Bi-annual Newsletter in English, French and Portuguese

C B A Newsletter International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa Bi-annual Newsletter in English, French and Portuguese www.unesco-iicba.org Vol. 13. No. 1 June, 2011 Inside 3 Next steps in managing teacher migration: The role and status of migrant teachers in emergencies 5 Finding people to teach and making them good teachers in a complex IDP emergency: The case of Cote d Ivoire from 2002 8 Teacher migration and education in conflict and post-conflict countries: Experience from Somalia 11 News in Brief International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa Teacher mobility and recruitment in education in emergencies In December 2005, IICBA s newsletter focused on the needs of teachers and teacher training and education in emergency, and highlighted practical approaches and strategies for developing a teaching force in emergency situations. It also examined major components of education for reconstruction in the area of education in emergencies in general and peace education in particular. It reiterated the importance of education of youth and adolescents in post-conflict situations, and provided some guide on peace education necessary for the total psychosocial support and healing process of reconstruction (newsletter available at http://www. unesco-iicba.org/). Five years later, 2011 EFA Global Monitoring Report focused on the special theme of The Hidden Crisis: Armed Conflict and Education, looking at the underlying causes of conflict and exploring the links between armed conflict and education, and presented recommendations for achieving EFA goals. The report outlined the considerable progress in education made since 2000, but also highlighted the fact that 10 million children still drop out of primary school every year in sub-saharan Africa alone. Another 1.9 million teachers will be needed by 2015 to achieve universal primary education, more than half of them in sub-saharan Africa. The report alerted that most of the goals of EFA would be missed, especially in the regions affected by conflict. Between 1999 and 2008, thirty-five countries were affected globally by armed conflict, robbing 28 million children of an education, and schools, students and teachers are on the frontline of these conflicts. Furthermore, the report warned that education failures are also fueling conflict, perpetuating the vicious cycle, e.g., youth who are not provided the skills needed to escape poverty often resort to violent conflict; and education, which has a potential to promote peace, is often used to reinforce the social divide, intolerance and prejudices that lead to war. The report concluded with a proposed agenda for change aimed at combating four systemic failures of education in: protection, provision, reconstruction and peace building [Report available at: http://www.unesco.org/. Responding to this ongoing crisis, the Commonwealth Secretariat and UNESCO-IICBA decided to take up the theme of forced migration of teachers for the 6th Commonwealth Research Symposium on Teacher Mobility, Recruitment and Migration, which takes place on June 8-9, 2011, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The research papers presented focused on the provision of high-quality inclusive education in difficult circumstances, including the role and status of refugee teachers and the issues surrounding forced migration of teachers, e.g., the scale and nature of forced teacher migration; cross-border recognition of teachers status, qualifications and rights regarding employment as a teacher; the relationship between migrant teachers, access to quality education for children; and migration management to ensure that host country education systems are not negatively impacted, that the immigrant teachers rights are respected, and that the potential benefits of migration are maximized. Sudanese refugee teacher in Chad. Martha Hewison UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1, June, 2011

Five years after IICBA featured education in emergencies in its newsletter, it is important to review the policies and practices, which seem to address the same issues even today. Have we made substantial progress in teacher training and recruitment in emergencies? What worked and what did not and why? This issue presents contributions from researchers who can address these issues, particularly in armed conflict, postconflict and emergency situations and situations that face chronic challenges of teacher migration (emigration in particular). This is felt to be necessary in order to review the efforts made in the past, as highlighted in the above examples, analyze major successes and challenges of these approaches and strategies, identify policy gaps and propose better policy options and implementation strategies. The first article, by Education Adviser of the Commonwealth Secretariat, discusses the role and status of migrant teachers in emergencies. The author explains the background of the Commonwealth Teacher Recruitment Protocol (CTRP), which was originally prepared as a response to its Member States concern about the loss of teaching workforce, recruited by other countries, and then became an important tool even for the non-commonwealth countries, responding not only to the issues related to migration from the South to the North, but also South-to-South migration. The author examines the differences and similarities in the issues related to forcedand voluntary-migrant teachers, and proposes that the emerging instruments for managing migration should consider forced migration/. The second article discusses an experience from Somalia, contributed by UNESCO Programme for Emergencies and Reconstruction (PEER). The author explains that teacher migration in conflict and post-crises countries has increased in the past four years and qualified teachers are vulnerable to migration to other countries for safety reasons and seeking greener pastures. Due to the prolonged conflict, Somalia is losing qualified teachers. Whilst issues of teacher migration in emergencies and difficult circumstances are important to balance education systems development, there is lack of policy on teacher migration. This article provides a discussion on teacher migration and education in conflict and post-conflict countries, focusing on migration of Somali teachers to other countries and recruitment of immigrant teachers from other countries to fill the teacher gap. Three aspects of teacher migration are discussed: teachers motivations for leaving Somalia, teacher qualification, and teacher compensation. The paper also discusses some challenges facing teacher management and compensation in crisis situations. It concludes by calling for further discussion to contribute to a greater understanding of planning and management of teacher migration in conflict and post conflict countries. The third article, authored by Barry Sesnan, outlines what measures were put in place to create a viable teaching force for people who remained in rebel areas or who returned from displacement in Cote d Ivoire during the civil war which started in 2002. The paper also explains what measures were taken to cope with the strict and restrictive rules in place concerning quality education when what was needed was flexibility. One such example in recruitment was that volunteer teachers, mainly unemployed secondary leavers came to teach, paid by the parentteacher associations. The experience was positive as secondary school leavers found a meaningful job as they use existing infrastructure, operating out of the premises of government schools. Another good example in training was le Bon Enseignant, a modular in-service training course, based on self-help materials, and in which the local pedagogical councilors were deeply involved. The newsletter also includes news items on the major activities of IICBA from January to June 2011. I hope that these articles would provide useful insights for readers who are working on teacher training, recruitment and management issues in difficult circumstances. Ivorian volunteer teacher making do in a classroom that has no blackboard. Barry Sesnan Arnaldo Nhavoto Director UNESCO-IICBA Page 2 UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011

Next steps in managing teacher migration: The role and status of migrant teachers in emergencies Jonathan Penson Education Adviser, Commonwealth Secretariat e-mail: j.penson@commonwealth.int The Commonwealth Teacher Recruitment Protocol (CTRP) was adopted by Commonwealth Ministers of Education in 2004. It was a response to the concern voiced by a number of Commonwealth countries, particularly small states, that a significant proportion of their teaching workforce was being lost to targeted recruitment drives to work in other countries. Whilst the mutual benefits to source and destination countries of teacher migration were recognised, it was felt that the migration process needed to be managed in order to maximise these benefits and minimise any negative impacts. Crucial to implementing the Protocol is data on teacher migration. Since 2006, the Commonwealth Secretariat has convened researchers and policy-makers from government, academia and civil society to address the need for reliable data on, and research about, teachers across all regions of the Commonwealth. Previous symposia have largely concentrated on teachers recruited to work in developed countries. However, South-to-South migration is important, as are teachers who are forced to migrate because of conflict, natural disasters, environmental stress or other non-voluntary reasons. Well managed teacher migration can contribute both to increased access to education for atrisk children (such as refugees) and the quality of education children receive, even in difficult circumstances. It is critically important to provide frameworks which protect teachers, especially when cross-border migration is involuntary, as teachers are then at their most vulnerable. It is also important to acknowledge that, formally recognised and properly supported, these same teachers can present an important resource for host countries to educate children. Managing migration is thus a key factor in achieving MDG access and equity and EFA quality objectives. The Sixth Symposium, co-hosted by UNESCO International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa (IICBA), was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on June 8 and 9, 2011. In line with this year s global focus on education and conflict, as reflected in the 2011 EFA Global Monitoring Report, one of the Symposium s themes was the role and status of refugee teachers in the provision of high-quality inclusive education in difficult circumstances. Policymakers, experts and academics met to discuss how the principles of the CTRP might be applied in emergencies. What follows is a brief summary of the issues raised, and possible areas of policy study identified by the Symposium participants. The discussion was focussed around five key questions: 1. What are the differences in the issues faced by forced migrant teachers compared to voluntary migrant teachers? Forced migrant teachers face sudden, drastic, unexpected, and uncontrollable changes in their circumstances. The removal of options and agency is disempowering and disorienting. Teachers power to negotiate is reduced, their access to information curtailed, their entry into the labour market barred at least to the formal market and they may not be at all prepared for the sudden change in their situation. Added to this, they may have been subjected to physically or emotionally violent acts in their home country or on their way to the host country, leaving them psychosocially vulnerable; their financial security may have been severely compromised, and their ability to earn placed in doubt; their legal status may be unclear (at least to them); and they may be subject to intimidation or abuse in their new surroundings. Their physical well-being may be diminished; they may be inadequately sheltered or nourished; their professional qualifications may be lost or not recognised; and their exit options may be limited or non-existent. Perhaps the most striking difference is the lack of the formal and informal institutional frameworks which usually guide migration, such as information mechanisms, recruitment agencies, support offered by friends and relations, previously negotiated and agreed contracts, teacher organisations or a position within an official body: many refugee teachers will find themselves working for an NGO rather than a government, with different working culture, remuneration, and professional expectations. These insecurities and uncertainties are unlikely to result in motivated, committed teachers. Of course, experiences will vary across a wide continuum, and many refugee teachers may have had opportunity to prepare or may be quickly integrated into host communities. But, on the whole, the increased vulnerability of forced migrant teachers is an issue deserving of a robust policy response. 2. What are the similarities? Of course, it is not the case that teachers who migrate voluntarily are not subject to vulnerability or insecurity. Many of the above issues may affect these teachers to a greater or lesser extent. Recruitment agencies, for example, may not always work for the best interests of migrant teachers. Host communities may be hostile; expectations, in terms of living accommodation, job profile, salary and status may not be met; culture shock and disorientation may occur; bureaucratic hurdles may prevent the recognition of qualifications; separation from family and home community may bring isolation and loneliness; and lack of familiarity with the legal context or dependency on a job for a visa may substantially reduce UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011 Page 3

a migrant teacher s ability to negotiate, as well as their exit options. Teachers who migrate voluntarily may also be subject to absent or weak contracts, which are then not enforced; their physical security may be at risk due to lack of knowledge of their surroundings; and they may lack the privileges which local teachers enjoy. Both forced and voluntary migrants need to undergo a process of adaptation, and both have the same end need: survival. But it would be wrong to assume that there are only forced and voluntary migrants. In reality, a teacher may elect to migrate in response to a long build-up of political repression, or a steady decline in their economic circumstances. Lack of locally available jobs may spur a teacher to move abroad for employment. The reasons for migrating may be numerous for any one teacher, a complex interaction between push and pull factors, but in the end they may feel they have exhausted all other options. However, a teacher fleeing an earthquake or sudden onset conflict clearly has different needs to a teacher moving abroad in a considered and well-prepared effort to maximise their earning potential or to seek new horizons or professional development opportunities. 3. Should emerging instruments for managing teacher migration specifically address issues related to forced migration? It seems beyond doubt that the issue of forced migration needs to be specifically addressed in policy. As conflict and natural disasters seem set to increase, policy needs to expect the unexpected, and plan for unanticipated cross-border migration of education professionals. The need to avoid exploitation of vulnerability; the exigencies of disaster preparedness; and the interests of international co-operation all point towards the requirement to set in place both national and regional policies to protect teachers forced to migrate, where they do not already exist. Emerging instruments for managing teacher mobility, recruitment and migration should recognise that not all migrant teachers choose to migrate, and that this necessitates special consideration. 4. What additional responsibilities do governments which host refugee teachers have? and 5. What policies are necessary for governments to consider to ensure the welfare of refugee teachers and to create an enabling environment for them to teach? Symposium participants agreed that host countries might consider the following policy recommendations: Reducing the barriers to integration into the (formal) labour market; Providing the professional development necessary to achieve the qualifications required to teach in the formal system, and creating pathways to achieve minimum standards in the host country; Developing a transitory mechanism for teachers as yet unqualified under the host country system (or unable to demonstrate their qualification) as an interim measure, before qualification status is given, to enable teachers to teach. This might involve a competency-based rapid assessment of a teacher s ability in the classroom; Ensuring that migration issues are mainstreamed into national policy; Ensuring that refugees are subject to equal treatment under the law protecting human rights, and advocating for fair and equal treatment of migrants; Creating and/or strengthening mechanisms to support refugee teachers in host countries; Providing physical security, both within the classroom and in greater society, and safe passage within the country. Governments might also consider the following: A housing policy which encourages teachers to stay where needed in order to mitigate the effect of the emergency; Fast track official recognition of refugee status and of professional qualifications/ability to teach; An integrated migrant management policy between different authorities/ agencies, encouraging the rapid registration of teachers; Awareness raising to increase the sensitivity to migrants needs in host communities and work environment; Migration policy enabling the removal of bureaucratic hurdles to integration and movement of migrant teachers; Policy which does not discriminate against migrant teachers being considered for promotion; Policy ensuring reasonable security of employment for migrant teachers; Migration policy sensitive to gender needs; Language policy which promotes the recognition and utilisation of migrants language while also offering support for learning of the language of host communities; Government guidance on acceptable minimum remuneration for teachers. More details about the Symposium can be found on the websites of the Commonwealth Secretariat and UNESCO-IICBA, including the presentations made there. The Symposium debates and papers will form the basis of a summary paper to be presented at the 11 th UKFIET International Conference on Education and Development in Oxford, UK on September 13-15. The Symposium Report, which will include a summary of the discussions, all the papers presented at the Symposium and additional material, will be published by the Commonwealth Secretariat and UNESCO as a peerreviewed report. Page 4 UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011

Teacher migration and education in conflict and postconflict countries: Experience from Somalia Christopher Mononye UNESCO Programme for Emergencies and Reconstruction (PEER) UN Complex, Gigiri, Block C, Nairobi e-mail: Christophe.mononye@unesco.unon.org Introduction Education in conflict and post-conflict emergencies and early reconstruction is an emerging discipline in the heart of UNESCO programs. Though infrastructure and material support are necessary in the context of emergencies, they are not all sufficient conditions for ensuring quality of education or schooling in emergencies. The teacher is a critical factor in the provision of conditions that determine the quality of education in emergencies. The importance of capable and qualified teachers is more apparent in environments of conflict and other difficult circumstances. In situations of emergency and post-conflict recovery or reconstruction, teachers are not only facilitators of learning, but represent one of the only consistent sources of reassurance and normalcy for children and their communities that have undergone traumatic experience. In emergency situations, teachers play a vital role in providing protection and psychosocial support that complements what pupils and students get from their parents or communities. Teacher qualification, development, motivation, retention, acknowledgement and support have crucial short, medium and long term implications for improvement in any education system in emergencies, postconflict and recovery. The professional development and management of teachers becomes imperative in emergencies, conflict and post-conflict situations because of their critical tasks in helping to restore a sense of stability and confidence among affected populations. However, since most teachers are drawn from the same affected communities, they are equally vulnerable to instability and deprivation. This poses a serious challenge to building and maintaining a cadre of qualified teachers in emergencies, conflict and post-conflict situations. Thus, the issue of teacher management and motivation in terms of compensation is very crucial and real in these contexts. If not paid appropriately, teachers leave the education system, seeking other greener pastures to support themselves and their families. This is a real case in Somalia where the many qualified and trained teachers are taken mostly by UN agencies, NGOs, private companies, and most even venture to the Middle East, East Africa and South Africa. A survey conducted by UNICEF (2007) shows that out of a total of 13,966 teachers in primary school in Somalia, only 13% (1,800) have a teacher training diploma. Out of the 3,000 strong teaching force (UNESCO Survey, 2008), only 38% of secondary teachers in Somalia considered themselves qualified. Many of the remaining teachers in both primary and secondary schools did not choose to become teachers but were asked and recruited by their communities and regional administrations because of their relatively good level of education. Once chosen, however, they expressed their willingness to serve their communities in the capacity of volunteer teachers. One teacher was asked and said, I am really a trained teacher but I could not teach in Somalia because there is no money I am going abroad or get employed by an NGO to use my professional value for money. the situation is not good for me and my children. The teacher further said that teachers are paid incentives, not salaries, of less than 90 US dollars a month. In addition to insecurity, the above reflection by the teacher is a true reason that leads qualified and professional teachers to leave countries in conflict. The rising demand for teachers by the community and other actors leads to recruitment of qualified teachers from neighbouring countries through unregulated processes, causing massive inefficiencies in teacher management. If teachers are not able to earn their living, they will leave for another form of employment. This loss of qualified and newly trained teachers in countries in emergencies and conflict is a significant and difficult loss. In many cases, and especially in Somalia, this has led to a tragic cycle of constantly training unqualified teachers by UNESCO, UNICEF and NGOs to address the teacher gap in schools. The teacher conditions in the context of education in emergencies and postconflict reconstruction, however, indicate that the challenges go beyond salaries or teacher incentives/compensation. There are critical issues around the conditions in which these teachers work, including security, teaching load and their work environments. The factors shaping the situation are varied and complex, and there is an urgent need to understand them. Policy-makers, education practitioners and researchers are required to determine and influence guidelines and policy for teacher compensation in emergencies, conflict and post-conflict reconstruction. Teacher migration (contextspecific) and its implication Lack of qualified teachers in emergencies and conflict affected countries such as Somalia led to recruitment of teachers from other countries by private and international actors. There is lack of reliable data which makes it difficult even to determine the exact number of migrant teachers in all the three administrative regions of Somalia Central South Somalia, Puntland State of Somalia and Somaliland State. The most difficult situation is that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is not in control over the number of teachers recruited from the neighbouring countries. Recruitment is also decentralized, with the Central South Somalia, Puntland State and Somaliland each having their own mechanisms. However, it is clear that substantial numbers of teachers are being recruited from Kenya and Uganda to teach in secondary and teacher training institutions. Teachers from Sudan, Egypt and other Arab countries as well are recruited to teach in the private and international schools. UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011 Page 5

The recruitment of teachers on short term or medium term contracts is not a bad solution to the on-going emergency and conflict situation in Somalia (UNESCO, 2008). Many overseas teachers recruited through private schools are only part of the story as some are paid between USD 200-300 per month as compared to USD 90 paid to an average recruited Somali teacher. With the prevailing situation in Somalia, this approach is trickier and unsustainable as there is no policy regulating it. Not much is known of the teachers in the tertiary institutions. Responding to address the gap created by Somali qualified teachers leaving the education sector for greener pastures, in 2007 UNESCO supported the government of Somalia by training primary school teachers through the use of Information Communication Technology (ICT) support for teacher education. An in-service teacher training program enrolled 170 teachers, of whom 142 (83%) completed and were awarded with a diploma in teacher education. However, these trained teachers are not all retained in the teaching force. Where teachers have been trained at public expense and where their professionalism and expertise cannot easily be replaced, their loss represents a major setback to the achievement of the MDG of universal primary education. The consequences of the shortage of teachers due to brain-drain are particularly damaging as low levels of education are inextricably linked to poverty, especially in emergency, conflict and post-conflict situations because locally recruited teachers are paid less money than migrant teachers due to lack of policy guidance in such situations. However, migration has a number of positive aspects. For example, the recruitment of business experts from Somalia to countries like Kenya and South Sudan has benefited and stimulated economic growth in Somalia. Many of the Somalis in the Diaspora maintained their strong link with their families and communities back in Somalia. They have often continued to contribute financially through their remittances, but also invest in constructing schools, hospitals and properties. However, the reverse is true; a high proportion of the workforce has left the country for better opportunities but does not remit. The negative impact of this cannot be underestimated as it may represent an enormous loss of investment in emergency, conflict and post-conflict situations, as, teachers are highly valued members of the community and occupy a wide range of roles. Challenges Although teacher migration is potentially a win-win game for both leaving and incoming teachers, countries in conflict have not been able to gain as much as they could have from their investment in education through migration as in nonemergency and non-conflict states. In emergency and post conflict situations, there are many challenges affecting the teachers. It is not possible to divorce the challenges of strengthening educational quality in emergency, conflict and postconflict situations from the teachers who are charged with maintaining that quality of teaching. However, the unique situations are inherently bound to the difficulties that they face. Many countries in conflict in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa are grappling with the issue of teacher compensation in refugee and internally displaced people (IDP) camps. Relating to this is the lack of coherent policies and the huge range of actors engaged in providing educational services. Discussions on teacher compensation (World Bank, 2006), identified several factors affecting teacher management and retention in emergencies and conflict situations. Some of these are listed below. a) Insecurity: Insecurity in all its contexts (emergencies, conflict and post-conflict) is a condition that any education initiative will have to address. Teachers pay a heavy price in this situation, wherein they themselves are put at risk for their own wellbeing. This is further worsened by a weak (or absent) state and inadequate governance leading to ambiguity in roles and responsibilities amongst the stakeholders. b) Weak institutions: In many cases, education in emergency situations renders state structures powerless as there are many competing priorities for local authorities, forcing them to improvise with what is available and put in place arrangements which are sub-optimal in comparison to standards used in a development context or in normal times. However, within the context of this paper, there is no record whether such applies to countries with strong institutions which do not allow refugee/migrant teachers to teach legally. c) Lack of long-term investments: Emergencies elicit speedy response from funding organizations. This is often done in the form of a large quantity of funding with short timeframes for spending such as the Consolidated Appeal Process (CAP). While immediate relief is effectively addressed through such a funding regime, rehabilitation and reconstruction, including education, are long-drawn-out processes and do not get adequately supported beyond a limited timeframe. This is a factor that affects the creation of any long-term arrangement for teacher retention, management and compensation structures. d) Inadequate financial resources in countries in emergencies and conflict: Some of the critical causes of conflict are problems related to stability and economic growth. Such countries face problems of poor revenue generation and future plans for economic regeneration. Traditionally, the financial commitment to education in these countries has been inadequate and future budgetary allocations are highly dependent on international communities and transitional plan for reconstruction. Teachers are left to bear an enormous burden, working in under-resourced settings, often without adequate or regular salaries, support or training. Furthermore, less qualified or poorly trained teachers are often hired in these instances, complicating structures for teacher compensation. e) Value placed on the teaching profession: Traditionally, low salaries for teachers make it difficult for them to keep up with the escalating real cost of living. This leads to questions about how and where the teaching profession stands in comparison to other professions. In setting policies and determining practice around compensation, non-state providers (e.g. NGOs, communities or religious groups) face difficult questions about whether they should opt for greater compensation for their teachers on equal terms with other similar professions. Page 6 UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011

f) High teacher turnover: Teacher attrition is a reality. Poor working conditions, high workloads, inadequate and inconsistent salary/ incentive payments all contribute to teachers leaving their posts in conflict environments and too often abandoning the profession altogether. This is further aggravated by the presence of international organizations and the availability of better-paying work with NGOs and UN agencies. In Somalia, for example, the salaries of UN and NGO security guards are much higher than those of teachers in public schools. Summary and conclusion The key point made in this paper is a policy gap in the management of teacher retention and compensation in emergencies. It is evident that teacher salary is part of the larger issue of teacher management in emergencies and conflict. Therefore, it needs to be seen holistically to include the issue of fund flow and fund management, teacher accountability and performance. In the context of conflict and post-conflict reconstruction, a big number of players implement education programs. Among them are UN agencies, religious groups, local NGOs, INGOs and local administrations/governments. Each of these actors has their own performance standards/guides and outcomes for the management of teachers. Owing to the lack of policy tools/ guides in management of teachers in conflict and post conflict countries, some actors have no efficient mechanism for assuring retention of teachers in the host countries, for example, Somalia. In this connection, the adoption of a protocol on teacher recruitment by the Commonwealth which sets out rights and responsibilities of both recruiting and sourcing countries is a very welcome step. For example, the protocol encouraged some countries to examine teachers working conditions to determine if systems are contributing to the exodus of the trained teachers (obvious in emergencies). However, its implication in the context of management of teachers in emergencies needs to be explored further. To maximize the investment in education, management and compensation of teachers in emergencies and conflict situations, policies and guide tools need to be developed to guide the process in countries in emergencies and conflict situations in benefiting from the principles of the protocol. Although the factors discussed in this paper give an insight into what should be considered to better plan and manage teacher migration in emergencies, the following questions need to be answered: a) How can the principles of the Commonwealth protocol on teacher recruitment be implemented in countries (not member states) in emergencies, conflict and post conflict (Somalia case)? b) In a situation of emergencies, what is / are the basis/bases on which teacher compensation/salary is determined? What factors should be considered to influence this? c) How can roles and responsibilities of different stakeholders government/ regional/emerging administration, humanitarian agencies, NGOs and private actors be defined in ensuring acceptable teacher compensation? d) Who should decide on teacher compensation structures, in situations of crisis and afterwards? e) Whose responsibility is teacher compensation? How is teacher compensation managed? What is the role of donor and UN agencies in harmonizing various practices? f) Should there be special incentives for special conditions or qualifications (such as incentives for women teachers)? (The earlier manuscript of this article is also published in the report of the Sixth Commonwealth Research Symposium on Teacher Mobility, Recruitment and Migration.) References Africa Education Trust, 2009. Review Report of the Current Status of Remuneration for Teachers & Other Education Employees in Somalia. Kenya: AET. Commonwealth Teacher Recruitment Protocol (CTRP), September 2004: Adopted by Ministers of Education, Lincolnshire, United Kingdom: www.teachers.org.uk/files/ ProtocolA6-5143.pdf INEE Global Consultation Report (April 2009): Bridging the Gaps: Risk Reduction, Relief and Recovery: http://www.ineesite.org/ assets/inee_gc_2009_report_final.pdf. INEE Guidance Notes on Teacher Compensation in Fragile states, situations of displacement and post crises Recovery: March 2009: (online) http://www. educationfasttrack.org/media/library/inee_ Teacher_Compensation_Guidance_Notes.pdf. UNICEF Somalia, 2007. Primary Education Survey (PES) Report in Somalia, Nairobi, Kenya. UNESCO PEER, 2008. Survey of Secondary Education Report in Somalia, School survey, Nairobi, Kenya. World Bank, 2006. Roundtable on Teacher Compensation in Fragile States, Situations of Displacement and Post-Conflict Return Report. Washington, DC. Sudanese teacher watching herself on video as part of her training. Martha Hewison UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011 Page 7

Finding people to teach and making them good teachers in a complex IDP emergency: The case of Cote d Ivoire from 2002 Barry Sesnan Adviser and Consultant, Echo Bravo Consultants, Education in Difficult Circumstances e-mail: echobravoconsultants@gmail.com Background In 2001, Cote d Ivoire was a fairly welloff West African country with an excellent public school system, based on French models and standards. It had a good to excellent enrolment record in many parts of the country. The Ministry was, and still is, staffed by experienced professionals at all levels. Cote d Ivoire showing the buffer zone. In 2002, the education system along with most public services, suffered a severe blow which had repercussions for children for years after, and from which the whole system is yet to recover. That year, after several years of political uncertainty, the country split in two after a brief civil war. Rebels in the army, calling themselves the Forces Nouvelles (FN) took over the Northern part of the country (see map). This split was a physical expression of political and ethnic divisions which had divided the country since the death of its founding president, Felix Houphouet- Boigny. In a way unusual at the time, he had welcomed people from neighbouring countries to come and work mainly in agriculture. Many of them had come to regard Cote d Ivoire as their home. Even during the rebellion, Northerners continued to live and work in Abidjan and one of the major ethnic groups in the country was found on both sides of the new line dividing the country. There had always been a class divide in the cities, where an observer notes that there are two societies living in symbiosis: the people with jobs and houses, and the guards, drivers, gardeners and maids who serve them. The latter are mainly from the North and centre of the country, or from neighbouring countries, often Burkina Faso and Mali. The system built schools in indigenous areas, but did not automatically include children who were not indigenous and lived on the periphery, e.g. in plantation villages or slum areas. As long as the country was prosperous, this worked well. Many people migrated internally to find work. They often, but not always, came with their families; a family could be spread over the whole country. In rural areas, the migrant workers often created or settled in separate, non-recognised villages; their children could attend public schools only with permission of the indigenous school committees. In the areas controlled by FN After the split, the FN controlled the second city, Bouaké, and ended up controlling the main borders with three of Cote d Ivoire s five neighbours. In the beginning, the FN were a loose, and not always coherent, coalition of different interests, with mostly military regional governors paying less than full attention to civil governance or social services. Very few technocrats or professionals remained in their posts. In 2002, the government had cut off all services to the area controlled by the FN. Though some services eventually resumed, like electricity and mobile phones, the financial and administrative rupture remained in place for many years. No government salaries were paid in the North. No budgets could be accessed. A teacher could get her salary only if she moved to the government area. Eventually, the majority went and joined the part of their family already there. Schools closed or operated at a skeleton level since many of their pupils had also left. It was clear that the FN had no plan for education or health, or indeed for almost any of the services usually run by government. Additionally, because systems had been much centralised, there was an instinctive reluctance to consider or support new ideas. Naturally, everyone assumed that the crisis would end one day, and there was no reason to expect that innovation would survive the return to normality. So, they avoided risk. In the south Meanwhile, the government continued to run the rest of the country, almost as though nothing had happened. The fact that part of the country, including Abidjan, the commercial capital, and Yamoussoukro, the constitutional capital, was running normally also militated against innovation or special responses. The Ministry of Education, the examination bodies and the training institutions also did not feel any great imperative to adapt to the new situation. At the time, the main agricultural estates and the vast majority of the cocoa-producing areas were all in peaceful government areas. Continual displacement Later, especially in the west where labourers from other places lived in unrecognised settlements, there would be other crises and different, more vicious ethnic clashes, linked with the breakdown of law and order and the growth of warlordism in Liberia. Coupled with the large-scale move from the North, the country by 2007 or so had a complex displacement pattern which was not well-captured by the statistics because Page 8 UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011

it involved families being split between several sites. It was possible, indeed likely, that a family displaced from Bouaké to a suburb of Abidjan would have left the small children with a grandmother in Bouake to attend a volunteer basic school and put the boy about to do exams with a relative in Yamoussoukro to go to secondary school (the actual capital which has excellent schools). The effect on education The government paid salaries only in the areas it controlled, with the intention of crippling public services in the areas it did not control. This simple and crucial decision of the government had direct and immediate effects on education. In their own terms they were successful. Almost all trained teachers left the North and moved to government areas. Schools closed or were run privately by unqualified people. Parents who could afford to do so withdrew their children, especially older ones, to put them in better schools in government areas. They did this so that their children could take exams, which were not offered to the North until 2007. Cote d Ivoire s high standards and strict rules In the government areas, schools continued in a fairly normal manner and the Ministry of Education continued to demand that they keep their high standards, symbolized by the fact that an Ivorian School Leaving Certificate, even at Primary Level, is automatically accepted in France. In the North, such activities did not happen as schools were run on a care and maintenance basis. It is to be recalled that these high public standards had always come at a price for rural, poor and marginalised families. The insistence on using French from day 1 (class CP1 1 ) with no concession at all to mother-tongues was one particular problem for rural children who could not hope to compete with the urban elite. The fact that a wealthy child had probably done a two year maternelle class when the poor child had to start in CP1 has long term consequences. Similarly, there was no existing system in place to train teachers rapidly, apart from an occasionally used course which could be accessed by primary and faith-based schools. This meant that the government also found a great deal of difficulty in allowing less formal or emergency methods of training teachers to be accepted. In fact the Ministry had no mechanisms for flexibility or for introducing a system that was good enough. The FN, on its side, had no substitute for an absent central government, once the fonctionnaires (civil servants) had already left. Barred by age: An accelerated primary curriculum A major problem turned out to be that a child who reached the age of 15 was not allowed to sit the primary leaving exam at the end of CM2 and had to abandon public education. This was not a problem in peacetime, of course. This had a particular effect on displaced children after the war had already been running for five years. Even if they got back into a school, the rigidity of the system might prevent them from going further. This applied as much in Abidjan as in rural areas with one crucial difference: in Abidjan the children could use private schools to get round the government regulation. To deal with the age-bar in primary schools, when it was clear, both in the north and the west, that large numbers of children would be too old to take the primary leaving exam officially, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), together with UNICEF, started introducing accelerated education. The primary cycle in Cote d Ivoire has three levels of two years each. A syllabus was produced which allowed two years to be covered in one year. This required not only changes in curriculum and timetables. The calendar had to be changed, too. Although the government allowed these schools to exist, they were regarded as unofficial and it was always assumed that the child would return to the mainstream as soon as possible. The name passerelle which means small bridge reflects this. After the passerelle syllabus was working well at the local level, NRC then worked with the ministry to get passerelle accepted as an official alternative. This important milestone was achieved in 2008. To run the passerelle system alongside the existing system was complicated, (and would have to be dealt with in another paper). Teachers: qualified, volunteers In the two areas where passerelle was needed, it was also necessary to create a special teaching force just for that purpose, and an in-service training system was required. In the north, by 2007, a cadre of voluntary teachers, known in French as bénévoles, had come into existence. They were largely unemployed secondary school leavers and they were teaching the normal school curriculum, but they were not trained in methodology (pédagogie), though it was assumed that they could cope with the content aspect of teaching. Since it would be the parents who would pay them, they were often nominated by the parent-teacher associations, a process not necessarily totally based on quality. Experience in other countries shows that secondary school leavers are a good group to use. They are usually unemployed, looking for something to do and enjoy the training and a feeling of camaraderie. This group should be given every encouragement to teach. Firstly, it means that they will keep their minds active, an important consideration where youth have other temptations (such as being attracted into militias). Secondly, there is a chance that they will discover that they enjoy teaching and will want to be trained further to enter the profession. These volunteer teachers organised themselves or were organised under various local NGOs and operated informally out of the premises of government schools which were, in the beginning, unused. When passerelles were needed in the north, the extra classes 1 Known as Cours préparatoire CP1, CP2 / Cours élémentaire CE1 CE2 / Cours moyen CM1 CM2. UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011 Page 9

became part of the normal school for the most part in the towns, as a sort of annex. The teachers may well have operated in both parts of the school. The volunteer teachers were paid by the parents directly (or through the local NGOs like the very effective Education pour tous ) which soon got UNICEF support as a partner. NRC, which started in 2007, joined in the effort together with other INGOs such as Save the Children who supported so-called community schools in villages. These community schools were very low-cost efforts which focussed more on the lower end of the school. In the west, the dynamic was different, driven by the need to handle a very mixed group of displaced and returning children who needed to finish primary school in time. The ordinary schools were operating for the most part with government staff and the passerelles were loosely attached to them though not, in the beginning, managed by them. In this case, they were nominally run by local education committees who were supposed to recruit and pay the temporary teachers, who were secondary school leavers, who needed methodology. The issue of pay for volunteers was always contentious (and always will be). NRC and UNICEF paid teachers a fairly generous allowance for their training and so they became a teaching-force-incontinuous training. More contentious later would be what would happen to these teachers when normality returned, since for ideological reason NGOs and UNICEF never paid real salaries, and the government would not pay a salary to someone who was not in integré officially with the correct qualifications. 2. Le Bon Enseignant NRC introduced as the training method a modular in-service training course which had originally been written in Sudan in 1988 as the Teacher Assistance Course under the auspices of the Sudan Open Learning Unit. It had 3 groups of ten modules to be studied privately and in groups and in monthly face to face sessions. It was based directly on what the young untrained teachers said were their real problems. It was written in very simple language and used a question and answer format. The local Conseillers Pédagogiques (CP) had been deeply involved in the creation of the passerelle syllabus. They were now involved in the adaptation and delivery of Le Bon Enseignant, which was accepted as a training tool by the local education authorities. Though the course is based on selfstudy, it is given in conjunction with training sessions totalling 30 days spread out over the year (12 days initial training before starting to teach, then two days each month for 9 months). The Bon Enseignant has been recently improved with the addition of videos clips of good and bad practice filmed. The course had been originally written by refugee and displaced teachers. The present writer was the overall editor and contributed some of the modules. It was developed further in Somaliland in 1997-8 under the auspices of UNESCO-PEER, with the present writer taking the same role, and was published as Be a Better Teacher, now with an additional ten modules for head teachers and administrators. UNESCO-PEER translated it into French in D R Congo as Le Bon Enseignant and this was the version which was adapted for Cote d Ivoire; other versions, notably in Arabic (in Chad for Darfurian refugees) also exist. Some problems The CPs struggled to deliver the new systems; they did not build on the teacher s own testimony and classroom experiences and tended to lecture or cover the boards with notes to be copied. They did not respect the curriculum breakdown they themselves had devised (until it became official). This was another reflection of the conservatism of the school system overall, and a belief that what already exists cannot, or need not, be improved, especially as life will be back to normal one day. Naturally, these freshly trained teachers wanted their training to be validated by the government. So, lobbying and professional discussions continued to have the volunteers trained on Bon Enseignant accepted as government teachers without the need to repeat the whole training course. The passerelle teachers were joined in this by the NGO teachers in the North who maintained that they had kept the system going in spite of everything and that they should be taken over by the government when it resumed some of its authority in 2009. The government for its part took a hard line, insisting that any teacher, even if she had taught for five years, would have to go through the same process as a normal teacher to get recruited. They would also have to cede their places to the nowreturning official teachers. Constraints on implementation in an education emergency Finally, some observations which arose from this particular crisis. 1) Unlike child-friendly spaces and other interventions which can be done anytime, a true educational intervention has to respect the annual school calendar, particularly for examinations. This means a new programme cannot be started just any time 3, and consideration needs to be given to what can be done while waiting for an appropriate entry point. 2) It is a paradox that in emergency we are obliged sometimes to put raw teachers into a situation where they have to be innovative with a new curriculum. The new teachers may not be flexible enough, or confident enough, to push through an accelerated programme. This makes training and supervision crucial. 3) Even if temporary measures eventually become official, planning must always assume an eventual return to the pre-crisis normal situation, and that the innovative elements may be discarded. References Sesnan, B. (2009). Education in difficult circumstances. Kampala, Oxford: Echo Bravo. Sesnan, B. (2005, December). Creation of a Teaching Force in an Emergency. IICBA Newsletter, Vol.7 No.2. 2 By 2011 only one third of these teachers had been integré. Teachers trained on Bon Enseignant were still waiting for a final decision on recognition. The current crisis has apparently made the Ministry more flexible. 3 Also, logically, the children should only be allocated to passerelles AFTER they have had a chance to attend normal classes. In 2007 and 2008, passerelles started 4 weeks after the normal schools for this reason. Unfortunately, this made the already compressed calendar even harder to fulfil. Page 10 UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011

News in Brief IICBA Builds Partnerships for Teacher Development in Africa IICBA Director Mr. Arnaldo Nhavoto met with UN Deputy Secretary General, Dr. Asha-Rose Migiro Director Arnaldo Nhavoto led a mission to New York and Washington, D.C. from 17-25 March 2011 to explore partnerships with various stakeholders interested in assisting teacher education activities in Africa. During this time, IICBA also helped coorganize the Global Network of Teaching Quality and Effectiveness (GNTQE) on 18 March 2011 in Washington, D.C.. Overall, meetings were held with approximately 20 organizations including; U.S. National Commission for UNESCO, USAID, Results for Development Institute, World Bank, Save the Children, Academy for Educational Development (AED), Brookings Institute, the Africa-America Institute, and the Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE). IICBA at 2011 World Forum on ECCE IICBA attended the 2011 World Forum on Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) held 3-6 May 2011 in Honolulu, Hawaii. IICBA s participation was part of its commitment to develop capacity for African states in ECCE Advocacy and Backstopping Activities. The forum was attended by 850 delegates from 74 countries, which shared good practices in ECCE. IICBA participated in a tour of two ECCE facilities during the conference one employing a local indigenous curriculum model and another of mainstream curriculum. IICBA at Africa Conference on ECCE IICBA presented a report at the African regional conference of the World Organization for Early Childhood Education, hosted from 27-30 April 2011 in Cotounou, Benin. The presentation was of a six country case-study on Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) in Africa; which directly connected with the conference theme, Children Citizens in a challenged world -The African Experience. IICBA Governing Board Executive Committee Meeting Held On 2-3 June 2011, the 3 rd meeting of IICBA s Governing Board Executive Committee was held at the headquarters of the Institute in Addis Ababa. The committee approved IICBA s financial reports as well as the four programmatic areas of IICBA s Strategic Plan 2011-2015 (Teacher Policy Development and Capacity Building, Research and Development, Advocacy, Resource Mobilisation and Partnership, Governance and Management). The committee also brainstormed ways to enhance a proposal for a new training program on Teacher Development and Capacity Building. IICBA Hosts 6th Commonwealth Research Symposium The Commonwealth Secretariat partnered with IICBA to host its 6 th Research Symposium on 8-9 June 2011 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Themed Next Steps in Teacher Mobility, Recruitment and Migration, the Symposium convened key stakeholders from Commonwealth Member States and non-member countries from Africa to share their experiences as well as brainstorm the way forward in addressing teacher migration and recruitment. Regional Workshop on Management of Teacher Education Institutions Conducted IICBA organized a five-day training of trainers workshop from 28 March - 1 April, 2011 in Mombasa, Kenya. High level teacher education personnel from six East African countries (Burundi, Djibouti, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan and Uganda) participated in a training on the overall, financial, staff and space management of teacher education institutions (TEIs). IICBA at Workshop on NFE Teaching Personnel On 4-8 July 2011 UNESCO hosted an International Workshop on Good Practices in the Capacity Development of Non-Formal Education (NFE) Teaching Personnel in Addis Ababa. UNESCO offices from throughout Africa and South Asia, along with ministries of education, civil society and non-profits dedicated to NFE convened to discuss successes and challenges in training teaching personnel for NFE. Four countries (Ethiopia, Mali, UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011 Page 11

Nigeria, Togo) presented case studies on capacity development of NFE within their countries, and participants collectively brainstormed a common framework for enhancing NFE and the training of NFE personnel. IICBA hosts QAARDAN at TEPA workshop In an endeavour to improve service delivery in education, Quality Assurance and Research Development Agency, Nigeria (QAARDAN) in collaboration with IICBA and University of Pretoria recently conducted a workshop on Teacher Effectiveness and Performance Appraisal (TEPA). The workshop was hosted by IICBA and the University of Pretoria from 07 11 March 2011. Participants were head teachers, principals and school proprietors from private schools in Nigeria. The commitment to train educators and school leaders/managers to improve the quality of education and that of teachers in schools was highlighted during the TEPA workshop This event provided series of academic lectures, discussions and visits to preprimary, primary and secondary schools to explore the South African teaching methods and curriculum. The workshop sought to empower/enable teachers and managers to develop the skills, knowledge, and values needed to lead and manage schools effectively and contribute to improving the delivery of education across the school system. IICBA at the workshop on the Promotion of women in Science in Africa IICBA attended the workshop on the Promotion of women in Science in Africa in Sandton, Johannesburg, South Africa from 29 30 June 2011. The workshop was organized by the Nairobi UNESCO Regional office for Science and Technology in collaboration with the African Network of Scientific and Technological Institutions (ANSTI). The workshop provided a forum for IICBA to share ideas, experiences and strategies and deliberate on actions with colleagues, renowned women scientists, engineers, policy makers and other experts for the promotion of women in science and technology in Africa. IICBAs participation at this workshop is beneficial because of her commitment and focus on Skills Development for Enhanced Girls participation in Science, Mathematics and Technology Education (SMTE). The highlight of the last day s evening was the L Oreal-UNESCO Regional Fellowships for Women in Science in Sub-Saharan Africa. This fellowship assists young women scientists to achieve their PhD degrees in all areas of science and maths. Ten outstanding female PhD students from 5 African countries received the grant of $20,000 as regional fellows. Teacher Policy Development and Implementation Workshop for ECOWAS IICBA organized a four-day workshop on Teacher Policy Development and Implementation for the member states of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on 4-8 July 2011 at the Alisa Hotel in Accra, Ghana. The workshop convened high level teacher education and development personnel to diagnose teacher issues in the region, and introduced UNESCO s diagnostic toolkit developed to analyse teacher issues in Africa as part of the Teacher Training Initiative for Sub-Saharan Africa. IICBA Assesses Capacity of Teacher Education in Sierra Leone IICBA along with UNESCO TED, CapEFA and Accra, Ghana office conducted a joint mission to assess the capacity of teacher education system in Sierra Leone between 27 February and 5 March 2011. The mission served as a follow up to evaluate the implementation of teacher policy guidelines developed by Sierra Leone Ministry of Education with technical support and expertise from UNESCO- IICBA and UNESCO Accra office. The objectives of the scoping mission were: to engage in a contextual scan with the intention of identifying challenges of the Ministry of Education and its existing assets capacity and capacity gaps to identify education partners, their initiatives and scope of activities addressing teacher-related issues of education to discuss with identified education partners and share perspectives on capacity-related problems with regards to teacher planning, training, professional development, management, performance, motivation, and retention to use the information collected to finalize the TOR for the comprehensive capacity assessment on teachers in Sierra Leone About 15 separate meetings were conducted with the various stakeholders and the following outcomes were identified Areas of interventions of education partners in Sierra Leone, scope of activities and beneficiaries identified. Potential partners and areas for building linkages with UNESCO-led teacher assessment were identified and initial contacts established UNESCO perspectives on the capacity assessment in the teacher sub-sector of Sierra Leone education was shared with key partners identified Consensus reached with Ministry of Education and key education partners on the need for capacity assessment in the teacher sub-sector as defined in the draft TORs The final draft TORs for a comprehensive capacity assessment in the sub-sector teachers was prepared The IICBA Newsletter is published bi-annual Newsletter in English, French and Portuguese. Articles may be reproduced with attribution. We welcome editorial comments, or inquiries about IICBA. Please address all correspondance to The Editor, IICBA Newsletter P.O. Box 2305,Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Tel. 251-115-445284/445435 Fax. 251-115-514936, E-mail: info@unesco-iicba.org Website: www.unesco-iicba.org Page 12 UNESCO IICBA Newsletter Vol. 13 No. 1 June, 2011