FORWARD AND BACKWARD LINKAGES AS POVERTY REDUCTION STRATEGY IN NORTHERN GHANA: A CASE STUDY OF MIGRANTS RESIDENT AT BOTH THE OBUASI AND TECHIMAN MUNICIPALITIES A PAPER PRESENTED AT THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON INTERNAL MIGRATION AND URBANISATION AND THEIR SOCIO- ECONOMIC IMPACTS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: CHALLENGES AND POLICY RESPONSES, ORGANISED BY IUSSP AT FUZHOU, CHINA, IN DECEMBER 2011 BY AUGUSTINE TANLE (Ph.D) UNIVERSITY OF CAPE COAST GHANA
OVERVIEW OF PRESENTATION Introduction Contextual issues Theoretical and conceptual perspectives Study areas Data and methods Results Conclusion and policy implications
Introduction Although some permanent migrants still interact in various ways with their family members at the places of origin, there is limited information on how such interactions could contribute to poverty reduction. The main thrust of this paper therefore is to explore this interaction using migrants from the three northern regions who are permanent residents at the Obuasi and Techiman Municipalities as a case study.
Introduction continuous The paper sought to address two main research questions: (1) Are there any linkages between migrants in both Municipalities and their household members at the places of origin? and (2) Do these linkages have the potential to contribute to poverty reduction in the affected households?
Contextual issues Ghana can be divided into three ecological zones namely; savannah, forest and coastal The savannah zone comprises of the three regions in the northern part of the country namely; Northern, Upper East and Upper West Regions. The three northern regions have witnessed both involuntary and voluntary migration
Contextual issues continuous Involuntary migration: Begun from pre colonial period to the colonial era (Triggered by slave trade and inter tribal conflicts ). During the colonial era, northern part of Ghana became a labour reservoir which supplied labourers to the mines, cocoa farms, constructional works and the security services in the southern part of the country. Voluntary migration: Started close to and after the attainment of political independence mostly from the north for economic motives.
Contextual issues continuous This could be attributed to the clear lack of investment in the northern regions by both colonial and post colonial governments (Nabila, 1985; Anarfi, Kwankye, Ababio and Tiemoko, 2003; Tsegai, 2005). Consequently, poverty and inadequate economic opportunities are the underlying factors responsible for north south migration in Ghana (Songsore, 2003; Tsegai, 2005)(Table 1).
Contextual issues continuous Table 1: Incidence of poverty by region and total Ghana Region Poverty Extreme Poverty 1998/1999 2005/2006 1998/1999 2005/2006 Western 27.3 18.4 13.6 7.9 Central 48.4 19.9 31.5 9.7 Greater Accra 15.2 11.8 2.4 6.2 Volta 37.7 31.4 20.4 15.2 Eastern 43.7 15.1 30.4 6.6 Ashanti 27.7 20.3 16.4 11.2 Brong Ahafo 35.8 29.5 18.8 14.9 Northern 69.2 52.3 57.4 38.7 Upper-East 88.2 70.4 79.6 60.1 Upper-West 83.9 87.9 68.3 79.0 National 39.5 28.5 26.8 18.2 Source: Government of Ghana, 2007.
Theoretical and conceptual issues Theory of circular process of cumulative causation (Gunnar Myrdal, 1957 cited in Abane, 2008). Concept of backward and forward linkages: Notion of belonging to a social group (social network) (Lentz
Study areas Places of origin: The three northern regions of Ghana has poor physical characteristics, inadequate economic opportunities and the worst socio economic conditions. Places of destination: The Obuasi and Techiman Municipalities. Main profile of Obuasi: Mining and commercial town Main profile of Techiman: Major commercial town, important agricultural area and a nodal settlement with roads linking the three northern regions and other parts of the country(figure 1 and 2).
Figure 1: Map of Obuasi Municipality showing the study sites Source: GIS Unit, UCC
Figure 2: Map of Techiman Municipality showing the study areas Source: GIS Unit, UCC
Data and methods Both quantitative and qualitative research methods were employed in the study. A questionnaire, in depth interview (IDI) and focus group discussion guides were the instruments used. Through a preliminary survey, seven communities in both Obuasi and Techiman Municipalities mostly resided by migrants from the northern parts of the country were purposively selected (Figures 1 and 2).
Data and methods continuous A migrant in the study refers to a first generation migrant born in any part of the three northern regions who owes allegiance to that place but has been a permanent resident in the Obuasi or Techiman Municipality for at least five years preceding the time of the survey. Using the snowball sampling technique, a total of 508 heads of households aged 18 years or above were interviewed in both Municipalities. The total number of people interviewed was based on the availability and willingness of the respondents as well as resources available for the study.
Data and methods continuous They comprised 468 males and 40 females, and this was expected since household heads in Ghana are mostly males (Ghana Statistical Service, 2002). The unit of analysis was household heads. A household was defined as a residential group of persons who live under the same roof and eat out of the same pot (Friedman, 1992).
Data and methods continuous Four FGDs comprising male and female groups were conducted in the two Municipalities (i.e. two FGDs per Municipality) among migrants mostly miners, teachers, farmers, housewives and traders. A total of 20 IDIs were conducted in each Municipality with chiefs, Mangaziers (Queen mothers); Imams and other opinion leaders from the three northern regions living in the two Municipalities.
Data and methods continuous The data have two main limitations: First, no data were collected from the migrants places of origin to enable one to assess the extent to which remittances contribute to poverty reduction in the three northern regions. Second, data were not collected on the actual amount of money remitted because previous studies have noted that some migrants are often reluctant to mention monies they remit home while others deliberately indicate less amount than what they actually remitted (Mberu, 2005).
Results The respondents were mostly males, married but about a third were illiterates while a little more than a quarter have had higher education (Second Cycle or Tertiary). The results showed that there are backward linkages between migrants and their close relations at the places of origin. The linkages comprised remittances home (foodstuff, money, clothing and consumer durable goods), visits and the care for children of close relations at home.
Results continuous Do you remit your relations at home? Yes, I send money, clothing and some foodstuff to them occasionally. Also, two children of my brother are staying with me and attending school here at Obuasi (Male opinion leader of one of the northern ethnic groups at Obuasi aged about 52 years ).
Results continuous Money and foodstuff were the main items often remitted home and the main purpose for sending remittances were for investment and food security. The chi square results at 0.05 significance level showed significant differences between migrants in Obuasi and Techiman in the type of items usually remitted, number of times they remitted home in a year and purpose for remitting home (Table 2).
Table 2: Remittance home, frequency, type and purpose by location Remits home Techiman Obuasi Sig. P<0.05 Yes 85.7 93.4 No 14,3 6.6 5.898 0.02 Type of item often remitted Foodstuff 32.1 28.9 Clothing 27.1 29.5 13.315 0.004 Money 39.1 40.3 Consumer durable goods 1.6 1.4 Number of times remitted in a year Once 84.4 0.0 Twice 15.6 73.6 294.8 0.000 Thrice 0.0 26.4 Purpose of remittance To ensure food security 29.7 28.9 For investment 42.4 34.5 9.775 0.044 For education 3.3 3.5 Building project 18.9 24.3 Other 5.7 8.8 Source: Fieldwork Total 100.0 100.0
Results continuous The forward linkage is basically about child fostering at destination. Migrants bear the socioeconomic costs of providing food, shelter, clothing, formal education or skills training for such children which otherwise would have been borne by their biological parents in the north. Child fostering and formal education has been widely documented in Sub Saharan Africa (Isiugo Abanibe, 1994; Pilon, 2003; Yaro and Dougnon, 2003; Hashim, 2007).
Conclusion Both the backward and forward linkages could contribute to poverty reduction within some households in the three northern regions In the long run, the children who have had formal education or skills training could build capacities and increase their job opportunities, making them and their biological parents less vulnerable to poverty and exclusion. In particular, child fostering by migrants in both the Obuasi and Techiman Municipalities has the tendency of halting intergenerational transfer of poverty from parents to children.
Policy implications Once there are limited socio economic opportunities in the north compared to the south, people from the former will continue to migrate to the latter as indicated by Myrdal s (1957) theory of circular process of cumulative causation. The implication is uneven distribution of population between the northern and southern parts of the country leading to rapid urbanization in some urban areas in the south such as Kumasi, Accra Tema, Sekondi Takoradi, Obuasi and Techiman.
Policy implications continuous Since remittances are limited only to the beneficiary households, it has the potential to create income inequalities in some rural areas in the northern parts of the country (Geest, 2005; Nwjiuba, 2005; Yaro, 2006). Although migrants in both the Obuasi and Techiman Municipalities contribute in diverse ways towards poverty reduction in the north, out migration equally has negative implications for the socio economic development of the northern parts of country. There is therefore the urgent need for conscious efforts by government and other stakeholders to bridge the gap of unequal socio economic development between the northern and southern parts of the country.