1 By Lucas Edmond In Mark Kurlansky s Nonviolence: the History of a Dangerous Idea, he argues that it requires a great deal more imagination to devise nonviolent means than to use force (Kurlansky 6). This might be somewhat surprising, due to the assumption that nonviolent movements tend to be simple. Throughout the twentieth century, many different nonviolent movements have occurred, but not many were even partially successful. This leads to the conclusion that nonviolent movements are most effective under only certain conditions. In light of case studies of the marginally unsuccessful March First Movement of 1919 in Korea and the surprisingly successful Velvet Revolution of 1989 in Czechoslovakia, it is evident that nations with poor central governments and poor economies harvest the best environment for successful nonviolent action, granting that the people of the nonviolent movements are strongly unified and persistent in their cause. Prior to March 1 st, 1919, Korea had been an occupied state of Japan since August 22, 1910. Since that time, the Japanese government controlled virtually all executive, judicial, and legislative aspects of the government, reducing the Korean people to simply business assets of the Japanese empire, in a strategy that the Japanese simply called budan seiji, or military rule (Han-kyo 1). The Koreans, on the other hand, described it as the agony of ten years of foreign suppression, with every loss of the right to live (Representatives). The Korean people had lost all identity and freedom. In 1919, Korean nationalists had had enough of this suppression and began a nationwide movement of anti-colonial demonstrations, calling for political independence (Kane 1). It began with the reading of the proposed Declaration of Korean Independence by 33 nationalistic intellectuals at Pagoda Park, in Seoul (Ah-young). The document proclaimed that, We [The Korean people] awake now from the old world with its darkened conditions in full
2 determination in one heart and one mind and let the day we take hold be the day of our attainment (Representatives). These hopeful words inspired Koreans across the nation, with more than half a million people over the next few months nonviolently rallying together in support for independence from the Japanese ( English ). The Japanese colonial government, shocked by the sudden rebellions, fought back with crushing force. One source, a U.S. document, gives an account of the ferocity of the Japanese, in which an old couple in their 70 s witnessed the murder of their sons and grandsons by Japanese soldiers in Jeamni, Kyonggi Province, [whose] bodies were then publicly burned ( US ). Despite these brutalities, the Korean people continued on with their rally for freedom for several months, until the death toll was over 7,000 people. At this point, they ended their persistent demonstrations, realizing that the Japanese were simply too powerful for them to win their immediate independence (Heesung). The March First movement had failed in its original goal to gain independence. However, the movement was an important precedent for the Korean people in their push for freedom. In the aftermath of the demonstrations, the Japanese, decided to change slightly their policy to what they called bunka seiji, or cultural policy, in which they allowed more social and cultural freedom for the Koreans. For example, they were allowed for the first time since being annexed to create Korean magazines and newspapers ( English ). Furthermore, after the initial movement, a provisional government for Korea was established in Shanghai that continued working for independence through means such as worldwide correspondence. This provisional government continued for the next 24 years, when Korea finally gained independence after Japan s loss in World War II (Je-hae). Therefore, whilst the Korean people did not gain immediate independence from the March First revolution due to the immense power of the Japanese, their solidarity and continued persistence for freedom eventually led them to independence.
3 About 70 years after the nonviolent movement in Korea for freedom, Czechoslovakia was beginning to commence its own fight for freedom. However, this freedom was from an internal source, rather than external. Prior to the so-called Velvet Revolution of Czechoslovakia in 1989, the nation was under strict Communist rule, as was most of Eastern Europe, led by Gustav Husak. The Soviet communist government had been set up since 1968 ( Revolution ). As Communism stipulates, the government ran all business, and there was no privatization. By 1989, however, the Berlin wall had fallen, bringing down Communism with it. The fall of the Czechoslovakian communists soon followed, occurring on November 17 th, 1989 ( consequences ). On the day of November 17 th, Czechoslovakians were commemorating the day that, fifty years earlier, the Nazis had stormed the University of Prague, killing a student, Jan Opletal. Students gathered in Prague, demonstrating peacefully against the oppressive Communist regime, calling for Democratic reforms. About 15,000 students joined in on the march. However, along the march, the protesters were stopped by the police at Narodni Street. The protesters did not fight, nor did they even resist; rather, they only sang songs of national pride and chanted We have bare hands. Despite this, the police beat them and forced them to stop (Prague). While the media was strictly censored and this public act of violence was not in the news, the students spread what had happened by word of mouth, igniting the flames of solidarity among the people. This realization created an outcry by the whole nation of Czechoslovakia, and massive nationwide demonstrations followed. For example, in Wenceslas Square, a large city center in Prague, thousands of citizens would pack the streets, jangling keys and waving banners, demanding political freedom (Ackerman 434-435). Other methods of protest were employed as well. For example, many theaters were converted into public forums for the people to
4 discuss their next plan of action. On November 19 th, at the Cinoherni Club, the Civic Forum was officially set up and lead by Vaclav Havel, a poet, playwright, and political activist (Radio). Following these initial days, the week that followed was filled with continued mass demonstrations, as well as a general workers strike, on November 27 th, which crippled the economy (Ackerman 436). As the government continued declining, the Civic Forum listed its demands for freedom and democracy. At last, former dictator Gustav Husak, on December 10 th, 1989, declared the government a free republic and abdicated his position (Radio). Vaclav Havel was elected the first president of Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovakia was free again ( Consequences ). If this revolution had taken place twenty years earlier during the height of the Soviet power and Communist bloc, it would not have been successful. One of the major factors of the success was due to the universal weakening of Communism (History). The people took advantage of this by unifying together and calling for change that the government was too weak to ignore. Today, although Czechoslovakia has split, the Czech Republic and Slovakia both remain free nations. In 1995, the Czech Republic was inducted into the European Union, solidifying its growing position in Europe ( Consequences ). Furthermore, in 2007, a national poll stated that 59% of Slovaks believe that the Velvet Revolution and fall of the communist leadership was for the betterment of the nation ( Poll ). While a nation cannot cripple another nation s economy or weaken its central government, one thing that a nation can do to support non-violent civic action is to apply international pressure on the oppressive regime. For example, when the Korean people first began their massive protesting, it was a call to the rest of the world of their condition. Before then, the world thought that the Koreans had agreed peacefully to their annexation, but through the March First Movement, the world realized that the peace that the Japanese had
5 advertized was all simply nationalist propaganda. The international community then began to pressure the Japanese into allowing more freedom for the people of Korea, hence the bunka seiji ( English ). By doing this, the oppressive government is more likely to answer the requests of the people, or at least reply without violence. It is harder to oppress a nation when the entire international community is scrutinizing the situation. For citizens, as clearly shown by the solidarity of the Koreans and Czechoslovakians, the best support for nonviolent efforts is through unity and perseverance. For example, the Czechoslovakians in the Velvet Revolution, when attacked by the police during their peace walk, did not just stand down. Rather, they spread the word and then the whole nation joined together and continued its fight for justice (Ackerman 434). Likewise, in Korea, when the Declaration of Independence was read, all of the people realized that it was their duty to stand up for their identity as best they could. Even though the Koreans did not attain their goal immediately, they continued to pursue their dream of independence until they achieved it (Heesung). When the people are strong and unified, they have a better chance of their government actually listening to them and addressing their problems. The government cannot ignore the people if they are a strong majority of the population, and they are outspoken and active in their pursuance of their goals.
6 Works Cited Print Sources Ackerman, Peter and Jack Duvall. A Force More Powerful: A Century of Non-violent Conflict. New York: Palgrave, 2000. Ah-young, Chung. Independence Movements Took Place Worldwide. Korea Times. 1 March, 2006. English Education under Japanese Rule (III). Korea Times. 13 August, 2008. Je-hae, Do. 1919 Independence Movement Had Global Implications. Korea Times. 27 February 2009. Kane, Daniel C. March First Independence Movement. Gale Encyclopedia of Modern Asia. Karen Christensen and David Levinson, eds. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale. History Resource Center. Gale Group Databases. Cardinal Gibbons High School Lib., Raleigh, NC. 5 October 2009. Kim, Han-kyo. Korea, Japanese Government, General of. Gale Encyclopedia of Asian History. 1988. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale. History Resource Center. Gale Group Databases. Cardinal Gibbons High School Lib., Raleigh, NC. 5 October 2009. Kurlansky, Mark. Nonviolence: the History of a Dangerous Idea. New York: Random House Publishing Group, 2006. Poll shows most Slovaks positive about Velvet Revolution. CTK News Agency. 15 November 2007. Representatives of the People. Declaration of Independence: English Translation. Collector, Soon Hyun. University of Southern California. Libraries. US Documents Provide Detail of Japanese Suppression. Korea Times. 28 February 2005.
7 "Velvet Revolutions." History in Dispute, Vol. 16: Twentieth-Century European Social and Political Movements. Paul du Quenoy, ed. St. James Press, 2004. History Resource Center. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale. <http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/history/> Internet Sources Kim, Hee-sung. March First Movement - Remembering the spirit of the nation. Korea.net. 1 March 2008. 1. 6 October 2009. < http://www.korea.net/news/news/newsview.asp?serial_no=20080229033&part=112& SearchDay=>. Velvet Revolution. Prague Blog. 2008. Prague.net. <http://www.prague.net/blog/article/36/velvet-revolution>. The Velvet Revolution. Radio Prague s History Online Virtual Exhibit!. Page 14. <http://archiv.radio.cz/history/history15.html>. The Velvet Revolution and its Consequences. Visit Czech Republic. Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 5 October 2009. <http://www.czech.cz/en/czech-republic/history/all-aboutczech-history/the-velvet-revolution-and-its-consequences>.