much should be placed on key international goals. In the current survey, a sizable majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (70%) say improving relationships with our allies should be a top, while significantly fewer Republicans and Republican leaners say this should be a top (44%). This is one of the largest gaps observed on this issue since the question was first asked in 2004. The share of Democrats who view improved relationships with allies as a top is much higher than it was in 2011, during Barack Obama s first term, when 48% said this. Growing share of Democrats prioritize improving relationships with allies % who say should be a top foreign policy Improving relationships with our allies Getting other countries to assume more of the costs of maintaining world order Strengthening the United Nations Total 62 46 47 Rep/Lean Rep Dem/Lean Dem 48 indicates change in survey mode 70 44 Rep/Lean Rep 57 53 Dem/Lean Dem 56 Total 26 53 36 Dem/Lean Dem Rep/Lean Rep Total 47 28 '01 '04 '05 '08'10'11 '14 '18 '01 '04 '09 '17'18 '01 ' 04 '07'08 '13 '18 Notes: 2018 survey conducted online on the American Trends Panel; for previous years, polls conducted via telephone. For full phone trend, see topline. Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018. There is a wide partisan gap over the importance of getting other countries to assume more of the costs of maintaining world order: 56% of Republicans say this is a top, compared with just 26% of Democrats. When the question was last asked in 2004, comparable shares of Republicans (59%) and Democrats (58%) said this issue should be a top.

8 Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to prioritize promoting democracy in other nations, promoting and defending human rights abroad, and helping improve living standards in developing nations. Though neither party rates the promotion of democracy in other nations as a particularly high, Democrats are twice as likely as Republicans to say this should be a top foreign policy goal (22% vs. 11%). Views are about the same as they were in a telephone survey conducted in 2013. Partisan gaps persist on importance of promoting human rights, improving living standards in developing nations % who say should be a top foreign policy Promoting democracy in other nations Promoting and defending human rights in other countries Helping improve living standards in developing nations Dem/Lean Dem indicates change in survey mode Dem/Lean Dem 39 Dem/Lean Dem 32 24 22 25 Total 20 23 Rep/Lean Rep Total 11 19 20 Rep/Lean Rep 16 Rep/Lean Rep Total 12 '93 '99'01 '05 '11'13 '18 '93 '99 '01 '05 '11'13 '18 '93 '01 '99 '05 '11'13 '18 Note: 2018 surveys conducted online on the American Trends Panel; for previous years, polls conducted via telephone. Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018. A similar pattern emerges on promoting and defending human rights in other countries. About four-in-ten Democrats (39%) say promoting human rights abroad should be a top. Fewer Republicans (20%) prioritize this goal. This partisan gap is little different from 2013, but wider than at most other points measured over the past 25 years. Today, just 12% of Republicans say improving living standards in developing nations should be a top. More than twice as many Democrats (32%) say this should be a top.

9 Republicans are more likely than Democrats to view the promotion of U.S. business and economic interests a top foreign policy. This also is the case in views of protecting U.S. jobs and reducing the trade deficit with other countries. Today, roughly half of Republicans (51%) say promoting U.S. business and economic interests abroad should be a top in foreign policy. Fewer Democrats (40%) say this should be prioritized. In 2004, 40% of Republicans and 32% of Democrats said promoting U.S. business interests should be a top. Republicans now more likely than Democrats to prioritize reducing trade deficit with foreign countries % who say should be a top foreign policy Promoting U.S. business and economic interests abroad Protecting jobs of American workers Reducing our trade deficit with foreign countries 31 23 Rep/Lean Rep Dem/Lean Dem indicates changes in survey mode 51 40 Total 85 83 Rep/Lean Rep Dem/Lean Dem 81 Total 44 65 42 Rep/Lean Rep 54 Total 33 Dem/Lean Dem '93 '97 '99 '04 '05 '12 '18 '93 '97'99 '05'08 '12'13 '18 '93 '97'99 '05 '12 '18 Note: 2018 surveys conducted online on the American Trends Panel; for previous years, polls conducted via telephone. Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018. Among the public overall, protecting the jobs of American workers continues to rank among the top priorities for U.S. foreign policy, though the share who calls this a top is somewhat lower today (71%) than in 2013 (81%). More Republicans (81%) than Democrats (65%) say protecting American jobs should be a top U.S. foreign policy ; this issue is among the top three priorities for members of both parties. When it comes to reducing the U.S. trade deficit with other countries, a double-digit gap currently divides Republicans and Democrats. Over half of Republicans (54%) say reducing our trade deficit with other countries should be a top, while just a third of Democrats (33%) say the same. When the question was last asked in 1997, about equal shares of partisans called this issue a top.

10 Some of the largest differences between Republicans and Democrats are seen in views of how much should be given to reducing illegal immigration and dealing with global climate change. Nearly seven-in-ten Republicans (68%) say that reducing illegal immigration into the U.S. should be a top U.S. foreign policy goal; just 20% of Democrats say the same. A partisan gap on prioritizing reducing illegal immigration has existed since 2005, but the current gap is especially wide. Republicans and Democrats move further apart on importance of reducing illegal immigration % who say should be a top foreign policy Reducing illegal immigration into the U.S. Rep/Lean Rep 46 39 Dem/Lean Dem Dealing with global climate change Note: 2018 surveys conducted online on the American Trends Panel; for previous years, polls conducted via telephone. For full phone trend, see topline. Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018. indicates change in survey mode 68 Total 20 '97 '05 '13 '18 Dem/Lean Dem 39 64 Total 15 22 Rep/Lean Rep '97 '01 '06 '10 '13'15 '18 Since 2013, the share of Democrats who say reducing illegal immigration should be a top has declined significantly, from 38% then to 20% today. Democrats continue to be more likely than Republicans to say dealing with global climate change should be a top. About two-thirds of Democrats (64%) say this, compared with just 22% of Republicans. A partisan gap has existed since this question was first asked in 2001, but it is as wide as it has ever been during this period.

11 Acknowledgements This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals: Research team Carroll Doherty, Director, Political Research Jocelyn Kiley, Associate Director, Political Research Alec Tyson, Senior Researcher Bradley Jones, Research Associate Baxter Oliphant, Research Associate Hannah Hartig, Research Analyst Amina Dunn, Research Assistant John LaLoggia, Research Assistant Seth Cohen, Intern Communications and editorial Bridget Johnson, Communications Manager Graphic design and web publishing Alissa Scheller, Information Graphics Designer

12 Methodology The American Trends Panel (ATP), created by Pew Research Center, is a nationally representative panel of randomly selected U.S. adults. Panelists participate via self-administered web surveys. Panelists who do not have internet access at home are provided with a tablet and wireless internet connection. The panel is being managed by Ipsos. Data in this report are drawn from the panel wave conducted November 7-16, 2018. A total of 10,640 panelists responded out of 13,570 who were sampled, for a response rate of 78%. The cumulative response rate accounting for nonresponse to the recruitment surveys and attrition is 3.7%. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 10,640 respondents is plus or minus 1.7 percentage points. The ATP was created in 2014, with the first cohort of panelists invited to join the panel at the end of a large, national, landline and cellphone random-digit-dial American Trends Panel recruitment surveys Recruitment Dates Mode Invited Joined Active panelists remaining Jan. 23 to March 16, 2014 Landline/ cell RDD 9,809 5,338 2,515 Aug. 27 to Oct. 4, 2015 Landline/ cell RDD 6,004 2,976 1,471 April 25 to June 4, 2017 Landline/ cell RDD 3,905 1,628 806 Aug. 8 to Oct. 31, 2018 ABS/web 9,396 8,778 8,778 Total 29,114 18,720 13,570 Note: Approximately once per year, panelists who have not participated in multiple consecutive waves or who did not complete an annual profiling survey are removed from the panel. Panelists also become inactive if they ask to be removed from the panel. survey that was conducted in both English and Spanish. Two additional recruitments were conducted using the same method in 2015 and 2017, respectively. Across these three surveys, a total of 19,718 adults were invited to join the ATP, of which 9,942 agreed to participate. In August 2018, the ATP switched from telephone to address-based recruitment. Invitations were sent to a random, address-based sample (ABS) of households selected from the U.S. Postal Service s Delivery Sequence File. In each household, the adult with the next birthday was asked to go online to complete a survey, at the end of which they were invited to join the panel. For a random half-sample of invitations, households without internet access were instructed to return a postcard. These households were contacted by telephone and sent a tablet if they agreed to participate. A total of 9,396 were invited to join the panel, and 8,778 agreed to join the panel and completed an initial profile survey.

13 Of the 18,720 individuals who have ever joined the ATP, 13,570 remain active panelists and continue to receive survey invitations. Weighting The ATP data were weighted in a multistep process that begins with a base weight incorporating the respondents original survey selection probability and the fact that in 2014 and 2017 some respondents were subsampled for invitation to the panel. The next step in the weighting uses an iterative technique that aligns the sample to population benchmarks on the dimensions listed in the accompanying table. Sampling errors and statistical-significance tests take into account the effect of weighting. Interviews are conducted in both English and Spanish, but the American Trends Panel s Hispanic sample is predominantly U.S. born and English speaking. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls. Weighting dimensions Variable Gender Age Education Race/Hispanic origin Benchmark source 2017 American Community Survey Region x 2018 CPS March Metropolitan status Supplement Volunteerism Voter registration Party affiliation Internet access 2015 CPS Volunteer Supplement 2016 CPS Voting and Registration Supplement Average of the three most recent Pew Research Center telephone surveys. 2018 Pew Research Center internet core trends telephone survey Generic 2018 House of congressional ballot Representatives popular vote (as of Nov. 21, 2018) Note: Estimates from the ACS are based on non-institutionalized adults. Voter registration is calculated using procedures from Hur, Achen (2013) and rescaled to include the total US adult population. House of Representatives popular vote compiled by David Wasserman and Ally Flinn at the Cook Political Report.

14 The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey: Unweighted Group sample size Plus or minus Total sample 10,640 1.7 percentage points Quarter form At least 2,635 3.3 percentage points Among quarter form Rep/Lean Rep At least 1,055 4.9 percentage points Dem/Lean Dem At least 1,434 4.7 percentage points Among quarter form Ages 18-29 At least 327 8.2 percentage points 30-49 At least 878 5.5 percentage points 50-64 At least 781 6.5 percentage points 65+ At least 601 7.1 percentage points Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request. Pew Research Center, 2018

15 Appendix A: Additional Tables Long-range foreign policy priorities % who say each should be a top foreign policy Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018.

16 Priorities by party and age % who say each should be a top foreign policy Total Rep/ Lean Rep Dem/ Lean Dem Ages 18-29 30-49 50-64 65+ Taking measures to protect the U.S. from terrorism 72 84 61 57 68 80 83 Protecting jobs of American workers 71 81 65 61 70 78 75 Preventing spread of WMD 66 64 68 55 62 71 79 Improving relationships with allies 58 44 70 55 60 57 61 Reducing spread of infectious diseases 51 44 56 52 49 53 49 Maintaining U.S. military advantage over all other countries 49 70 34 30 45 60 64 Dealing with global climate change 46 22 64 52 48 39 45 Promoting U.S. business interests abroad 45 51 40 39 47 44 47 Reducing illegal immigration into the U.S. 42 68 20 24 39 51 57 Reducing our trade deficit with foreign countries 42 54 33 34 38 47 54 Limiting power & influence of Russia 42 32 52 29 40 47 54 Protecting groups or nations threatened with genocide 41 34 47 49 38 42 36 Getting other countries to assume more of the costs of maintaining world order 40 56 26 29 34 47 51 Limiting power & influence of North Korea 40 43 35 26 34 49 50 Limiting power & influence of Iran 39 52 29 29 34 45 52 Strengthening the United Nations 39 28 47 45 34 41 37 Taking measures to seek out and destroy terrorist organizations in other countries 34 40 28 23 29 46 41 Limiting power & influence of China 32 39 26 21 28 40 43 Promoting & defending human rights in other countries 31 20 39 41 32 30 23 Reducing U.S. military commitments overseas 30 26 34 34 34 30 20 Reducing legal immigration into the U.S. 26 41 14 16 21 34 34 Aiding refugees fleeing violence around the world 26 11 39 28 28 28 19 Helping improve living standards in developing nations 22 12 32 29 18 24 21 Finding a solution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians 18 17 17 16 14 17 26 Promoting democracy in other nations 17 11 22 16 15 17 24 Attracting skilled workers from other countries 16 15 18 16 17 14 14 Source: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Nov. 7-16, 2018.

17 2018 S AMERICAN TRENDS PANEL WAVE 39 NOVEMBER FINAL TOPLINE NOVEMBER 7 16, 2018 1 TOTAL N=10,640 Note: Trends to prior years are to surveys conducted by telephone. This is noted throughout this topline. ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS PREVIOUSLY RELEASED ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS HELD FOR FUTURE RELEASE ASK ALL: LRNGFP Thinking about long-range foreign policy goals, how much, if any, do you think each of the following should be given? [RANDOMIZE, SPLIT OVER TWO SCREENS] ASK FORM 1 ONLY [N=2,635]: a.f1 Top Some No No answer Preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction Nov 7-16, 2018 66 27 5 1 Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 73 21 4 2 Oct 28-Nov 8, 2009 74 20 5 2 Mid-September, 2008 62 32 4 2 Late October, 2005 75 19 4 2 July, 2004 71 23 4 2 Mid-October, 2001 81 14 2 3 Early September, 2001 78 16 5 1 September, 1997 70 23 6 1 June, 1995 68 21 9 2 September, 1993 69 24 5 1 b.f1 c.f1 Protecting the jobs of American workers Nov 7-16, 2018 71 23 5 1 Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 81 16 2 2 May 25-30, 2011 84 13 2 1 Oct 28-Nov 8, 2009 85 13 1 1 Mid-September, 2008 82 16 1 1 Late October, 2005 84 14 1 1 July, 2004 84 13 2 1 Mid-October, 2001 75 24 1 1 Early September, 2001 77 19 3 1 September, 1997 77 20 2 1 June, 1995 80 17 2 1 September, 1993 85 13 2 * Strengthening the United Nations Nov 7-16, 2018 39 41 19 1 Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 37 42 18 2 Oct 28-Nov 8, 2009 37 44 17 2 1 Some questions from this survey were released with a shorter field period (Nov. 7-13, 2018). This release is based on the full field period (Nov. 7-16, 2018).

18 LRNGFP CONTINUED Top Some No No answer Mid-September, 2008 33 46 19 3 Late October, 2005 40 43 14 3 July, 2004 48 38 11 3 Mid-October, 2001 46 46 7 1 Early September, 2001 42 43 13 2 September, 1997 30 53 14 3 June, 1995 36 45 17 2 September, 1993 41 46 11 2 d.f1 e.f1 f.f1 Reducing U.S. military commitments overseas Nov 7-16, 2018 30 56 13 1 May 25-30, 2011 46 43 8 3 September, 2008 45 45 7 3 July, 2004 35 51 10 4 Early September, 2001 26 58 14 2 Attracting skilled workers from other countries Nov 7-16, 2018 16 46 37 2 Limiting the power and influence of Russia Nov 7-16, 2018 42 45 11 2 ASK FORM 2 ONLY [N=2,653]: g.f2 Taking measures to seek out and destroy terrorist groups in other countries Nov 7-16, 2018 34 53 11 1 May 25-30, 2011 44 41 13 3 h.f2 i.f2 Helping improve living standards in developing nations Nov 7-16, 2018 22 57 20 1 Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 23 60 16 1 October 28-November 8, 2009 26 57 14 2 Late October, 2005 31 57 10 2 July, 2004 23 63 12 2 Mid-October, 2001 20 67 12 1 Early September, 2001 25 61 12 2 September, 1997 23 63 13 1 June, 1995 16 59 22 3 September, 1993 19 60 20 1 Promoting democracy in other nations Nov 7-16, 2018 17 56 26 1 Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 18 55 24 3 May 25-30, 2011 13 58 27 2 October 28-November 8, 2009 21 54 22 3 Late October, 2005 24 54 19 3 July, 2004 24 57 15 4 Mid-October, 2001 24 61 12 3

19 LRNGFP CONTINUED Top Some No No answer Early September, 2001 29 52 16 3 September, 1997 22 57 18 3 June, 1995 16 57 24 3 September, 1993 22 52 24 2 j.f2 k.f2 l.f2 Reducing illegal immigration into the U.S. Nov 7-16, 2018 42 41 16 * Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 2 48 40 9 2 October 28-November 8, 2009 46 43 9 2 Late October, 2005 51 39 8 2 September, 1997 42 47 9 2 Finding a solution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians Nov 7-16, 2018 18 57 25 1 May 25-30, 2011 23 47 27 3 September, 2008 25 50 22 3 July, 2004 28 46 22 4 January, 2003 38 40 19 3 March, 1999 35 42 19 4 September, 1993 34 45 19 2 Limiting the power and influence of China Nov 7-16, 2018 32 57 10 1 ASK FORM 3 ONLY [N=2,663]: m.f3 Maintaining the U.S. military advantage over all other countries Nov 7-16, 2018 49 39 11 * n.f3 o.f3 Protecting groups or nations that are threatened with genocide Nov 7-16, 2018 41 52 6 1 Mid-September, 2008 36 54 6 4 October, 2005 46 39 5 10 July, 2004 47 40 5 8 Mid-October, 2001 48 43 3 6 Early September, 2001 49 41 5 5 Dealing with global climate change Nov 7-16, 2018 46 37 17 * Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 37 37 23 2 May 25-30, 2011 29 43 23 4 Oct 28-Nov 8, 2009 40 39 19 3 Mid-September, 2008 43 41 14 2 Late October, 2005 43 43 10 4 July, 2004 3 36 46 12 6 2 The item was worded Reducing illegal immigration in 2013 and earlier. 3 In 2004 and 2001, the item was worded Dealing with global warming and in September 1993, June 1995 and September 1997 the item was worded Improving the global environment.

20 LRNGFP CONTINUED Top Some No No answer Mid-October, 2001 31 51 13 5 Early September, 2001 44 39 12 5 September, 1997 50 42 6 2 June, 1995 56 36 6 2 September, 1993 56 37 6 1 p.f3 q.f3 r.f3 s.f3 Reducing our trade deficit with foreign countries Nov 7-16, 2018 42 47 9 1 September, 1997 42 48 7 3 Promoting and defending human rights in other countries Nov 7-16, 2018 31 57 11 1 Oct 30-Nov 6, 2013 33 54 12 2 May 25-30, 2011 24 56 18 2 October 28-November 8, 2009 29 54 14 3 Mid-September, 2008 25 58 15 2 Late October, 2005 37 50 11 2 July, 2004 33 53 12 2 Mid-October, 2001 27 61 10 2 Early September, 2001 29 54 14 3 September, 1997 27 56 15 2 June, 1995 21 56 20 3 September, 1993 22 54 22 2 Reducing the spread of infectious diseases, such as AIDS and Ebola Nov 7-16, 2018 51 44 5 1 Mid-September, 2008 53 42 5 * October, 2005 72 24 3 1 July, 2004 72 25 2 1 Mid-October, 2001 59 38 2 1 Early September, 2001 73 23 3 1 Limiting the power and influence of Iran Nov 7-16, 2018 39 48 11 1 ASK FORM 4 ONLY [N=2,689]: t.f4 Improving relationships with our allies Nov 7-16, 2018 58 38 4 * May 25-30, 2011 46 48 5 1 September, 2008 54 42 2 2 July, 2004 55 40 4 2 u.f4 v.f4 Taking measures to protect the U.S. from terrorist attacks Nov 7-16, 2018 72 24 4 * Getting other countries to assume more of the costs of maintaining world order

21 LRNGFP CONTINUED Top Some No No answer Nov 7-16, 2018 40 48 11 1 July, 2004 58 34 5 3 Mid-October, 2001 54 41 3 2 Early September, 2001 56 35 6 3 w.f4 x.f4 y.f4 z.f4 Promoting U.S. business and economic interests abroad Nov 7-16, 2018 45 47 8 1 July, 2004 35 51 10 4 Mid-October, 2001 30 63 4 3 Early September, 2001 37 53 8 2 September, 1997 16 62 20 2 June, 1995 26 50 20 4 September, 1993 27 51 19 3 Aiding refugees fleeing violence around the world Nov 7-16, 2018 26 56 17 1 Reducing legal immigration into the U.S. Nov 7-16, 2018 26 35 38 1 Limiting the power and influence of North Korea Nov 7-16, 2018 40 50 9 1 ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS HELD FOR FUTURE RELEASE ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS PREVIOUSLY RELEASED