A: Why were the fortunes of political parties so varied in the period from 1900 to 1914?

F963: England and a New Century, 1900-1924 A: Why were the fortunes of political parties so varied in the period from 1900 to 1914? The progress of the Labour Party from 1900 to 1914 After the legal recognition of the Trade Unions in 1868, the tactic employed by the TUC was to try to influence the existing political parties rather than to try to establish an independent working class party. Whilst there seemed to be political parity between the Liberals and Conservatives this tactic seemed to be working with a number of concessions won from Gladstone and Disraeli. The split in the Liberal Party (1886) meant that apart from a brief period (1892-5), Britain appeared to be a period of one party dominating Westminster. The domination of the Liberal Party by a small number of businessmen who refused to countenance working class candidates meant that there was a demand for greater political activity amongst trade unionists. A series of legal decisions convinced the TU movement of the need for greater political action. Temperton v Russell (1893), Lyons v Wilkins (1896) and, greatest of all, Taff Vale (1901. These judgements under-mined the gains made through the legislation of Gladstone and Disraeli. The Rise of Labour The Independent Labour Party was founded in 1892 by James Keir Hardie, who had been elected MP for West Ham. It attracted little support initially because most unions did not wish to become directly involved in politics. A series of legal decisions convinced the TU movement of the need for greater political action. Temperton v Russell (1893), Lyons v Wilkins (1896) and, greatest of all, Taff Vale (1901. These judgements under-mined the gains made through the legislation of Gladstone and Disraeli. In 1900 the Labour Representation Committee formed from the Independent Labour Party, the Fabians, the Social Democratic Federation and the Trade Union movement. The secretary of the LRC was James Ramsay Macdonald. In 1901, the Taff Vale Case threatened the right to strike. The Taff Vale Railway Company sued the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants for damages after a strike. The company won and the ASRS had to pay damages and costs of 51,000. After Taff Vale, there was an increased willingness of trade unions to affiliate to the LRC. Membership rose from 376,000 (1901) to 998,338 (1906). 1

Balfour failed to take action to tackle the effects of the Taff Vale judgment, so the LRC sought an alliance with the Liberal Party. Many working men traditional voted Liberal and the first working class MPs (the Lib-Labs) had been elected in the 1880s. The Macdonald-Gladstone Pact was formed in 1903. The two parties agreed not to fight against each other in constituencies at the next general election. The LRC would then support Liberal reforms which would reverse Taff Vale. The Liberals also offered the prospect of social reforms How did the Labour Party develop before 1914? Growth in TU membership would inevitably have an electoral impact in favour of Labour. 1910 Trade Unions had 2.5 million members, but in 1914 4.0 million members. Number of socialist societies doubled between 1906 and 1914. By 1915 85 Trades Councils had affiliated to the Labour Party and they had 73 local Labour parties (only had 8 in total in 1906). Number of Labour candidates and successes at local elections increased. 1907 340 candidates 86 elected Net Gain of 10 1913 494 196 85 There were also gains in Scotland (59 town councillors in 1913). Gains were variable; strong in Bradford (20/84 councillors) and Leicester (14/48). By 1914 more than half of Labour s sitting councillors were in Lancashire and Yorkshire. In contrast, Labour was weak in cities such as Birmingham (8/120). 1909 and the accession of the miners union to the Labour Party. Miners had 900,000 members. Potentially, the miners controlled 90 seats. 1911 The Daily Herald founded and was to become an outstanding newspaper with a Labour bias. 1914 London Labour Party was founded. 2

The uneven progress of the Unionist (Conservative) Party Why did the Unionist Party become unpopular in the years after 1900? The Boer War The Boer War had begun in 1899 with expectations of an early and easy victory. But in the first year the British Army suffered a series of heavy defeats. The Boers were flexible and fast moving and moved far more easily over vast distances. The only significant British successes in the first year were the relief of Ladysmith and Mafeking. Kitchener adopted different tactics; using blockhouses to strangle the Boers and moving tens of thousands into concentration camps. This proved unpopular. British casualties were heavy; 6% of the 450,000 men recruited. The war showed up the inadequacy of the army and the unhealthy state of many recruits; 37% failed the medical (see below). The financial cost of the war was far greater than had originally been anticipated. The effect on national morale was even more serious: Britain had only just managed to defeat an army made up largely of farmers. This led to the debate over National Efficiency The conduct of the war was condemned in 1904 by the Committee of Imperial Defence. The Education Act, 1902 Balfour s Education Act (1902) brought all elementary schools under local council control. This was a much needed reform which was intended to establish parity between the schools across the country. But the Act angered Non-Conformists, whose schools were now largely controlled by Anglicans. They feared this would mean Anglican control of religious education. Some Non-Conformist schools refused to accept council supervision and went independent, but by 1906 most had been forced to give in because of lack of funds. Coolie labour In 1903, a Commission reported on the use of coolie (mostly Chinese) labour in the British Empire. Coolies were indentured labourers who had been brought to the West Indies and South Africa. The Commission criticised their treatment and there was a national scandal. Tariff Reform In 1903, Joseph Chamberlain (Colonial Secretary) and the Tariff Reform League proposed duties on many imports to counter competition from cheaper foreign goods. The Empire would have been given preferential treatment. 3

Balfour refused to accept the proposals because they would have increased the price of food and ended the policy of free trade that had been followed since the 1840s. Chamberlain resigned in September 1903 to campaign for Imperial Preference. This split the Unionist (Conservative) Party and gave the Liberals a major advantage. Balfour attempted to bridge the gap by using a threat of retaliation to force other countries to reduce tariffs. This only served to make Balfour look weak and indecisive. The Liberals were able to use Tariff reform in the 1906 campaign, when the Unionists (Conservatives) were painted as the party of expensive food. Why did Balfour resign in 1905? Balfour felt there was no real fear of losing the general election. At that time, there were many divisions within the Liberal Party which, he thought, would cause them difficulties in forming a government. There had been much debate within the Liberal Party about the Boer War. The Liberal Imperialists had supported the war and those such as Lloyd George and Campbell-Bannerman had opposed it. (See below for a different Lloyd George after 1914) Balfour was aware of the continuing debate within the Liberals about Home Rule in Ireland and felt that the Radicals would never come to terms with the more conservative elements of the party. Furthermore, Balfour felt that the Liberals were not in a position to present a clear set of policies to the electorate. He miscalculated and the 1906 election saw the Liberals win a handsome majority. The Liberals under Campbell-Bannerman took office on December 4 th 1905. The Unionists had become rather unpopular and had become divided over the issue of tariff reform. Moreover, the Prime Minister, Balfour, had shown that he could not hold his party together and hence decided to resign. The 1906 General Election New Liberalism The Liberals won 377 seats and the Unionists slumped to 157. Campbell-Bannerman, the Liberal leader, had promised support for free trade, changes in trade union legislation, education, licensing laws and there were some vague noises about social reform. There was no hint of a series of radical welfare reforms in 1906. The major changes came after 1908. The Lib-Lab pact of 1903 had assisted both parties to defeat Unionists in certain constituencies and the newly named Labour Party won 29 seats. 4

24 of the Labour victories were won in straight fights with the Conservatives. Historians have argued that Labour won votes as a result of questionable Conservative policiestough legislation against trade unions, tariff reform (the working classes feared huge rises in the price of food) and the issue of Chinese Slavery. The Liberals had won the support of a wide range of voters from a variety of social backgrounds they won many seats in working class areas traditionally held by the Unionists (Lancashire, London and the South-East). There was also a drift of some middle class voters to the Liberals. The reasons which brought these groups together never recurred. In the next election (Jan. 1910) the Liberals lost 100 seats). In a speech at Nottingham in 1906, Balfour said: The great Unionist party should still control, whether in power or opposition, the destinies of this great Empire. The activities of the Unionist party in the years 1906-14 do indicate that it was unwilling to accept defeat at the polls. Balfour wrote after the election that the Liberal victory would lead to the eventual break-up of that party. He thought that there was an imminent socialist revolution and the Liberals would not be able to withstand it. He was correct about the eventual fate of the Liberals, but wrong about the reasons behind its fall. Moreover, Balfour had no intention of allowing the power of the Conservatives to be diminished by a general election defeat. He intended to use the House of Lords to maintain the status quo. ( See speech above) Campbell-Bannerman and the Liberal Ministry of 1905-8 Campbell Bannerman was the leader of a divided party. On the one hand were the traditional Liberals, such as Grey, on the other the New Liberals, such as Asquith and Lloyd George. Campbell-Bannerman s great success was that he was able to bring the Party together and make the most of the talents of his ministers. Despite the possible weaknesses of the Liberals, Campbell-Bannerman was able to form an extremely strong government- Asquith Chancellor of the Exchequer Lloyd George- President of the Board of Trade Grey- Foreign Secretary Haldane- War Secretary Morley- Indian Secretary Churchill- Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office 5

Were the Liberals in electoral decline pre-1914? Arguments in favour Liberal government lost its majority in 1910 and was now reliant on support from Irish and Labour to hold power. The false position of 1906 had returned to the true picture of 1910. Liberal government faced a number of challenges: working class was dissatisfied with Liberals: industrial unrest; wave of strikes 1910-14 including 40,890,000 working days lost in 1912. Reinforced with unpopularity of National Insurance Act which was opposed by Trade Union movement who argued against employees having to make a contribution. The Parliamentary Liberal Party very much middle class professionals. 1909 budget had encountered fierce resistance within Liberal party. Many leading Liberals not committed to social reform. Much of Liberal social reform lacked goals of working class; e.g. National minimum wage, legislation on living standards, right to work. Dislike of Lloyd George s attachment to rich capitalists and Marconi affair. Middle class was alienated by level of social reform (thus explaining poll results in 1910). There was militant unrest from the suffragette movement. Cat and Mouse Act hardly a Liberal measure. Ireland on the verge of civil war (gun-running, Curragh mutiny etc) Constitutional crisis between 1909-11 (House of Lords) Liberals blocked by House of Lords from 1912 onwards as a result of the 1911 Parliament Act. Most newspapers had Conservative sympathies. Northcliffe (Tory) owned Times, Daily Mail, Daily Mirror and The Observer. Liberals only had News of the World and The Daily Chronicle. Electorally, Liberals seemed to facing mounting difficulties: Between 1905 1910, Liberal seats fell from 400 to 272. Conservative seats rose from 157 to 272. Labour seats rose from 30 to 42. Between 1910 14, Liberals lost 15 by-elections to the Tories. Labour aiming to field 160 candidates at 1915 election (78 at 1910 election). 6

The Liberal Party s response to the Labour challenge Although in retrospect the Labour Party replaced the Liberals as the official opposition that was by no means clear at the time. Liberals had been victorious over Lords and had won the constitutional battle which had paved the way for further reforms Women s suffrage had not been solved but could be seen as a side issue: even the Labour Party was uncommitted. Unrest had been dealt with by negotiation, legislation and compromise (e.g. 1912 Miners Minimum Wage). Liberals still seen by many working class as main progressive party with Labour as only a partner. Asquith s leadership was unquestioned. His government remained unified, strong and confident. Electorally there was plenty for Liberals to be confident about. Liberals still remained dominant in Celtic fringe, parts of industrial North, Midlands, industrial Lancashire and even parts of London. Labour was not finding it easy to break into working class seats other than those that they were given a free hand to fight under the 1903 pact. Even the accession of the Miners Union to Labour in 1909 had not resulted in a huge loss of seats (mining areas potentially controlled c.80 seats). Liberals were very much the party of the working class; most manual working class voted Liberal. Labour only had 56 candidates in 1910 and all but 11 had Liberal support. Labour lost 3 seats to the Liberals in 12 by-elections 1910-14. Labour had been bottom of the poll in all 12 by-elections they had contested 1910-12 (max vote gained was 30%). 4 million men still lacked the vote and Labour might not reap their full electoral potential until there was universal male suffrage. Labour was far from confident. In 1908, Ben Tillett published Is the Labour party a failure his answer was yes. Phillip Snowden remarked in 1911 that he doubted that there could be a Labour government within a generation. Ramsay MacDonald was very keen to continue with the electoral pact in 1915. 7

B: How did war and the problems it bequeathed affect political parties from 1918 to 1924? Asquith and Lloyd George as war leaders Herbert Henry Asquith Born 1852, public school and Oxford educated, he became a barrister and was in the Liberal Cabinet 1892-95. By the early twentieth century, Asquith was second in the Liberal party after Campbell- Bannerman. Asquith had become a supporter of free trade and social reform. Asquith became Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Campbell-Bannerman ministry and prepared the way for Old Age Pensions. He succeeded Campbell-Bannerman as Prime Minister in 1908 and oversaw the social and political reforms of the pre-war years. He was a cautious leader and had a lively Cabinet of ministers, giving them scope within their own departments, especially Lloyd George who gave sterling support to Asquith. As Prime Minister, Asquith saw the Liberals successfully through the Constitutional Crisis (see above), he was prepared to take on the Conservative Party but was weak and ineffective in the Irish Question. His policy of wait and see served only to push Ireland to the brink of civil war. He never really appreciated the fears and anxieties of the Ulster people throughout the crisis years. His innate cautiousness manifested itself with the suffragettes and the franchise issue- he was not prepared to change the voting system and only gave support to this in 1915. Asquith sought compromise during the period of industrial strife 1910-1914 but it is impossible to gauge what might have happened had not war intervened. At the beginning of the conflict in August 1914, Asquith felt that the war could be conducted without compromising the beliefs of the Liberal Party. He was wrong. It was the conduct of the war and the extent of government intervention which was to rend the Liberal Party asunder. His steady approach to events and refusal to be panicked had served him well before 1914, but in the war these virtues seemed to give off an air of lack of commitment. Asquith brought Lord Kitchener into the Cabinet as War Minister and though this was a popular choice with the public, it proved to be a political mistake. Asquith was prepared to allow the management of the war to fall under the aegis of Kitchener and the military experts. Kitchener resented the Cabinet questioning his policies and though he anticipated a long war, he was not always able to see what was required to prosecute such a conflict. Almost immediately there problems with the supply of shells and ammunition and Kitchener balked at suggestions made by Lloyd George to overcome them. 8

The shell scandal finally broke in May 1915. 'The Times war correspondent wrote that Britain s failures were the result of a shortage of shells. The crisis grew when Fisher, First Sea Lord, resigned over the failures at Gallipoli. The ensuing political crisis was solved when a coalition government was set up. Asquith s conduct of the war was easily criticised and he had no wish to surrender power. The forthcoming general election (under the Parliament Act, it was due at the end of 1915 or January 1916) would not bring a Liberal victory. Moreover, Asquith could offer a coalition as a unifying move both for his party and for the country. The formation of the Coalition still exemplified Asquith s political sharpness. Key posts were filled by Liberals- Grey was Foreign Secretary, Lloyd George was Minister of Munitions, McKenna was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Runciman was President of the Board of Trade. Bonar Law was kept out of the way at the Colonial Office. After the formation of the Coalition, Asquith met Liberal backbenchers and in a clever speech was able to win them over. However, Asquith now had to ensure that there were successes in the war if his new government was to continue. The new government continued in the same way as the old one. The key exception was at the Ministry of Munitions, where Lloyd George took charge. Asquith did not challenge Kitchener over the running of the war. Conscription emerged as the issue which caused criticism to be heaped on Asquith. For many people the issue of conscription was the symbol of winning the war. For Asquith it was the policy which contradicted basic Liberal philosophy- namely freedom and voluntarism. In seeking to compromise, Asquith came up with the Derby Scheme in October 1915. The scheme asked all men to attest their willingness to serve in the armed forces on the understanding that married men would be called up after single men. It failed and conscription was introduced in 1916. Asquith was losing support in his party and yet the party needed to come to terms with the idea that there had to be a more pro-active approach to the prosecution of the war. David Lloyd George Born 1863 in Manchester, but raised and educated in Wales. (Welsh was his native tongue.) He was articled to a law firm in 1879 and passed his law examinations (third class honours) in 1884. He became M.P. for Caernarfon Boroughs in 1890. He developed his oratorical skills and, even when Chancellor, was able to hold an audience of thousands. Spoke out on Welsh issues and after 1902 was a leading Liberal opponent of tariff reform. Appointed President of the Board of Trade in 1905, a position which he held until the enforced retirement of Campbell-Bannerman in 1908. He then succeeded Asquith as Chancellor of the Exchequer. 9

Emerged as an effective administrator and leader at the Board of Trade- Professor Pugh s view is that this department was the most successful of Campbell-Bannerman s ministry. Among the many acts he was responsible for were those concerning- Merchant Shipping, the Census of Production, Companies Amendment, Patents and Designs, and the Port of London Authority. As Chancellor of the Exchequer and a senior member of the party, Lloyd George became a key partner for Asquith. Lloyd George was seen by many as part of the radical wing of the party- a New Liberal- who was prepared to move towards reform whilst simultaneously attacking the privileges of the Conservatives. In introducing the1909 Budget, Lloyd George denied that he was engaging in class warfare. He was appealing to all those who earned their incomes. During the Constitutional Crisis, he was combative, shrewd and able to show he was a populist. His actions have led some historians to suggest that he was something of an opportunist events in 1915 and 1918 do seem to show that he was a politician who loved power and was something of an egotist. Lloyd George was totally committed to the war once Britain entered. He even suggested that Asquith broaden the makeup of his government. When Asquith s government began to encounter problems in early 1915, it was to Lloyd George that Bonar Law turned not the Prime Minister. He was responsible for two wartime budgets which doubled the rate of income tax and brought in more taxpayers than ever before. As early as February 1915, Lloyd George was concerned about the consumption of alcohol by British workers. He said We are fighting Germany, Austria and Drink. The greatest of these foes is Drink. The Central Liquor Board was set up to control the sale of alcohol, restrict licensing hours and dilute the strength of beer. In some munitions areas, the state took over the alcohol trade. The Treasury Agreements of 1915 were seen as crucial to the war effort. As result of these, trade unions accepted no-strike deals and dilution (the employment of unskilled men and women in those jobs previously held by skilled workers) in return for better wages and working conditions. In Lloyd George s own words, the agreements were: the great charter for labour. Lloyd George was soon aware that there would have to be total commitment of the government and people if Britain was to be victorious. After the shell scandal, he was appointed Minister of Munitions and was able to show how effective a government department could be in time of war- if there was no interference and red tape. 10

He ensured that he brought in experts (he called these men of push and go ) to help him and was not hidebound by his party affiliations. Sixty more state munitions factories were built by the end of 1915 and more private companies were brought under central control. He was an advocate of conscription as early as August 1915 and agreed with Conservatives such as Curzon and Long that it must be introduced forthwith. Lloyd George was convinced that the war justified the introduction of not only conscription but any policy which was in the national interest and above all which would help the nation defeat Germany. Some historians have observed that Lloyd George was not always constant in his views and that he used events to suit his own career. In 1911, one of Lloyd George s Cabinet colleagues said of him: His conscience is as good as new for he has never used it. The impact of total war on Liberalism By 1918, Asquith had lost his seat at East Fife, only 28 Independent Liberals had survived the Coupon Election, the Liberal party was split in two and Labour had increased its representation from 56 to 63 seats. Whether the Liberals were in terminal decline before the outbreak of WWI is clearly a matter of debate: what is certain, however, is that the war itself had a devastating impact on the party. However, historians are split as to whether it was inevitable that the nature of such a war would impact upon the Liberals or whether it was merely their misfortune to be in charge in 1914. Two opinions as to why WWI had such an impact on Liberal fortunes: Accidentalist View Country was ill prepared for war. Despite Haldane s army reforms, British Expeditionary Force (BEF), naval reforms, high expenditure on defence in 1913. Doubtful if any government could have achieved a quick and decisive victory. However, given the balance in the House of Commons, inevitably there would have to be a coalition in 1915. 1915 coalition meant: Carson in, therefore nationalists were isolated and Irish movement fell into hands of extremists. This led to end of moderate Irish support for Liberals and Irish voters in England would no longer feel obliged to vote for Liberals many moved to Labour. Labour in coalition was no longer dependent on Liberals for toehold on government. Experience of office gave Labour new credibility after war. 11

Henderson s expulsion by Lloyd George in 1917 made Labour even more determined to overcome dependence on Liberals. Personality of Asquith led to few jobs for opponents in the 1915 coalition; there was no small war cabinet. Thus few owed Asquith personal loyalty. Lloyd George became a politician with links to Conservatives. After Asquith was deposed in 1916, he remained leader of the official Liberal Party. Asquith s Liberals opposed Lloyd George s Liberals in the House of Commons (Maurice debate) and at the 1918 election. Divided Liberal Party meant that Labour could claim to be party of progressive reform. Rampant Omnibus theory Liberals were ill-equipped ideologically to deal with demands of a prolonged war. They were already under pressure in 1914 from Ireland, industrial unrest, suffragettes and WWI effectively finished them off. Various principles had to be abandoned and this undermined the raison d etre of Liberalism: Protection (abandonment of free trade) Conscription (abandonment of the principle of personal freedom) Defence of the Realm Act (again abandoning the principle of personal freedom) Many despaired at Liberal foreign policy and joined MacDonald. Patriotic Liberals frustrated by Asquith s wait and see policy. However, it is possible to over-emphasise the impact of war itself on the fortunes of the Liberal Party. Most Liberals (at grass roots) continued to support Asquith after the split with Lloyd George. The final split came only after the distribution of the coupon. Conservatives also split over the best way to prosecute the war (Westerners v Easterners). Labour was also split: Independent Labour Party (ILP) against the war (MacDonald, Snowden). Undoubtedly, the most important factor in the Liberals failing to put up a more spirited defence against the Liberal Party s decline in fortune was the fundamental split between Herbert Asquith and his once loyal right hand man David Lloyd George. The cause of the initial row is clear but less certain are the reasons for Lloyd George s decision to over-throw Asquith and the latter s refusal to accept his change in political fortune. 12

Asquith and Lloyd George Whatever the ideological impact of WWI on the Liberal Party there can be no doubt about the impact of the split between Asquith and Lloyd George. The personal animosity between the two men was decisive in Liberal Party failing to remain united at a time of significant political, social and economic change in Britain. What caused the dispute? Why was Asquith unable to accept his removal from office? Why did this dispute lead to irreconcilable differences in the Liberal Party? What caused the split between Asquith and Lloyd George? The continued poor performance of Britain in the war meant that Asquith s leadership was considered inadequate. Events leading to the split Easter Rising in Dublin led to a compromise over Home Rule which satisfied neither Liberal nor Conservative extremes. The Somme was a disaster. Jutland was scarcely an unqualified success. U boat sinkings were putting a huge strain on the economy. Surrender of a British force at Kut (Mesopotamia) after a campaign characterised by outstanding incompetence. The failure of the Brusilov Offensive and Britain s reluctance to explore an Eastern offensive meant that there was no end in sight of the war. The resignation of Sir John Simon (Home Secretary) and possible resignations of Grey (Foreign Secretary), Runciman (Board of Trade) and McKenna (Chancellor) over conscription There was also the death of Kitchener in June, which meant that Lloyd George had gone to the War Office putting him in a more powerful position. Asquith s own son had also been killed in September whilst serving on the Western Front. The circumstances Asquith was dependent on support from the other parties within the coalition. By December 1916, it is clear that he had lost that support, though Asquith does not seem to recognise the fact. There was a need for a new dynamism. The clear alternative was Lloyd George. As minister of munitions he had: Galvanised production. He had increased the rate of production of ammunition 18 fold; grenades four hundred fold, machine guns 12 fold and trench mortars 20 fold. Taken over several hundred factories and used the latest machinery and techniques. Standardised production. Used modern financial controls and production analysis. 13

Looked after the welfare of the munitions workers including the use of canteens, washing facilities, recreational facilities. Was a rift inevitable? Lloyd George offered a compromise to Asquith that he could remain as Prime Minister but would be excluded from membership of the small three-man war committee responsible for prosecuting the war. This was unacceptable to Asquith. Unfortunately, whether deliberate or not, details of the compromise were leaked to the press and Asquith accused Lloyd George of betrayal and ambition. The impact of the war on society: a summary For the first time, the resources of the nation were mobilised for total war. Edwardian and Victorian society was destroyed forever. DORA (Defence of the Realm Act) gave the government unheard of powers, most of which were never used. 1.2 million women took up work for the first time. Many were employed in jobs from which they had been excluded before. Women enjoyed a degree of freedom that had been impossible before 1914. Wearing trousers and going out alone became acceptable. From 1919, the heroines to scroungers campaign took back most jobs, but women retained much of their freedom 10 million people (including women) served in the armed forces; from 1916, conscription was introduced for the first time. 704,000 British servicemen lost their lives. In some areas, Pals Battalions destroyed whole generations. There war had comparatively little effect on people in Britain. There were 107 air-raids and about 1500 people were killed. German ship shelled some ports on the east coast. In 1917, War Socialism took over five key industries, coalmining, railways, shipbuilding, food production and directed labour was introduced to ensure supplies of workers for key industries. Rationing was introduced from the winter of 1917-18, but was never severe. By 1916, it was obvious that many soldiers had lost the right to vote because they no longer met the requirements of the household franchise. In February 1918, all men were given the right to vote at the age of twenty-one (eighteen if they had served in the war for the December 1918 election). This was the first time that the vote was available as a right. 14

Women were also given the vote for the first time at the age of thirty if they were householders or married to householders. The household franchise was therefore retained for women until 1928. Significant numbers of new voters were created and increasingly the trend was to vote Labour or Conservative. The state of Liberalism in 1918 Asquith was not ready to retire he had an unshakeable belief in himself. He insisted that he remain party leader. The timing of the ousting of Asquith meant that it was impossible for the Liberals to hold an official leadership contest to sort out the row. Other, older, senior Liberals disliked Lloyd George and also disliked the compromise concerning traditional Liberalism they were having to make to prosecute the war. Simon, Runciman, McKenna all resigned with Asquith. Lloyd George was able to continue to serve as Prime Minister with the backing of the Conservative and the Labour parties. Liberals began seeing themselves as the official opposition to Lloyd George (Maurice Debate). Asquith refused offers to become Lord Chancellor and heal the rift in the party under Lloyd George s leadership. With the end of the war approaching, Lloyd George accepted the need to hold an election. However, he had no wish to lose his post as Prime Minister, which he would have to concede if he fought as a Liberal under Asquith s leadership. His own ambition wouldn t allow this to happen. Therefore, with the agreement of the Conservative, he fought under the banner of the Coalition Government. This led to the issuing of coupons to those candidates fighting under this banner. 88% of those endorsed were returned. The result of the election was a disaster for the Liberal party. 484 National Coalition MP s were returned (338 Cons, 136 Lloyd George Liberals, 10 Lab), 63 Lab but only 28 Squiffites (Asquith lost his own seat). This increased the hatred felt by the two wings of the party for each other at a time when the new changes in franchise (1918 Act) together with the huge social and political changes throughout post-war Europe meant that the Liberals needed to be united. The Labour Party was now clearly the opposition. 15

How and why was the Labour Party able to take advantage of the Liberal Party s weakness from 1918-24? Factors favouring Labour In 1918 Labour fielded 447 candidates, 63 MP s returned. Gained 22% of the vote (only gained 8% of vote in 1910). It was the largest opposition party. Doubling of the electorate meant that all working class men enfranchised (together with all women over 30); Labour had an outstanding opportunity. TU membership had risen to over 8 million (45% of the workforce by 1920). The Party had a clear manifesto Labour and the New Social Order. It sought nationalisation of coal, electricity, railways and land. Clause Four became part of party s constitution. The 1918 Constitution To organise and maintain in parliament and in the country a political Labour Party. To co-operate with the General Council of the Trades Union Congress, or other kindred organisations, in joint political or other action in harmony with the party constitution and standing orders. To give effect as far as may be practicable to the principles from time to time approved by the party conference. To secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution, and exchange, and the best obtainable system of popular administration and control of each industry or service. Generally to promote the political, social and economic emancipation of the people, and more particularly of those who depend directly upon their own exertions by hand or by brain for the means of life. To co-operate with the labour and socialist organisations in the Commonwealth overseas with a view to promoting the purposes of the party, and to take common action for the promotion of a higher standard of social and economic life for the working population of the respective countries. To co-operate with the labour and socialist organisation in other countries and to support the United Nations Organisation and its various agencies and other international organisations for the promotion of peace, the adjustment and settlement of international disputes by conciliation of judicial arbitration, the establishment and defence of human rights, and the improvement of the social and economic standards and conditions of work of the people of the world. Factors hindering Labour MacDonald, Henderson and Snowden all lost their seats in 1918 election. There were big defeats for anti-war Labour men Parliamentary party dominated by Trade Union sponsored MP s (all but 8). 16

Parliamentary party was poorly led by W.M.Adamson then J.R.Clynes. Labour s progress 1918-24 Whilst the Liberals may have been in disarray throughout this crucial period, the efforts made by the Labour party to displace them as the alternative to the Conservatives should not be underestimated. There were over 8 million TU members. TUs affiliated to the Labour Party gave Labour an organisational and financial base. Labour leaders knew that to be overly-identified with the left would mean that they would be unelectable unless they had the support of the middle class. Unless they were careful, Labour would be identified as simply the party of the TUs and the extreme left. Thus they would have to show moderation in language, tactics and membership. Labour leader s backgrounds MacDonald had originally sought to be a Liberal candidate Henderson had been a Liberal agent and mayor Dalton had been a Fabian at Cambridge Attlee had been a member of the ILP believing the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) to be too extreme. In Labour s first government, 8 members of the cabinet had been to Public School including two to Harrow and two to Winchester. There were also many ex-liberals in the 1924 administration (including Haldane, Wedgwood-Benn, Trevelyan). Leadership of Labour was in the hands of those who believed in socialism due to humanitarian and ethical reasons rather than Marxism or Leninism. Relationship with Communists Communism feared by middle class especially after the events in Russia. Communist party applied for affiliation to Labour Party three times in 1921 rejected. 1924: communists were barred as candidates and party members. 1928: communists were barred even as delegated to Party conference. Labour was right to distance itself from the communists. When Labour lost votes they tended to go to the Conservatives. 17

Labour and women The Labour Party made a significant attempt to attract women members and voters. Working class women were the subject of Labour propaganda. Lowering of the franchise age benefited Labour. Membership of the Women s Labour League rose from 5,500 to 200,000. Labour s constitution allocated 4 seats to the women s section. Labour appointed women agents. Labour and Irish Catholic communities Labour actively sought the Irish catholic vote. Education policies supporting catholic education; supporting the Irish military and enlisting catholic community leaders. This had electoral benefits in Glasgow (for example) Labour went from 1 seat to 10 seats. In local elections Labour made significant gains. Between 1913 and 1927 they gained seats at every local election. Between 1913 and 1924 they averaged 85 gains per year. Labour s First Administration 1924 Aims MacDonald recognised the over-whelming importance for Labour to demonstrate responsibility in government and not to fall into the trap set by Liberals. Labour lacked experience; only two Labour MP s had ministerial experience; MacDonald first Prime Minister never to have previously held a cabinet post. Labour had to deal with expectation. MacDonald s prime aim was the annihilation of the Liberals at the subsequent General Election. Policies No provocative legislation; Wheatley s Housing Act was both responsible and responding to need of working class. Minor increases in welfare provision including increase in pensions. Snowden was an orthodox Chancellor. Hard line taken with TUs: e.g. troops would have been used if dock strike had continued. State of Emergency pronounced over tram strike (March). 18

Only a slight reduction in naval expenditure (5 new cruisers instead of 8) Hard line taken with Egyptian nationalists. Indian anarchists, Iraqi rebels bombed. MacDonald (also acting as Foreign Secretary) also signed Geneva Protocol and Dawes Plan seen as great successes. There was also de jure recognition given to Bolshevik government. Results Whilst there was some scandal in the Campbell case and controversy over the Zinoviev letter, nevertheless MacDonald did achieve his electoral aim in the 1924 General Election. Seats %votes Conservative 419 48.3 Labour 151 33 Liberal 40 17.6 Labour vote had increased slightly. Liberals decimated and could no longer claim to be the alternative government. Young intellectuals and radicals who were politically ambitious now saw their future with the Labour Party. Labour had experienced power and handled itself creditably. Labour not seen as the poodle of the TU movement. What other factors contributed to the decline of the Liberals from 1918-24? Analysis of Voting Patterns Regional The Liberals continued to do best in the rural areas; Scotland and Wales, the South West. Unfortunately, whilst these areas are geographically large, the residential population is comparatively small. However, their decline in industrial areas throughout Britain is evident. Nowhere is this best demonstrated than in Wales where the percentage of seats won changed from being the fourth best area for Liberals pre-war to the worst area post-war. Almost all these seats (mainly mining areas) went to Labour. The Liberals also suffered in other industrial areas such as the Forth Valley (providing the highest percentage of success pre-war), Lancashire, Southern Scotland and Yorkshire. The influence of the Chamberlains continued to make an impact in the West Midlands (the Liberals never regained their electoral position after the split in 1886). 19

The southern counties around London had been traditionally a poor hunting ground for Liberals pre-war and this trend continued post-war. Men Whilst there was a larger electorate after 1918, the Liberal vote didn t grow proportionately. Within a family, the father, who would have been a Liberal pre-war, by 1922 40% of men were voting Conservative and 34% Labour. Amongst former Liberals; 25 % had defected to Conservatives and 19% to Labour. This runs against the hypothesis of a single progressive vote switching its allegiance from the Liberal Party to Labour. Therefore, the Labour Party must have been able to mobilise support that had not been previously available to the other two parties. The Working Class Liberals were unable to mobilise working class support. C. 30 % of working class has voted Conservative in the 20th C. Birmingham returned 77 Unionists and 7 Labour MPs in the inter war period, in 7 elections. Harold Macmillan was MP for Stockton Not until the 1945 General Election did the majority of the working class vote for the Labour Party. Women The 1918 Act meant c. 8.4 million women had the vote. By 1924, the Conservatives claimed to have recruited 1 million women members. The Labour Party had 250,000-300,000 members. Surveys of voting behaviour invariably show that, as a group, women give a higher level of support to the Conservatives than do men. Women demonstrate a more pronounced religious affiliation than men and this is results in the tendency to vote Conservative. This resulted in the Conservatives being cushioned against the rise of Labour. Women showed no desire to form their own party. The number of women candidates remained small. In 1918 there were 17 female candidates representing 1% of the total. By 1929 this figure had risen to 69 but still only represented 4% of the total number of candidates. In no election until 1987 did the number of women candidates reach more than 10% of the total figure. 20

Electoral system Tories benefited from 3 cornered fights: 1922 and 1924 Tories in on a split vote. (NB ending of pre war Liberal-Lab Pacts.) 1922 and 1929-Tories won similar %age of the national vote, but they won 85 seats fewer in 1929 because anti Tory vote was distributed in a different way. Tories could gain a majority in 1922 with 5% less of the national vote than in 1906. Liberal + Labour in 1922 had c. 60% of the vote but only 260 MPs. Labour was unwilling to concede electoral reform to Liberals. Lloyd George refused the opportunity to introduce proportional representation 1918-22. In 1924 MacDonald realised that PR would reduce Tories support BUT would give a lifeline to the Liberals. Balance of constituencies: due to suburban development, Tories may have gained c. 35 seats. Loss of Ireland after 1921: disappearance of Ireland from GB politics benefited Tories. Party organisation There can be little doubt that the Tories produced the most effective political machine of the three ensuring that their own vote held up at the expense of the other two parties (and the Liberals in particular). Tories responded better to increase in numbers after 1918. Rules were rationalised and procedures of national union were formalised. Created Bonar Law Memorial College and the Conservative Research Department, which supplied the Tories with information even when in opposition. The Tory Party was well financed: it had 352 agents and 99 women organisers! Tories established themselves as the anti-socialist party. Labour was still based on Union organisation. In 1923 there were only 111 agents. But they did have a local party in all but three constituencies. 1918-24 Peacetime revisions and reunion This was the decisive period in the decline of the Liberals. A period of civil war was followed by reunification but this was also the period in which the Labour Party made its definitive break-through in British politics and established a position that they were never to surrender and from which the Liberals were unable to reassert themselves. 21

A key factor to electoral fortunes was the new voters established by the 1918 Representation of the People Act. Electorate doubled to 21 million. Industrial working class became the majority in the new mass electorate. 2/3rds of constituencies had a working class majority of 80% or more. Reduction in plural voting; 160,000 business votes; 70,000 university votes 40% of new electorate were women (over the age of 30) There were a number of factors which determined the final demise of the Liberal Party as an organisation with genuine aspirations to hold office. Central was the internal bickering and their increased inability to put together a programme which appealed to the electorate. However, it would be wrong to under-estimate the efforts of the Labour Party to take advantage of what might have been short-term problems for the Liberals. It is also easy to over-look the role of the Conservative Party in the inter-war period. Finally, Britain s electoral system needs to be analysed for it too had a role to play in the ruin of the Liberal Party. How did the Liberals contribute to their own decline from 1918-24? 1918-22 was a period of civil war. This was exacerbated by defeat in 1918 for many senior Squiffites including Asquith himself and Sir John Simon. The impact of the split on the Liberal Party s organisation 2 separate party organisations: Liberals and Asquith s Independent Liberals (Wee Frees) Asquith assumed control of Party Central Office (and party activists). Liberal local organisation withered; angered by split. There was little interest taken in constituencies. The Leamington Liberal conference (May 1920) saw coalitionists walk out after prolonged attack by the Squiffites. 200 Coalition associations set up 1921-22. But 9 losses in by elections of which 8 were to Labour. Liberal v Liberal at 1919 Spen Valley by election resulted in Labour victory. Liberals came third in 15/24 by-elections where three candidates stood. Coalition Liberals very much a Ministerial Party not a parliamentary one. Lloyd George was keen to fuse Liberal coalitionists and Conservatives but the latter were not interested. Therefore, attempts at reconciliation not seen as genuine or in time. Why did the Liberals find it difficult to develop new policies? A major problem facing the Liberals was that they didn t seem to represent anything. The great pre-wwi causes seemed irrelevant and out of date. WWI brought massive changes in land ownership. 1917-21 25% of England changed hands; destruction of old aristocratic landholding pattern. 22

By 1924, 36% of land was owned by farm proprietors (only 12.3% in 1908). Liberals pre-war Land campaign now seemed one of persecution. Welsh church settled on a compromise basis in 1919. Tighter restrictions on licensing hours during WWI meant there was less now for Nonconformist conscience to worry about. In Ireland, there was outcry over the use of Black and Tans and coercion. Troops were also used by Lloyd George government in industrial disputes. Reconciliation 1922 Election result: Votes % Candidates Seats Conservatives 5.5m 38.5 482 344 Labour 4.2m 29.7 414 142 Liberal 2.6m 18.9 333 60 Nat Liberal (Lloyd George) 1.4m 9.4 144 53 Why were the Liberals in third place? The working class saw Labour as radical alternative rather than Liberals. Liberals no longer had an electoral base. Liberal electoral collapse continued at local elections. Liberal activists were getting older. In Wolverhampton, the average age of a Liberal councillor was 49; for Labour it was 39. However, Baldwin called an election in December 1923 over the issue of Free Trade. This was probably the one issue that could unite the Liberals. Lloyd George and Asquith shared the same platform in Paisley. Lloyd George prepared to contribute 160,000 to Liberal election fund (though less than asked for by Asquith causing resentment). 1923 Election result: Votes % Seats Conservative 5.5m 38.1 258 Labour 4.4m 30.5 191 Liberal 4.3m 29.6 159 Liberals won 13 seats from Labour but also lost 23 seats to Labour. Crucially, they lost seats in areas like Derby, South Wales and Leicester where they were unlikely to win them back. Most gains were made in rural or cathedral constituencies which were likely to return to the Conservatives. Over 100 Liberal seats had majorities under 2000, which made them very fragile. Labour in power 1924 Labour could only take office if supported by Liberals. 23