The Puebla-Durham Corridor: New Destination Migration from Pahuatlán David Griffith East Carolina University Greenville, North Carolina
North Carolina as New Destination Durham-Pahuatlán is one of three migrant corridors: NY-Guerrero/Puebla and LA-Oaxaca others. Will present preliminary findings today, characterizing the community in Durham, but eventually hope to address several questions: How does the formation of transnational community take place in new immigrant destinations, especially among immigrants from new sending regions? How might that be different from traditional immigration gateways? How does the local influence the regional and global? What role might financial services play in transnational connections and plans for home community development?
Brief History of Latino Settlement in North Carolina Latino settlement traces its origins to changes in Texas & Florida agriculture and rural communities of the 1960s. Mechanization of cotton & sugar beets changed migrant itineraries. Texas-based Latino families moved into Florida agriculture and, during summer, moved up the Eastern Seaboard (Cindy Hahamovich, Fruits of their Labor). Latino migrant crews gradually replaced African- American and Caribbean migrant crews. 1986 IRCA legalizes 1.7 million SAWs, initiated rapid growth of Latinos in new destinations
Early Phases of Latino Settlement 1980s: Some settlement of single males out of agriculture and into food processing. 1986-1990: Legalization of SAWs stimulates increased information exchange across border; elaboration of linkages among coyotes, raiteros, and labor contractors. 1987-1994: Primarily single males, but women and children joining young men; beginning of movement into other economic sectors (construction, landscaping, fast food, etc.) Late 1980s- early 1990s: first Latino businesses founded.
Later Phases of Latino Settlement 1994-1999: Further growth of women and children = more contact with schools, health care centers, churches, etc. Increased demand for native foods, health care products. 2000: Census figures show 400+% jump in NC Latino Population. 2000-2006: Steady growth and expansion of Latino population & elaboration of business presence. 2007-present: Increased ICE raids, surveillance, and partnerships; economic contraction (particularly in construction); some Latino businesses have been forced to close.
Durham Context Puebla immigrants, among others from Mexico and Central America, have been arriving since the 1980s. Those in the study are from one small region with two communities: Pahuatlán and San Pablito. Two-Thirds of the population have arrived since 1995; one-third since 2005. Durham has both positive and negative attributes for arriving immigrants: Positive: high number of service organizations with Spanish-speaking staff; large numbers of highly educated, liberal people who welcome diversity (Duke, many UNC professors live in Durham). Negative: high crime rate, some tension between African Americans and Latinos.
Local Financial Services Laws prohibiting use of Mexican consulate identification to open bank accounts. Laws restricting immigrant access to other forms of identification that banks accept (NC Drivers License) Use of F.I.R.E. services by Puebla group low. Latino Credit Union Durham branch is the oldest in the state, and the most successful in state. Currently: Checking, Savings, Mortgages & Auto Loans January, 2010: Moving into business loans with technical assistance.
Characteristics of Surveyed Puebla Population (N=55/snowball sampled) Generally young population, with age range from 18 to 44 and 28-29 average. About half (48.2%) work in construction; others in fast food/ restaurants (19.7%); 21.4% not currently working. Over two-thirds have < 10 years schooling (in Mexico); around 1 in 5 graduated from high school, but less than 4% have college. Nearly half (44.6%) are single; one-third in union libres; 9% married; 12% separated/ divorced. About two-thirds plan to return to Mexico, but most aren t sure when (over 80% planned to spend fewer than five years in U.S.). Under 10% have U.S. bank accounts, but have an average of around $3,400 in savings (in cash, Mexican banks, and U.S. banks).
Characteristics from Observations & Open Interviews Live in highly variable household/ family situations: apartments with spouses and unrelated or related others, extended families in houses, families spread over sparsely furnished dwellings, etc. (86% live with relatives). Neighborhoods equally varied: ethnically mixed apartment complexes, neighborhoods, some in high crime areas, others in safer areas. Close connections with Puebla immigrants in Georgia. As with Latino immigrants in general, many worked in NC agriculture initially.
Signs of Attachment to Home 100% remit money to Mexico. Average monthly remittance around $300 (range from $80 to $1,000). Most often send to Mother (28%), parents/in-laws (19%). Migration back and forth still common. Extended family connections still strong. Some community endogamy. Communication between Puebla and Durham frequent.
Signs of Attachment to Durham/ North Carolina 2-3 bakeries and a natural food/ healing store have been established by Pahuatlán residents, which serve as culturally comfortable locations to gather. Informal business development based on knowledge of local immigrant community. About one-third have family members who are citizens or work authorized in U.S. Have formed/ played in Triangle soccer leagues. Some married to native U.S. citizens. Children born, enrolled in local schools.
Marielba s Story, Part I 2005 Mother leaves Pahuatlán when Marielba is 15, migrates to Georgia with 10-year old sister and 7-year old brother; Aunt migrates to Durham to be with husband. 2007, at 17, Marielba migrates to Georgia, lived there with mother and siblings 8 months before moving to Durham to live with Aunt & Uncle. Enrolls in high school, finds job in fast food restaurant, claims that Durham is easy to negotiate because so many people speak Spanish. 2008: Aunt returns to Pahuatlán to care for sick mother s store; Marielba moves in with unrelated Mexican friends. January, 2009: Mother, sister, and brother join Marielba in Durham. The three of them rent a duplex in Little Mexico
Marielba s Story, Part II Early Spring, 2009: Mother establishes business selling cooked food at construction sites and making lunches for workers. June, 2009: Marielba graduates from high school with plans to attend college in fall. Determines private college is beyond her means (barred from attending state school). Takes second fast food job, both part-time, and begins to seek full-time job (as long as she is part-time, she is paid poorly, does not get paid for overtime, yet works 54 hours per week: 11:00 am to 3:00 pm and 4:00 to 9:00 pm 6 days per week) Mother s social life drives her to move in with others from other Puebla communities.
Marielba s Story, Part III Marielba s boyfriend moves in with her Mother in her place (not as Mother s lover). Aunt returns from Pahuatlán to husband in Durham, with 4- year old daughter, and begins looking for work. Marielba lends her $1,500. Grandmother gets sick in Mexico. Mother returns to care for her mother, leaving sister (14) and brother (11) with Marielba (now 19). Marielba moves to apartment with two siblings, continues working two jobs. Aunt, still unemployed, assists with childcare. Marielba begins making plans to return to Pahuatlán, where she hopes to build a house, cabins, and enter tourist trade.
Economic Incorporation of Immigrants Too often, as part-time, temporary, seasonal workers, similar to guestworkers. Increasingly, as subcontractors (issued 1099 tax forms, ITIN). As entrepreneurs: establishing businesses is one way to work without documents (as subcontractors, store owners, informal service providers). The vast majority of immigrant businesses begun without institutional financing (own savings, loans from family, etc.) Lack of access to financial services and problem of legal status deters home ownership, yet many would purchase homes (legalization would be an economic stimulus). Movement between formal and informal economic sectors, activities.
Transnational/ Transregional Community Typical of migrant networks in new destination communities: settlement is partial, with connections to other U.S. regions as a strategy to access other local economies, societies, legal frameworks. Community is highly fluid, with many options for geographic mobility, changing living situations, etc. Use of financial services, and perhaps financial literacy, low among this group, in part due to poor access to such services. Some business start-ups, but not a robust ethnic enclave with employment opportunities. The Pahuatlán connection remains strong, yet is one among at least three important locations (others are Durham and Georgia).
Thanks To The people of the Durham-Pahuatlán Corridor Melina Genis Brianna Mullis Raul Hinojosa & Paule Cruz Takash UCLA s NAID Center Darryl McCleod & Fordham University Data Processing Team