Promoting an Intercultural Workplace: Building on Diversity

Promoting an Intercultural Workplace: Building on Diversity Report on the Experience of Irish and Migrant Workers Commissioned by the INTERACT PROJECT NEXUS RESEARCH CO-OPERATIVE Dave Redmond & Paul Butler October, 2003

2 PREFACE Immigration has become a feature of Irish society and is a feature that is here to stay. The accession of ten new member states to the European Union next year will not only expand the Union but will also bring a new dynamic to the Irish labour market. Migrant workers have played a vital and positive role in the Irish economy and have enriched our society with their different cultures and experiences. The Irish workplace has become more diverse and it is important that we reflect on the experiences of migrant workers and the experiences of those with whom they work. From a policy perspective, it is essential that we look beyond simply facilitating migrant work to ensuring that migrant workers are effectively integrated into the Irish workplace. In this context, we believe that this research provides useful insights into how the transition to an intercultural workplace is being experienced and managed. The motivation informing this research was to ascertain what migrant workers and their colleagues think and feel about their workplace, how they behave towards one another and to get a sense of the level of awareness of intercultural issues. There are some findings which, we believe, give grounds for optimism, however, it is clear that much work remains to be done to ensure that migrant workers are effectively integrated into the workplace and to ensure that the Irish workplace becomes more aware of and responsive to intercultural issues. The Interact Project would like to thank all of the companies, employees and trade unions who facilitated and participated in this research; without their cooperation and honesty this report would not have been possible.

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction 6 1.1 Context 6 1.1.2 An expanding intercultural workforce 6 1.1.3 Demands of integration 6 1.1.4 Role of the Interact Project 7 1.1.5 Rationale for the Research 7 1.2 How the Research was Undertaken 8 1.3 Report Structure 9 2 Migrant Workers and Paths to Working in Ireland 10 2.1 Background 10 2.1.1 Immigration trends in Ireland 10 2.1.2 Trends in migrant workers coming to Ireland 11 2.1.3 Origins and Characteristics of Migrant Workers Surveyed 13 2.2 Reasons and Motivations for Coming to Ireland 15 2.2.1 Economic factors 15 2.2.2 Poor employment prospects at home 16 2.2.3 Learning English 16 2.2.4 Settling in Ireland 17 2.2.5 Seeing the world 17 2.3 Steps Taken to Come 17 2.3.1 Previous experience of working abroad 17 2.3.2 Getting Access to Information 17 2.3.3 Means of Recruitment 18 2.3.4 Information available prior to arrival in Ireland 19 2.3.5 Travel and Visa/Work Permit Arrangements 20 2.3.6 Initial Impressions 20 2.4 Conclusion 21 3 Settling into the Workplace 22 3.1 Induction, Information and Initial Training 22 3.1.1 Induction Process: Migrant Nurses 23 3.1.2 Induction Process: Other Occupations 24 3.1.3 Elements of the Induction Process 25 3.1.4 Information on Trade Unions 26 3.1.5 Information on the Permit System 27

4 TABLE OF CONTENTS 3.1.6 Initial Training 28 3.1.7 Difficulties Understanding Pay and Taxation System 29 3.1.8 Problems in Accessing Information 30 3.2 Interventions to Inform and Support Irish Workers 30 3.3 Available Language Supports 32 3.4 Conclusion 33 4 The Dynamics of Integration 34 4.1 Perceptions of welcome 34 4.2 Adapting to the Work Culture 35 4.3 Relationships with Work Colleagues and Management 37 4.3.1 Attitudes to relationships between Irish workers and migrant workers 37 4.3.2 Breaking the Ice 38 4.3.3 Relationships with Management 39 4.4 Communication and Language 41 4.4.1 Use of English in work tasks 41 4.4.2 Communication between workers and management 42 4.4.3 Communication with Irish colleagues 43 4.4.4 Use of English outside work 45 4.5 The Impact of Pay and Working Conditions 45 4.5.1 Satisfaction with Pay 46 4.5.2 Meeting expectations: Catering and Hospitality Sector 47 4.5.3 Meeting expectations: Food Processing Sector 48 4.5.4 Meeting expectations: Healthcare Sector 49 4.6 Career Development and Training Opportunities 49 4.6.1 Access to Information 50 4.6.2 Access to and Availability of Training 51 4.6.3 Difficulties in Accessing Training 52 4.6.4 Achievement of Promotion 54 4.6.5 Attitudes to Equality of Opportunity 55

5 TABLE OF CONTENTS 4.7 Life outside The WorkPlace 56 4.7.1 Socialising and Irish Pub Culture 57 4.7.2 Events Organised by the Company 58 4.7.3 Safety and Security 59 4.7.4 Accommodation 60 4.7.5 Managing Family Relations 60 4.8 Conclusion 62 5 Conclusions and Policy Implications 64 5.1 Conclusions 64 5.1.1 Motivations for coming to Ireland 64 5.1.2 Steps taken to come to Ireland 64 5.1.3 Orientation and Induction 64 5.1.4 Adapting to Irish Work Culture 65 5.1.5 Satisfaction with Pay and Conditions 65 5.1.6 Career Development and Training Opportunities 65 5.1.7 Communication and Language Issues 66 5.1.8 Workplace Issues 66 5.1.9 Career development and training 66 5.1.10 Life Outside the workplace 66 5.2 Issues of Concern 67 5.2.1 Issues arising before migrant workers arrive in Ireland 67 5.2.2 Orientation and Induction Issues 68 5.2.3 Communication and Language Issues 68 5.2.4 Workplace Issues 69 5.2.5 Career Development and Training 69 5.2.6 Operation of the Employment Permit and Working Visa/ Authorisation Scheme 69 5.2.7 Developing an Immigration and Integration Policy 70 5.2.8 Policy Issues for the Social Partners 70

6 CHAPTER 1 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 CONTEXT 1.1.2 An expanding intercultural workforce Rapid employment growth in Ireland throughout the last decade has seen employers looking abroad to satisfy their employment needs. Despite the recent decline in the economic growth rate, many factors, including the demographic situation of an ageing population and ongoing recruitment gaps in certain sectors, point to a need for significant immigration to satisfy labour demands for future forecast economic growth. The FÁS Irish Labour Market Review 2002 highlights the fact that the Irish economy will have an ongoing need for migrant workers. This growth of an intercultural workforce has been recognised by the Government as an important contributing factor to the sustained economic growth of the past decade. Immigration procedures have been changed to manage inward migration. For example, the work permit system operated by the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment has been continuously re-examined and changes made to cope with numbers of requests for permits and visas. Under the working visa scheme, a fast track approach has been adopted in the case of ICT professionals, certain health professions and some professions in the construction industry. 1.1.3 Demands of integration Although there is very limited quantitative data on the circumstances and experiences of new minority groups, the potential for poverty and social exclusion for these new communities has been raised in Government policy and programmes. Without integration, migration may give rise to stresses and strains that can seriously harm social cohesion. 1 If integration is achieved there are huge rewards for those concerned and for society as a whole. A significant initiative, indicative of these concerns, has been the establishment by the government of the National Anti-Racism Awareness Programme over a three year period from 2001 to 2003. Entitled know Racism, the Programme has undertaken a range of activities including the development and advertisement of anti-racist messages and the funding and administration of a grant scheme which provided support to local community anti-racism awareness initiatives. The National Action Plan Against Social Exclusion (NAPincl) 2001-2003 refers to the vulnerability to social exclusion and poverty of migrants from different countries and cultures who experience difficulties and obstacles in fully integrating into their new country of residence. In the context of the labour market, providing a positive working environment where diverse cultures are respected and valued, has been promoted by The Irish Business and Employers Confederation (IBEC) and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) as an important element of good business practice. In addition to various internal initiatives, both organisations are co-founders and sponsors of Anti-Racist Workplace Week, promoters of the Dignity at Work Charter and actively participate in the National Anti-Racist Awareness programme. 1 World Migration Report 2003, Managing Migration - Challenges and Responses for People on the Move, International Organisation for Migration, 2003.

INTRODUCTION 7 1.1.4 Role of the Interact Project Promoting an intercultural workplace is a project developed under the European Social Fund's EQUAL Initiative by a Development Partnership called Interact, which consists of Irish Congress of Trade Unions, Irish Business and Employers Confederation, Integrate Ireland Language and Training, (formerly the Refugee language Support Unit in TCD) and FÁS. The aim of the project is to address some of the challenges presented in developing a multicultural work environment where often significant numbers of the work force have limited or no knowledge of English. The operating period for the project is June 2002 to March 2004. THE PARTNERSHIP IS WORKING WITH THREE SECTORS WHERE MIGRANT WORKERS ARE WELL REPRESENTED. THESE ARE Medical / Health Services Sector / Hospitals Catering / Hospitality Sector Food processing / Horticulture Sector. The project seeks to address some of the barriers at enterprise level in order to ensure the establishment of effective supports for both the employers of non-irish nationals, the non-irish national employees themselves and their Irish colleagues and consequently develop the conditions that will enable the Irish labour market to support a multi-cultural workforce. This involves the engagement of both the management and the unions within the companies. 1.1.5 Rationale for the Research The Interact Project commissioned Dave Redmond and Paul Butler of Nexus Research to carry out research to inform their ongoing work. This report is based on baseline research to establish issues of concern arising for both migrant and Irish workers in an intercultural workplace. Research questions focused on the feelings of migrant workers regarding integration and support within the workforce, the feelings of Irish workers regarding support on changes within the working environment. The research examined the existence of language difficulties and problems of communication. This report is the culmination of the research.

8 CHAPTER 1 1.2 HOW THE RESEARCH WAS UNDERTAKEN Through a questionnaire survey and a series of follow-up focus group interviews, the research aimed to develop an understanding of the attitudes and experience of migrant workers, Irish workers, management and trade union officials. Research questions focused on the degree to which migrant workers and Irish workers feel integrated and supported in (and threatened by) a changing workplace. IN COLLABORATION WITH THE PROJECT PARTNERS A QUESTIONNAIRE WAS DEVELOPED COVERING THE FOLLOWING ISSUES: Current employment circumstances; Induction; Pay related issues; Relationship with work colleagues; English and other language usage in the workplace; Job training; Living circumstances of migrant workers in Ireland; Language skills/supports. Steps were taken to ensure that there was comparability with the research being carried out by the transnational partner in Finland. This involved consultation with the Finnish partner in relation to the research actions. Some 566 questionnaires were completed and returned 337 (59.5%) from Irish and 229 (40.5%) from migrant workers. Eleven organisation and enterprises were involved in the survey phase of the research (6 hospitals, 3 food processing enterprises and 2 establishments in the catering and hospitality sector). A series of focus group interviews with Irish and migrant workers interviewed separately - were then undertaken in a number of these enterprises and organisations across the three sectors to explore issues arising in more depth. A total of 32 migrant workers and 35 Irish colleagues were interviewed in five workplaces. It should be noted from the outset, that this research was undertaken in companies and organisations collaborating with the Interact project. It is therefore based on working with employers and organisations who are committed to developing a greater understanding of the issues facing migrant workers, and at a broader level, diversity in the workplace. The experiences of undocumented migrant workers or other abuses of the work permit or working visa/ working authorisation system are therefore not present.

INTRODUCTION 9 1.3 REPORT STRUCTURE Chapter 2 presents the reasons and motivations migrants had for coming to Ireland, the steps taken to come and discusses initial impressions and orientation. Chapter 3 examines how migrant workers experienced the process of settling into the workplace, their induction and initial training. The availability of language supports at this early stage is presented as is the response of Irish workers. CHAPTER 4 EXPLORES THE DYNAMICS OF INTEGRATION BOTH IN THE WORKPLACE AND IN THE WIDER ENVIRONMENT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE MIGRANT WORKERS AND THE IRISH WORKERS. THE FOLLOWING FACTORS ARE DISCUSSED: Perceptions of Welcome Adapting to the Work Culture Relationship with Work Colleagues and Management Communication and Language The Impact of Pay and Working Conditions Career Development and Training Opportunities Life outside the Workplace Chapter 5 present conclusions and implications for policy, looking at promoting effective practice and meeting the needs of a migrant worker community and an Irish worker community. These will allow for the development of better targeted interventions in the workplace by the project and by other actors, particularly around issues of language support. Throughout the report, quotes from Irish workers and migrant workers are used. Unless the quotes are specifically noted as comments from the survey research, it can be understood that the quotes are taken from the focus group interviews.

10 CHAPTER 2 2 MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND A remarkable social change has been going on in Ireland since the mid-1990s, as the country has changed from an emigrating society into an immigrating one. This change occurred at a rapid speed and scale. This chapter presents an overview of these demographic trends, using data from 2002's Census of Population and data from the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment. This chapter examines the paths migrant workers took in coming to Ireland and the rationale behind their migration. This involved looking at how migrant workers received information in relation to the Irish labour market, their recruitment patterns and procedures and issues of access to employment permits. The research is concerned with migrant workers no matter how they came to Ireland not only under the work permit or work authorisation schemes. Many of the workers involved in the research came from EU or EEA countries. This chapter briefly explains the operation of the employment permit system and authorisation schemes. 2.1 BACKGROUND The 2002 Census data together with information from the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment gives an overview of the trends in the migration of people to Ireland. While this data does not paint the complete picture, it identifies the principal sectors of the economy that are driving some of these trends and the main countries whose citizens have joined the Irish workforce. This section also outlines the background of respondents to the survey research. 2.1.1 Immigration trends in Ireland The profile of the population has been changing since the mid-1990s. These immigration trends have been largely spurred by rapid economic and employment growth, as employers have looked abroad to satisfy their employment needs. The latest Census of Population shows that the extent of immigration into the State has more than quadrupled since the 1986 Census although the fact that there is no question on ethnicity in the Census means it is difficult to be precise as to the ethnic background of those who have entered the State. Some indication can be gleaned however from the question on nationality, which showed that there were 224,300 non-irish nationals living in Ireland in 2002- almost six percent of the total population. Of those almost half were from the United Kingdom. Other EU nationals and nationals from other European countries were the next most numerous categories followed by Asian, African and US nationals (Central Statistics Office, 2003).

MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND 11 2.1.2 Trends in migrant workers coming to Ireland Data from the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment gives a further breakdown of national differences of those who have entered the State through the work permit scheme or the work authorisation scheme. WORK PERMITS The majority of non-eea nationals working in Ireland do so with work permits 2 which are applied for by the employer. Only an employer can apply for a work permit to employ a person who is not a national of an EU/EEA State. Employers who apply for work permits are required to establish that it has not been possible, in spite of reasonable efforts being made to fill the vacancy with an EU/EEA national. 3 TABLE 1: TOTAL WORK PERMITS ISSUED BY YEAR AND by category: 1999-2003 4 YEAR NEW PERMITS RENEWALS GROUP TOTAL PERMITS 1999 4,328 1653 269 6,250 2000 15,434 2,271 301 18,006 2001 29,594 6,485 357 36,436 2002 23,326 16,562 433 40,321 2003 15,342 16,487 347 32,176 The work permit scheme, by which people from non-eea countries entered the State has grown from 6,250 in 1999 to 40,321 in 2002. 5 Interesting to note however is the decrease in the numbers of new permits from 2002. According to 2003 figures, renewals outstripped applications for new permits. The majority of migrant workers have come from Central and Eastern Europe -Latvia (9.8%), Lithuania (9.5%), Poland (7.8%), and Romania (6.1%) in particular - and east and south-east Asia- Philippines (8.1%), China (3.1%) and Malaysia (2.7%) especially (figures for 2002). These 7 countries represent 47% of all permits issued in 2002 and 49% of all renewals. The following table presents a distribution of work permits by sector of employment. Catering and other service sector jobs predominate. 2 According to Census 2002 data, there was a total of 74,238 people from outside the EU aged 15-64 resident in the State in 2002. 3 Where applications are made for work permits to be renewed the employer does not have to engage with FÁS employment services. 4 Figures for January 1 to August 31 2003. 5 The real figure of new immigrant workers entering Ireland on work permits would have been less, as the above figures include an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 workers per annum changing jobs.

12 CHAPTER 2 Table 2: Analysis of work permits by sector: 1999- August 2003 SECTOR 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Services to industry 3,010 6,538 14,018 15,068 8,680 Catering 694 3,907 9,129 10,306 7,899 Agriculture/Fisheries 449 2,963 5,714 6,248 4,625 Industry 414 1,744 3,119 3,094 2,321 Medical and Nursing 721 1,353 2,252 2,883 4,161 Entertainment 452 650 1,021 874 662 Domestic 80 195 521 788 659 Education 304 364 480 610 466 Sport 60 118 121 153 149 Exchange agreements 60 72 61 297 654 THE URBAN CENTRES WERE THE FOCUS FOR JUST OVER HALF OF ALL THE WORK PERMITS ISSUED IN 2002: Four in ten permits were issued to employers in Dublin in 2002; 7% issued to Cork; almost 4% issued to Limerick; Counties bordering on Dublin (Meath and Kildare) received 10.5% of all permits issued in 2002. WORK AUTHORISATIONS To facilitate the recruitment of suitably qualified people from non-eea countries for designated sectors of the employment market where skill shortages are particularly acute, a Work Authorisation scheme was introduced. This makes it possible for prospective employees with job offers from employers in Ireland to obtain work authorisations from Irish Embassies and Consulates, in their country of origin. The number of work authorisations is much smaller than work permits, running at about 250 per month in recent years. Table 3: Recent trends in granting of work visas and authorisations 6 PERIOD VISAS AUTHORISATIONS TOTAL June Dec 2000 991 392 1,383 2001 2,667 1,082 5,750 2002 1,753 857 4,612 Jan March 2003 300 191 491 Total 5,711 2,522 8,233 6 The data in these tables have been compiled from information provided by the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment.

MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND 13 Work authorisations are only granted to those in occupations in healthcare, in information and communication technologies, and in construction. (See table 4) Table 4: Occupations for which work visas and authorisations granted in 2002 EMPLOYMENT AUTHORISATIONS % VISAS % Registered Nurse 150 17.5% 1,245 71.0% ICT Professional 162 18.9% 394 22.5% Construction Engineer 277 32.3% 51 2.9% Medical 81 9.5% 30 1.7% ICT Technician 88 10.3% 18 1.0% Architect 72 8.4% 11 0.6% Quantity Surveyor 15 1.8% 3 0.2% Town Planner 8 0.9% 1 0.1% Building Surveyor 4 0.5% 0 0.0% Total 857 100% 1,753 100% The Philippines heads the list of countries from which work visa and work authorisation holders originate with 41% of visas granted in 2002. South Africa (19%) and India (15%) receive the next highest numbers of working visas, followed by Australia and Nigeria with 5% each. These five countries received 85% of all working visas granted in 2002. 2.1.3 Origins and Characteristics of Migrant Workers Surveyed The following table shows the distribution of migrant worker survey respondents by region of origin and employment sector. Table 5: Region of Origin of Respondents REGION HOSPITALS CATERING FOOD TOTAL & HOTELS PROCESSING EU/EEA country 16% 36% 11% 17% EU Accession countries 1% 3% 23% 8% Romania 1% 0% 56% 20% Indian Sub-continent 13% 32% 3% 11% Russia, Ukraine, Belarus 1% 4% 0% 2% USA/ Canada 3% 7% 0% 3% Africa 5% 0% 2% 3% Middle East 3% 0% 0% 2% China/ South Korea 1% 0% 4% 2% Philippines/ Malaysia/ Sri Lanka/ Trinidad 55% 18% 0% 31% Number of cases 121 28 80 229

14 CHAPTER 2 Some differences between the sectors are evident. For example in the food processing sector, most of the migrant workers are from Central and Eastern Europe while in healthcare sector a significant number are from the Philippines. While the majority of respondents in the hospitals were employed in Ireland on the basis of work visas, in the catering and hotel sectors and in the food processing sector they are mainly employed through work permits. Table 6: Distribution of respondents by sector and basis upon which working in Ireland BASIS HOSPITALS CATERING FOOD & HOTELS PROCESSING Work visa 63.2% 0% 10.7% Work permit 18.8% 60.7% 76.2% Student visa 0.9% 3.6% 3.6% Citizen of other EU member state 10.3% 32.1% 8.3% Other basis 6.8% 3.6% 1.2% The majority of migrant worker respondents in the healthcare sector are female. In food processing and in the catering and hospitality sectors women are in the minority. Almost all migrant workers in the catering and hospitality sector are aged between 20 and 40 (93%). The corresponding figure for the food processing sector is 84%. In the healthcare sector, there is a more even spread of age groups- 33% are aged between 20 and 29; 44% between 30 and 39; and 20% between 40 and 49. Regarding levels of education, the following table gives a breakdown across migrant and Irish workers. Table 7: Level of Education LEVEL OF EDUCATION PERCENTAGE Irish Primary level education 3% Second level education 37% Completed diploma/ certificate course 35% Completed degree course 13% Completed postgraduate course 12% Migrant workers Second level education 21% Completed diploma/ certificate course 27% Completed degree course 44% Completed postgraduate course 8% From the survey it is evident that migrant workers tend to have higher levels of education than their Irish colleagues. A higher percentage of migrant workers have completed degree courses.

MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND 15 In the healthcare sector this is partially due to the fact that the professional qualification of many migrant nurses has degree status (something which is only beginning to happen in Ireland). Among the migrant worker nurses 85% have completed degrees or postgraduate courses compared to 50% of Irish nurses. Most migrant workers in this sector have some form of third level education. In the food processing sector, migrant workers have higher levels of education than their Irish counterparts. For example among the migrant workers 57% have completed diploma/certificate courses or degree courses compared to 18% of Irish workers. This trend is also the case in the hospitality and catering sector. Among the migrant workers 54% have completed diploma/certificate courses or degree courses compared to 41% of Irish workers. This may mean migrant workers are over qualified for jobs in which they find employment in Ireland. 2.2 REASONS AND MOTIVATIONS FOR COMING TO IRELAND In the focus group interviews migrant workers were asked about their reasons for seeking work in Ireland. The primary reason stated by migrant workers was to earn money for themselves, their future and their family. Many migrant workers came to Ireland because there were poor employment prospects for them at home. This may have been due to the local economy under performing, their specific skills being in low demand or due to a recent redundancy. Some migrant workers came to Ireland with the principle objective of learning English. Few were entirely motivated by thoughts of settling permanently in Ireland and some were in Ireland because of a wanderlust. 2.2.1 Economic factors The vast majority of the migrant workers involved in the research cited economic factors as the principal motivating factor in their decision to come to Ireland. YES.. THE ONLY MOTIVATION IS THE MONEY. EVERYONE HAS THEIR OWN PURPOSE FOR THE MONEY, BUILD A HOUSE FOR THE FAMILY, YOU KNOW DO SOMETHING. LIKE A LONG TIME AGO IN IRELAND PEOPLE GOING EVERYWHERE. THEY HAVE EXACTLY THE SAME MOTIVATION. WE COME HERE FOR GOOD MONEY, WE ARE HARD-WORKING. The potential income that migrant workers could earn in Ireland was generally a multiple of what could be earned in their native country. IT IS GOOD FOR US, BECAUSE WE ARE SENDING MONEY IN OUR COUNTRY. IT'S DOUBLE OR TRIPLE OF WHAT WE ARE EARNING IN OUR COUNTRY. Migrant workers had multiple intentions for their earnings. For many, the money saved was to be sent to their immediate and/ or their extended family, at home. IT'S MY INTENTION BECAUSE I'M NOT FROM A RICH FAMILY, MY FATHER HAS PASSED AWAY A LONG TIME AGO AND I HAVE ONLY ONE BROTHER, I'VE BROUGHT HIM HERE. I WANT TO IMPROVE THINGS A LITTLE BIT FOR MY FAMILY. I DON'T EXPECT A LOT, JUST COME HERE AND WORK.

16 CHAPTER 2 Many migrant workers had partners and children dependant on this money. As an Irish colleague understood it: ONE OF MY COLLEAGUES SAID THAT SHE WOULD BE WORKING UNTIL HER CHILDREN GRADUATE AND SHE HAS THREE CHILDREN, BECAUSE THEY COULDN T AFFORD TO DO IT BACK HOME. The earnings that could be saved by the migrant workers, if it was not to be sent home for the ongoing maintenance of the family at home, was also regarded as a deposit on a secure future for the family. 2.2.2 Poor employment prospects at home Some workers left their native country for Ireland because of the employment prospects and conditions at home. I CAME TO DUBLIN BECAUSE I HAVE NOTHING TO DO AT HOME. I GOT THIS JOB IN FÁS OFFICE. Lower wages as mentioned, a lack of opportunities to advance, costs and availability of education and training featured as motivating factors. The closure of a factory in a Romanian city prompted a number of former staff to seek work in a plant in Ireland. I WORKED IN A FACTORY THAT WAS CLOSING, THE AGENCY CONTACTED US AND ASKED IF WE WANTED TO WORK IN IRELAND, WE PASSED AN INTERVIEW AND WERE GIVEN A VISA. People were generally informed of the potential benefits of working in Ireland in terms of the wages and working conditions. 2.2.3 Learning English A secondary reason for coming to work in Ireland for many was the opportunity to improve their English. ACTUALLY, I CAME TO DUBLIN TO STUDY ENGLISH. I WAS A STUDENT FROM JULY UNTIL JANUARY. THEN I APPLIED FOR A PART-TIME JOB IN A HOSPITAL. I WAS A NURSE IN KOREA, I DON T WANT TO LOSE MY REGISTRATION. WELL, I ALWAYS WANT TO LEARN SOME ENGLISH BUT I HAVE NO PATIENCE TO GO TO SCHOOL BECAUSE WHEN YOU GO TO SCHOOL YOU STILL CAN'T SPEAK THAT WELL, SO I WANT TO COME TO ANOTHER COUNTRY AND LEARN. For many migrant workers, for example the Filipino nurses, it was a prerequisite that they have a good command of spoken and written English, other migrant workers had very limited English before arriving in Ireland. 2.2.4 Settling in Ireland While not many migrant workers envisaged settling permanently in Ireland, some had hoped that eventually their partner (and children) would move over to be with them. Some such migrant workers had hoped to educate their children in Ireland. I ALREADY BRING MY FAMILY HERE, JUST IN CASE THEY WILL GIVE ME A PERMANENT CONTRACT, AND THEY WILL CHANGE IT, BECAUSE MY DEPENDENT IS NOT ALLOWED TO WORK. THAT'S THE ONLY PROBLEM. I WILL DEFINITELY GO BACK TO THE PHILIPPINES BECAUSE I HAVE MY CHILDREN. MY HUSBAND AND I NEVER REALLY PLANNED TO STAY HERE FOR LONG, BECAUSE FIRST THE WEATHER. THE PEOPLE AND THE HOSPITAL ARE FINE, BUT YOU CAN'T CHANGE THE WEATHER. I CANNOT COPE WITH THE WEATHER. IN OUR CASE, WE ARE HERE TO SAVE MONEY. AFTER THAT RETIRE IN THE PHILIPPINES, BUT STAYING HERE FOR A GOOD WHILE.

MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND 17 2.2.5 Seeing the world A small number of the migrant workers were motivated by travel. For these, Ireland was regarded as a launch pad for Europe or further afield. I WANT MORE EXPERIENCE IN OTHER COUNTRIES. I WANT TO GO TO AMERICA NEXT YEAR I WILL STAY ANOTHER 2 YEARS. I LIKE TO STAY HERE AND GO ON HOLIDAYS EVERY 6 MONTHS, TO GET TO KNOW EUROPE. 2.3 STEPS TAKEN TO COME The decision behind leaving a person's country was more often than not driven by economic needs. The routes by which migrant workers ended up in Ireland varied. Getting access to information was critical. Many of the migrant workers had already worked abroad, so coming to Ireland in these instances came as a next logical step. The means of recruitment was an important milestone for the majority of migrant workers. Personal contacts were very important in this, as well as the employment agency or recruitment company in the home country. On the basis of their recruitment experience, they could arrive into the Irish work force fully informed of their job specification, their payment structure, their rights under employment legislation, the local culture and the cost of living. The alternative was true for others, they arrived into work knowing none of this, alone and with non-existent English. This section examines the various routes taken by migrant workers to make it to the Irish labour market and their initial impressions. 2.3.1 Previous experience of working abroad The route from the home country to working in Ireland was not always a direct one. Some of the migrant workers had previously worked abroad, prior to working in Ireland. Many of the Bangladeshi hotel workers interviewed, for example, had worked in the sector in Sri Lanka. The majority of the skilled meat factory workers from Hungary had worked in Germany and/or Denmark. Some of the migrant worker nurses were also accustomed to working abroad. I WORKED IN THE MIDDLE EAST BEFORE COMING HERE AND I WAS HIRED BY A RECRUITING AGENCY WHERE WE WERE INTERVIEWED IN DUBAI AND WE CAME HERE LAST.. TWO YEARS AGO. 2.3.2 Getting Access to Information Migrant workers learned about employment opportunities in Ireland in a number of ways. Friends and relatives were important sources of intelligence. MY FRIEND WORKS HERE AND TRANSLATES ENGLISH TO PORTUGUESE, IN FACT SHE HELPED ME COME OVER. SHE INTRODUCED ME TO THIS WOMAN AND ASKED ME IF I WANTED TO WORK IN A FACTORY IN DUBLIN ASKED ME IF I WANTED TO WORK WITH HER PART-TIME. WHEN I WAS STILL IN THE PHILIPPINES I WAS ALREADY TELLING EVERYBODY THAT YOU KNOW MY HUSBAND CALLED ME AND TOLD ME ALL ABOUT THE WORK. HE ALSO TOLD ME THAT IT WAS REALLY COLD THERE AND THAT I MIGHT NOT BE ABLE TO COPE. I DID NOT BELIEVE HIM INITIALLY SO I SAID TO SEE IS TO BELIEVE. I HAVE TO SEE IT MYSELF.

18 CHAPTER 2 2.3.3 Means of Recruitment For migrant workers the most common recruitment was by means of an agent in their home country. This is especially the case in the food processing sector where just over half (53%) of survey respondents were recruited in this way, compared to 36% in the healthcare sector and 30% in the catering and hospitality sector. This is mainly due to the higher proportion of non-eu/eea nationals in the latter two sectors. Table 8: How migrant workers were recruited to current job (Respondents to the survey) METHOD HEALTHCARE FOOD CATERING PROCESSING & HOTELS (1) Through an agency in Ireland 24.8% 15.8% 7.4% (2) Through an agency abroad 35.9% 52.6% 29.6% (3) Through Irish newspapers, journals 18.8% 5.3% 3.7% (4) Through international newspapers, journals 1.7% 1.3% 0% (5) Through the Internet/ web 4.3% 1.3% 0% (6) Through personal contacts in Ireland 13.7% 17.1% 33.3% (7) Through personal contacts abroad 4.3% 3.9% 0% (8) Called in to the workplace in person 10.3% 2.6% 25.9% (9) Other (please state) 5.1% 3.9% 3.7% Percentages do not add up to 100% as some respondents ticked more than one option For the majority of migrant workers, an employment agency in their home country played an integral role in getting them to Ireland. The accounts of migrant workers experiences with recruitment agencies indicated that there was a wide variation in the level of services offered and in the costs involved. In some cases, the agency approached potential candidates in their centre of education or training. THE AGENCY CONTACTED US AND ASKED IF WE WANTED TO WORK IN IRELAND, WE PASSED AN INTERVIEW AND WERE GIVEN A VISA. In many other cases, potential migrant workers approached an agent who had knowledge of contacts with Irish employers. IN A NEWSPAPER, I SAW AN AD FOR A RECRUITMENT GUY, HE ASKED ME FOR CV WITH ALL MY EXPERIENCE- I SUBMITTED EVERYTHING, WAS INTERVIEWED BY HIM AND THE OWNER'S SON AND THEN WAS OFFERED A PERMIT. Thus, many entered the interview process. Depending on the particular jobs that recruitment companies were seeking to fill in the various industrial sectors in Ireland, the interview process could be quite different. For many workers being recruited to the food processing sector in Ireland, a review of the candidates curriculum vitae led to an job offer. The candidates command of English was not taken into account. THERE S NOBODY SPEAKING THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE WHEN THEY ARE COMING, WELL MAYBE VERY LITTLE SOME PEOPLE, ONE OR TWO PERSONS, BUT REST THEY DIDN T SPEAK ENGLISH LANGUAGE. THEY STILL HAVE DIFFICULTIES, VERY, VERY DIFFICULT SITUATION [THROUGH AN INTERPRETER]

MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND 19 In the healthcare sector Irish hospital personnel were involved in this part of the process. JUST THE SAME, THE MATRON FROM THIS HOSPITAL WENT TO OUR COUNTRY AND THEY TALKED TO ONE OF THE AGENCY THERE AND THEY TOLD US THAT THERE IS A SHORTAGE OF NURSES HERE. SO THE MATRON OF THE HOSPITAL WAS THE ONE WHO INTERVIEWED US FOR THE POST HERE. Sometimes prospective migrant workers paid an agent or recruitment agency. There was often confusion as to whether this fee was the recruitment company's professional charge or whether the cost was for the work permit itself. THIRTY THOUSAND HUNGARIAN FORINTS THE FIRST PEOPLE THEY DIDN T HAVE TO PAY. THE FIRST GROUP DIDN T HAVE TO PAY IT BUT THEY HAVE TO NOW. The recruitment agency represented a critical link for potential migrant workers in getting to Ireland. In providing this service for Irish employers, these agencies were important intermediaries for the transfer of knowledge about the Irish labour market and procedures relating to the work permit and work authorisation schemes. 2.3.4 Information available prior to arrival in Ireland Many migrant workers arrived into the workplace in Ireland, unsure as to the exact nature of their day to day work. They may have been recruited within the catering and hospitality sector, but their contract (assuming there had been a contract signed in their home country) did not specify whether this meant employment as a kitchen porter, hall porter or as a barman. Where the employment was of a low skilled nature, the exact nature of the work was generally unspecified, either by the employment agency or if there was a contract signed, within the contract. Migrant workers were often employed as general operatives. Typically in the food processing sector information was hard to come by. WE KNEW JUST THAT WE WOULD BE WORKING WITH MEAT, NO MORE. WE DIDN'T KNOW WHAT WE WOULD BE DOING, KNEW NOTHING ABOUT PACKING OR OTHER THINGS. WE FOUND OUT THE NEXT DAY. THE RECRUITMENT GUY DIDN'T TELL US MUCH ABOUT IRELAND, BUT HE GAVE US A BOOK ABOUT DISCOVERY IRELAND AND LOOK AT WEBSITE. HAVING READ THE BOOK I THOUGHT I SHOULD GO THERE A CHANGE OF LIFE, IF YOU COMPARE ASIA AND EUROPE, LIFE IS BETTER HERE. On the other hand, healthcare sector migrant workers tended to be provided with more complete information. THAT WAS ONE GOOD THING ABOUT OUR EMPLOYER. THEY TOLD US ABOUT THE BACKGROUND AND SHOWED US PICTURES OF DUBLIN, THE CITY CENTRE AND EVERYTHING. Information on rates of pay was not always clear for all migrant workers. THE RATE OF BASIC PAY IS DIFFERENT, THE BONUS IS DIFFERENT In some cases, migrant workers were also unaware of exactly the town or city where they were going to be living or working. Where accommodation was to be provided by the employer (if only for the first six weeks in the case of the nurses) the migrant workers were generally aware of this and the cost of rent.

20 CHAPTER 2 2.3.5 Travel and Visa/Work Permit Arrangements Payment for travel to Ireland and help with work permit or visa application was often part of the deal. THE HOSPITAL DEALT WITH THAT, THE HOSPITAL FILLED OUT THE APPLICATION FOR THE IMMIGRATION. FREE AIR TICKET FOR THOSE WHO CAME THROUGH IRISH RECRUITMENT COMPANY BASED IN MALAYSIA. Many migrant workers had their airfare paid for by the employer. The more recent arrivals across the sectors have had to cover the cost of their travel. This was especially the case if the migrant worker was recruited through a friend or relative who was already in Ireland. FOR YOUNGER BROTHERS WHO CAME OVER AFTERWARDS, WE (THE OLDER BROTHERS) PAID FOR THEIR AIR TICKET. The bulk of migrant workers from non-eu/eea countries are employed on the basis of work permits rather than visas. Therefore a new work permit needs to be applied for if they wish to change jobs. Some were not aware of how this could be done. One worker in the healthcare sector came to Ireland with a student visa, and then changed category. I CAME HERE WITH A STUDENT VISA AND THIS WOMAN HELPED ME GET A WORK PERMIT AND I WORKED AS A CARER. WHEN I CAME HERE TO THIS JOB, I GOT A CONTRACT AND IT WAS EASIER TO PROCESS MY WORK VISA, IT ONLY TOOK ME A WHOLE DAY. Anyone who wishes to practice nursing in Ireland must be registered with An Bord Altranais (The Nursing Board). Nurses from many countries must undertake a period of supervised clinical practice in an Irish hospital before they will be eligible for full registration. 2.3.6 Initial Impressions Migrant workers arrived in Ireland with colleagues or individually. The pattern differs from sector to sector. In the healthcare sector migrant worker nurses tended to be recruited and inducted in groups. TWENTY OF US TOGETHER CAME HERE. SOME CAME FROM PHILIPPINES SOME DIRECT FROM SAUDI ARABIA AS WELL. At the start of their time in Ireland some migrant workers, who despite fluency in English, found it difficult to get used to Irish accents. FOR THE FIRST FEW WEEKS I HAVE TO GET USED TO THE ACCENT AT FIRST IT WAS REALLY HARD BUT AFTER ONE OR TWO MONTHS WE COULD [UNDERSTAND].

MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND 21 Having English as a second language helped the migrant workers to adapt. IN OUR COUNTRY, ENGLISH IS OUR SECOND LANGUAGE. WE EASILY ADAPT. THAT IS WHY IT IS EASIER FOR US TO COMMUNICATE WITH OUR CO-WORKERS. Other aspects of the new life in Ireland presented challenges. For some workers, the food was testing, both initially (and in the longer term). THE FIRST TIME THAT I CAME HERE, I HATED THE FOOD. EVERYONE WAS TELLING ME THAT THE FOOD IN IRELAND IS TERRIBLE. SO I SAID I BETTER EAT IT, BECAUSE I MIGHT NOT EAT AGAIN. I STILL HATE THE IRISH FOOD, IT IS HORRIBLE. The weather was another difficulty that migrant workers had to get used to. 2.4 CONCLUSION This research examined the paths migrant workers had taken in coming to Ireland and the rationale behind their migration. This involved looking at how migrant workers received information, recruitment patterns and access to employment permits. Evidence from this research suggests, not unsurprisingly, that economic factors are the principal motivation for migrant workers coming to Ireland. Migrant workers enjoy pay rates that are multiples of what is available in their home countries. A secondary motivation is to learn English. Most migrant workers, especially those with dependents at home, do not envisage staying longterm in Ireland. The first concrete step towards working in Ireland was generally made through an agent in their home country. This may be a service for which they have to pay money and incur debt. Workers engaged in food processing and in the catering and hospitality sector were often unaware of the exact nature of their day-to-day work until they started work in Ireland. Information available on pay and conditions may also have been incomplete at this stage. Irish accents and Irish food presented challenges to migrant workers when they began their stay in Ireland.

22 CHAPTER 3 3 SETTLING INTO THE WORKPLACE Once the migrant workers arrived in Ireland and entered the labour force, a number of interventions were generally put in place to ease their transition to working in what was for many a new environment. The majority of migrant workers received an induction. This varied across the sectors from a one hour session with the company manager to a comprehensive programme that explained among other things, an overview Ireland's employment and equality legislation. The experience of training can be an important formative stage of integration for a migrant worker as they get to meet and know their Irish co-workers and become accustomed to the workplace. The provision of English language support can be of critical importance for the newly arrived migrant worker during this settling in phase. Irish workers can also benefit from information and awareness interventions at this stage. Where companies and unions have engaged in such proactive work with Irish staff, it has been found to be helpful in promoting a positive integration dynamic. This chapter examines these workplace interventions from the point of view of the migrant worker and the Irish worker. 3.1 INDUCTION, INFORMATION AND INITIAL TRAINING The majority of migrant workers received some form of induction. The most detailed induction process was organised for migrant nurses. Workers in other parts of the healthcare sector, the food processing and the hospitality and catering sectors did not generally experience the same degree or intensity of induction. For some, their induction consisted of a health and safety course. They had to find out any extra information they needed in relation for example to pay or overtime by asking a colleague. This assumed that the migrant worker's level of English was good enough to understand the answer. In some cases employers took on board the feedback of migrant workers, which in turn informed the induction process for the next group of migrant workers. Information on Trade Unions was generally left to the individual to discover for themselves. Initial training varied from sector to sector and within sectors. The majority of training was on the job and experiential. Language difficulties were common. Many migrant workers relied on a colleague who spoke good English.

SETTLING INTO THE WORKPLACE 23 3.1.1 Induction Process: Migrant Nurses Nurses were placed in education and training hospitals where they received induction and training. There they generally took part in a classroom based orientation session for one week before beginning their training on the wards. THE FIRST WEEK OF YOUR SIX WEEKS IS ABOUT GETTING TO KNOW IRELAND, ISN T IT? IT S LIKE UNDERSTANDING COSTS OF ACCOMMODATION, ALL THESE KINDS OF THINGS. THIS INDUCTION DEALT WITH A RANGE OF CONCERNS, INCLUDING: human resources issues; accommodation; the local area; how to organise social welfare; setting up a bank account; occupational health & safety; nursing in Ireland and how it is structured; the tax system and how it operates; trade unions; training programme. The content was specific to the local hospital. The classroom orientation also covered theoretical content relating to nursing in an Irish health care setting. Accommodation was provided by the hospitals during this induction period and the six week training module that followed. During this time, most nurses found private accommodation, generally in the private rental sector in the locality of the hospital. The induction process for some nurses involved a tour of their local environment. I THINK WE WERE ALSO TAKEN BY THE BUS, BUSES PAID BY THE HOSPITAL, WE WERE TAKEN FOR A BUS RIDE THROUGH THE WHOLE OF DUBLIN AND OUR LOCAL AREA. An employer in the healthcare sector took on board the feedback of migrant workers. This then informed the induction process for the next group of migrant workers who arrived. IT S JUST THAT THE FIRST BATCH OF FILIPINOS OR MAYBE THE SECOND BATCH, MY HUSBAND IS A PART OF THAT BATCH, THEY WERE THE ONES WHO SUFFERED. THERE WAS NO INDUCTION, THEY ARRIVED HERE ON A SATURDAY AND THAT MONDAY THEY WENT TO THE HOSPITAL AND WORKED WITH NO ORIENTATION AT ALL. AND BECAUSE OF THEIR FEEDBACK THE FOURTH AND FIFTH BATCH WHERE I WAS PART OF, WE ALREADY HAVE A ONE WEEK ORIENTATION BEFORE WE WENT TO THE HOSPITAL. This is indicative of the level of support available to most migrant nurses.

24 CHAPTER 3 3.1.2 Induction Process: Other Occupations This level of co-ordination and support in the induction process was not that which migrant workers in the catering and hospitality sector and in the food processing sector received. Indeed for other migrant workers in the healthcare sector, apart from nurses, the induction was quite cursory. A migrant worker in the materials management section of a hospital had no orientation. I GOT A NOTE FROM PERSONNEL SAYING I GOT THE JOB. WHEN I GOT THE JOB I WAS JUST SENT TO THE DEPARTMENT. IF THERE S A FIRE DRILL I DON T EVEN KNOW WHERE TO RUN TO. YOU JUST USE YOUR OWN INITIATIVE AND DECIDE WHAT HAPPENS. Migrant workers in a food processing sector factory received a brief introduction to the company on their first morning in the staff canteen, after which they were told which area of the factory they would be working in. This served as their induction. WE WERE IN A MEETING WITH ALL THE OTHERS IN THE CANTEEN AND ONE OF THE MANAGERS HAD A LIST AND EACH OF US WERE TAKEN TO A SECTION. THE PRESENTATION WAS ABOUT THE QUALITY, THE FACTORY IN GENERAL, THE SECURITY SYSTEM, THE FIRE SYSTEM. Some of the migrant workers in this case had received information prior to their arrival about their working conditions and about the cost of living in Ireland. SOME OF US KNEW ABOUT OUR PAY. THE AGENCY EXPLAINED IT TO US BEFORE WE CAME, THE HOURS, THE BASIC. WE ALSO WERE TOLD HOW MUCH THE PRODUCTS IN THE SHOPS WERE, THE BREAD, THE PRICES. Some recruitment agencies, offered information packs or general information on life in Ireland. AFTER WE PASSED THE INTERVIEW BEFORE WE ARRIVED, THE AGENCY GAVE US A FORM, WITH INFORMATION ABOUT IRELAND, WITH THE CONTRACT IN IT, WITH PRICES FOR BREAD, CIGARETTES, BUTTER, FEW SMALL THINGS. IT SEEMED VERY EXPENSIVE. I HEARD THAT IT IS THE SECOND MOST EXPENSIVE COUNTRY IN THE WORLD WITH THE PRICES. However the information was not always complete. THE RENT IS VERY BIG AND HOUSES ARE VERY EXPENSIVE. WE DIDN'T KNOW BEFORE WE CAME HOW MUCH WE WOULD HAVE TO SPEND EVERY MONTH ON RENT.

SETTLING INTO THE WORKPLACE 25 3.1.3 Elements of the Induction Process When responding to this section about induction, it was not assumed that all these options would have been grouped together in one package. For instance, the most common element of induction within the three sectors was a health and safety course. These courses did not always take place immediately upon arrival in the company or organisation. There are quite significant numbers who did not receive an explanation of payment procedures across the three sectors and a large number did not receive an explanation of their statutory rights. Almost two thirds of all migrant worker respondents received a description of career/job structures within the company, although under half of all migrant workers got a description of the range of training and qualification opportunities available. In the case of the catering and hospitality sector, less than one third of migrant workers were informed about the organisation's equality policy. When compared to responses from Irish workers, certain trends point to the absence of detailed induction programmes across the sectors for all workers. For instance, even with the gaps in information made available to migrant workers, a higher percentage of migrant workers than Irish workers have received information and rights, duties and procedures. This is the case even though Irish workers have been, on average, more years in the job. The following tables give an indication of the elements of the induction process experienced by migrant worker survey respondents and Irish survey respondents. Table 9: Elements of induction process offered to migrant and Irish workers (Percentages for Irish workers in brackets) INDUCTION OPTIONS HEALTHCARE FOOD CATERING SECTOR PROCESSING & HOTELS (1) Explanation of the industrial relations procedures 62% (16%) 81% (47%) 48% (54%) (2) A health and safety course 86% (52%) 87% (90%) 80% (77%) (3) A description of career/job structures within the company 62% (42%) 60% (53%) 68% (74%) (4) An explanation of statutory rights 57% (29%) 62% (44%) 44% (59%) (5) An explanation of payment procedures 67% (71%) 76% (58%) 72% (87%) (6) Information about trades union(s) 43% (29%) 24% (33%) 12% (49%) (7) A description of the range of training & qualification opportunities available 48% (19%) 39% (40%) 40% (54%) (8) A description of the range of language supports available 33% (3%) 41% (4%) 12% (13%) (9) Inter-cultural awareness programme 38% (16%) 21% (5%) 12% (18%) (10) Information on organisation s equality policy 48% (10%) 40% (14%) 32% (36%)