Rejoining the AU, Moroccans bring decidedly mixed attitudes toward regional integration

Similar documents
Regional integration for Africa: Could stronger public support turn rhetoric into reality?

In Mali, citizens access to justice compromised by perceived bias, corruption, complexity

In Gabon, overwhelming public distrust of CENAP and election quality forms backdrop for presidential vote dispute

Weak support and limited participation hinder women s political leadership in North Africa

South Africans demand government accountability amid perceptions of growing corruption

Are Africans willing to pay higher taxes or user fees for better health care?

A second spring for democracy in post-mubarak Egypt? Findings from Afrobarometer

Basotho increasingly favour legalizing dual citizenship, unifying with South Africa

Tuesday, April 16, 2013

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in NIGERIA

In Gabon, views on elections darken in wake of 2016 contest seen as less than free and fair

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in NIGERIA

Ambitious SDG goal confronts challenging realities: Access to justice is still elusive for many Africans

After 50 years, freedom of association is firmly established, though far from absolute, in Africa

Weak public trust, perceptions of corruption mark São Tomé and Príncipe institutions

Malawians admire South Africa as development model, see strong influence of U.S. and China

Popular trust in national electoral commission a question mark as Zimbabwe enters new era

Citizen engagement in Zimbabwe at lowest level in a decade

Results from the Afrobarometer Round 5 Survey in Zimbabwe

Majority of Zimbabweans want government out of private communications, religious speech

Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries

Burundi s national land commission: How fairly does it resolve land disputes?

Perceived patronage: Do secret societies, ethnicity, region boost careers in Cameroon?

Reaching for equality: Zimbabweans endorse gender equity in politics but say citizens treated unequally before the law

Views of Namibia s economy darken sharply; youth more likely to consider emigration

Call the police? Across Africa, citizens point to police and government performance issues on crime

South Africans disapprove of government s performance on unemployment, housing, crime

Zimbabweans see corruption on the increase, feel helpless to fight it

TABLE OF AFRICAN STATES THAT HAVE SIGNED OR RATIFIED THE ROME STATUTE 1

Almost half of Zimbabweans have considered emigrating; job search is main pull factor

In search of opportunity: Young and educated Africans most likely to consider moving abroad

As Liberia s election approaches, what will citizens be looking for in their next government?

Report of the Credentials Committee

On track in 2013 to Reduce Malaria Incidence by >75% by 2015 (vs 2000)

POLICY AREA: Africa and G20

Who, Where and When?

Malawi AB R5 Survey Results. First Release: 4 September 2012

Highlights of Round 6 survey findings from 36 African countries

Popular perceptions of elections, government action, and democracy in Mali

Tanzanians perceive ineffective fight against corruption, say citizens have a role to play

CONSTITUTIVE ACT OF THE AFRICAN UNION

Malawians increasingly cautious about exercising right to free political speech

Democratization in Kenya: Public Dissatisfied With the Benefit-less Transition

Day of Tolerance: Neighbourliness a strength of Ghana s diverse society

Ghanaians strongly endorse rule of law but see inequities in how laws are applied

Ghana s decentralization: Locally centralized decision making ill serves its public

AFRICAN CIVIL AVIATION COMMISSION 30 th AFCAC PLENARY SESSION (LIVINGSTONE, ZAMBIA, 4 5 DECEMBER 2018)

Taking stock. Citizen priorities and assessments three years into the SDGs. By Massa Coulibaly, Kaphalo Ségorbah Silwé, and Carolyn Logan

Rule of Law Africa Integrity Indicators Findings

RESULTS FROM THE AFROBAROMETER ROUND 5 SURVEY IN SWAZILAND Swaziland Round 5 Release Event 2

Nigeria s pre-election pulse: Mixed views on democracy and accountability

Social services rank tops in Ugandans priorities, but not in national budget

Nigerians optimistic about economic outlook despite persistent poverty, inadequate services

AFRICA LAW TODAY, Volume 4, Issue 4 (2012)

Appendix Figure 1: Association of Ever- Born Sibship Size with Education by Period of Birth. Bolivia Burkina Faso Burundi Cambodia Cameroon

Presentation 1. Overview of labour migration in Africa: Data and emerging trends

A Foundation for Dialogue on Freedom in Africa

ASSOCIATION OF AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES BYELAWS

PROTOCOL OF THE COURT OF JUSTICE OF THE AFRICAN UNION

Nigeria heads for closest election on record

New Strategies and Strengthening Electoral Capacities. Tangier (Morocco), March 2012

The Africa Public Sector Human Resource Managers Network (APS-HRMnet): Constitution and Rules

Election quality: Ugandans skeptical of electoral commission, back reforms to gain transparency

REPORT ON THE ELECTION OF THE FIFTEEN (15) MEMBERS OF THE PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL OF THE AFRICAN UNION

PROTOCOL OF THE COURT OF JUSTICE OF THE AFRICAN UNION

THEME: FROM NORM SETTING TO IMPLEMENTATION

Intra-Africa Academic Mobility Scheme

Africa Agriculture Transformation Scorecard: Performance and Lessons for the Southern Africa Development Community-SADCSS

MAKING MOVEMENT FOR DEVELOPMENT EASIER IN AFRICA - PRESENTING THE REVAMPED AFDB LAISSEZ-PASSER

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Executive Board

Trust in institutions, evaluations of government performance decline in Cabo Verde

Note to Madagascar s election winner: Crime, infrastructure, and food insecurity most important issues for government to fix

PUBLIC SERVICE IN AFRICA MO IBRAHIM FOUNDATION

Democracy in Africa: Demand, supply, and the dissatisfied democrat. By Robert Mattes

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. Harrowing Journeys: Children and youth on the move across the Mediterranean Sea, at risk of trafficking and exploitation

by Mandla Mataure February 2013

The Constitution of The Pan African Lawyers Union

Africa Center Overview. Impact through Insight

The African strategic environment 2020 Challenges for the SA Army

Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA P. O. Box 3243 Telephone: ; Fax:

Afrobarometer Round 5 Uganda Survey Results: An Economy in Crisis? 1 of 4 Public Release events 26 th /March/2012, Kampala, Uganda

CONVENTION OF THE AFRICAN ENERGY COMMISSION

EAC, COMESA SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area

THE AFRICAN PEER REVIEW MECHANISM (APRM): its role in fostering the implementation of Sustainable development goals

AFRICA S YOUTH: JOBS OR MIGRATION?

Report on Countries That Are Candidates for Millennium Challenge Account Eligibility in Fiscal

The Dynamics of Migration in Sub Saharan Africa: An Empirical Study to Find the Interlinkages of Migration with Remittances and Urbanization.

Improving democracy in spite of political rhetoric

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA REPORT 2018 Migration for Structural Transformation. Patterns and trends of migration

Who says elections in Ghana are free and fair?

Is Malawi losing the battle against Cashgate?

PUBLIC SERVICE IN AFRICA MO IBRAHIM FOUNDATION

Proposed Indicative Scale of Contributions for 2016 and 2017

A new standard in organizing elections

MINIMUM AGE OF CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY: INTERNATIONAL/REGIONAL INSTRUMENTS. African Charter on the rights and Welfare of the Child, 1990

Africans Views of International Organizations

Geoterm and Symbol Definition Sentence. consumption. developed country. developing country. gross domestic product (GDP) per capita

Freedom in Africa Today

ICAO Regional FAL Seminar Cairo, Egypt February 2014

AN ANALYSIS OF THE VOLUNTARINESS OF REFUGEE REPATRIATION IN AFRICA

Transcription:

Dispatch No. 137 27 March 2017 Rejoining the AU, Moroccans bring decidedly mixed attitudes toward regional integration Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 137 David Jacobs and Thomas Isbell Summary On January 31, 2017, the Kingdom of Morocco rejoined the African Union (AU) after a 33- year absence. The country had left the Organisation of African Unity in 1984 after the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) to which Morocco lays claim was acknowledged as an independent state and gained admittance to the continental body (Mohamed, 2017). Rejoining the African Union comes with a commitment to help achieve the organisation s objectives, including to... accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent (African Union, 2002). This aim is again highlighted in the AU s Agenda 2063, which states that... the political unity of Africa will be the culmination of the integration process, including the free movement of people, the establishment of continental institutions, and full economic integration (African Union, 2014). In the wake of Morocco s return to AU membership, we use Afrobarometer survey data to examine Moroccan attitudes toward regional integration and responsibilities. We find that as of November 2015, when the most recent data were collected, only a minority of Moroccans perceive the AU and the regional economic organisation, the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), to be of much help to Morocco. Almost half of Moroccans report difficulties crossing borders, but support for freedom of cross-border movement is limited. Dislike of foreign workers is considerably higher in Morocco than on average across Africa, while support for regional intervention to protect democracy and prevent human-rights abuses is lower than the North African 1 and African averages. Afrobarometer survey Afrobarometer is a pan-african-led, non-partisan research network that conducts public attitude surveys on democracy, governance, economic conditions, and related issues across more than 30 countries in Africa. Six rounds of surveys were conducted between 1999 and 2015, and Round 7 surveys are underway. Afrobarometer conducts face-to-face interviews in the language of the respondent s choice with nationally representative samples of between 1,200 and 2,400 respondents. The Afrobarometer team in Morocco interviewed 1,200 adult Moroccans in November 2015. A sample of this size yields country-level results with a margin of error of +/-3% at a 95% confidence level. One previous survey was conducted in Morocco in 2013. 1 North African countries surveyed by Afrobarometer are Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Sudan, and Tunisia. Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 1

Key findings As of November 2015, few Moroccans see the AU and the Arab Maghreb Union as helpful to their country. About one in three citizens say the two organisations do nothing to help Morocco, while four in 10 say they don t know. Almost half (48%) of Moroccans say they find it difficult or very difficult to cross international borders. Only four in 10 Moroccans () say they think North Africans should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries, well below the average of 56% across 36 surveyed countries. Moroccans are less welcoming than most other Africans to people from different backgrounds. Significant minorities say they would somewhat dislike or strongly dislike living next-door to people of a different religion (33%), people of a different ethnicity (26%), and foreign workers and immigrants (33%) about two to three times average levels of intolerance across surveyed countries. Only one in five Moroccans () say governments have a duty to try to prevent election or human-rights abuses in other countries a lower level of support for regional intervention than across 36 surveyed countries (34%). Limited positive experience with regional organisations Asked whether they perceive the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the AU as helpful to their country, Moroccans most frequent response is that they don't know (Figure 1). About one in three say the regional (34%) and continental (31%) organisations do nothing. Only about one in seven say the AU helps a little bit (15%), somewhat (12%), or a lot (3%), while perceptions of the AMU s helpfulness are even lower (19% a little bit, 6% somewhat, 1% a lot). Figure 1: Perceived helpfulness of regional organisation and African Union Morocco 2015 30% 34% 31% 39% 39% 12% 19% 15% 10% 0% 1% 3% Help a lot 6% Help somewhat Help a little bit Do nothing Don't know Arab Maghreb Union African Union Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how much do each of the following do to help your country, or haven t you heard enough to say: Arab Maghreb Union? African Union? Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 2

These perceptions of the utility of the AU and the regional organisation are the lowest among all African countries surveyed in 2014/2015, far below regional and continental averages. For example, while 7% of Moroccans say their regional organisation helps their country somewhat or a lot, more than five times as many respondents (39%) feel this way across the 34 countries in which this question was asked (Figure 2). Similarly, Moroccans are less than half as likely as other Africans to consider the AU at least somewhat helpful (15% vs. 38%). Figure 2: Perceived helpfulness of regional organisations and AU Morocco and 36-country average* 2014/2015 60% 39% 38% 7% 15% 0% Regional organisation helps somewhat/a lot Morocco AU helps somewhat/a lot Africa average Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how much do each of the following do to help your country, or haven t you heard enough to say: [Regional economic organisation]? African Union? (% who says the organisations help somewhat or a lot ) *Note: Question on regional organisations was not asked in Egypt and Gabon. Difficulty crossing borders and support for free cross-border movement A core objective of regional integration is to facilitate trade and growth by increasing the ease of intra-regional travel and work. Almost half (48%) of Moroccans say they have found it difficult or very difficult to cross international borders, on par with the 36-country average of 51% (Figure 3). Only about one in eight citizens (12%) say crossing borders is easy or very easy, while 29% say they never try and 11% say they don t know. Figure 3: Difficulty crossing international borders Morocco 2015 29% 1% 11% Very difficult 26% Difficult Easy Very easy 22% Never try Don't know 11% Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how easy or difficult is it for people in North Africa to cross international borders in order to work or trade in other countries, or haven t you heard enough to say? Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 3

Despite the reported difficulty of crossing borders, only four in 10 Moroccans () say they think North Africans should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries. This is one of the lowest levels of support for free movement among 36 surveyed countries, well below the average of 56% (Figure 4). Figure 4: Support for free cross-border movement 36 countries 2014/2015 Burkina Faso Benin Kenya Zimbabwe Niger Sierra Leone Guinea Uganda Liberia Swaziland Mali Senegal Burundi Togo Nigeria Côte d'ivoire Ghana Cameroon Average Malawi Mozambique Mauritius South Africa Lesotho Tanzania Zambia Madagascar Cape Verde Sudan Algeria Tunisia Morocco Gabon Botswana Namibia São Tomé and Príncipe Egypt 81% 78% 76% 75% 73% 72% 71% 69% 69% 68% 67% 65% 64% 63% 62% 61% 57% 56% 56% 54% 51% 49% 48% 46% 45% 45% 43% 41% 41% 38% 37% 37% 31% 0% 60% 80% 100% Respondents were asked: Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1: People living in North Africa should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries. Statement 2: Because foreign migrants take away jobs, and foreign traders sell their goods at very cheap prices, governments should protect their own citizens and limit the cross-border movement of people and goods. (% who agree or agree very strongly with free cross-border movement) Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 4

Difficulties crossing borders are most commonly reported by urban, young, economically better off, and educated respondents (Figure 5) groups that are likely to be able to afford or need to travel internationally. In particular, the wealthiest respondents (no lived poverty) are twice as likely as the poorest citizens (high lived poverty) to report problems crossing borders. Similarly, support for free movement is strongest among younger, more educated, and economically better-off Moroccans. Interestingly, Moroccans who are not employed and not seeking employment are considerably more often supportive of free movement than Moroccans who are either employed or looking for work. Figure 5: Experience and attitudes regarding cross-border movement by socio-demographic group Morocco 2015 Urban Rural 39% 44% 51% 18-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years 35% 37% 46% 47% 45% No lived poverty Low lived poverty Moderate lived poverty High lived poverty 29% 38% 38% 36% 44% 46% 44% 57% Post-secondary Secondary Primary No formal education 36% 33% 35% 44% 55% 42% 51% 47% Not employed, not looking Not employed, looking Employed part time Employed full time Respondents were asked: - In your opinion, how easy or difficult is it for people in North Africa to cross international borders in order to work or trade in other countries, or haven t you heard enough to say? - Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1: People living in North Africa should be able to move freely across international borders in order to trade or work in other countries. Statement 2: Because foreign migrants take away jobs, and foreign traders sell their goods at very cheap prices, governments should protect their own citizens and limit the cross-border movement of people and goods. 31% 38% 37% 46% 47% 49% 0% 60% Crossing borders difficult/very difficult Support free movement across borders (agree/agree strongly) Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 5

Attitudes toward people of different backgrounds Greater freedom of movement and integration generally mean greater contact with people from different backgrounds and cultures. In this respect, Moroccans appear to be considerably less welcoming than most other Africans. When asked whether they would like or dislike having neighbours of different religions, different ethnic groups, or different nationalities (immigrants or foreign workers), Moroccans are among the top four among 36 surveyed countries in terms of dislike in all three categories. About one in three Moroccans (33%) say they would somewhat dislike or strongly dislike having people of a different religion as neighbours, compared to only 12%, on average, across 33 African countries where this question was asked (Figure 6). One in four Moroccans (26%) say they would somewhat/strongly dislike living next to people of different ethnicities almost three times the African average (9%). And one-third of Moroccans (33%) say the same about foreign workers and immigrants almost twice as many as the African average of 18%. Even among those who do not have a negative attitude toward people of different backgrounds, Moroccans are considerably less welcoming than most other Africans. For example, only one in 10 Moroccans (10%) say they would actually like (somewhat or strongly) to have immigrants or foreign workers as neighbours, compared to 42% on average across 33 countries, while a majority (56%) say they would not care (vs. 39% across 33 countries). Figure 6: Intolerance of people of different backgrounds Morocco and 33-country average* 2014/2015 33% 33% 30% 26% 18% 10% 12% 9% 0% Different religion Different ethnicity Immigrants/Foreign workers Morocco 33-country average Respondents were asked: For each of the following types of people, please tell me whether you would like having people from this group as neighbours, dislike it, or not care: People of a different religion? People from other ethnic groups? -Immigrants or foreign workers? (% who say they would somewhat dislike or strongly dislike having such people as neighbours) * These questions were not asked in Algeria, Egypt, or Sudan. Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 6

Given that free cross-border movement is intended to facilitate economic growth and intraregional trade, we look deeper into attitudes of Moroccans toward immigrants and foreign workers, as these are most likely to increase in numbers with deepening integration. Young Moroccans (aged 18-29) are more likely than their elders to express tolerant attitudes toward immigrants (71% who say they would somewhat/strongly like or would not care, To further explore this data, please visit Afrobarometer's online data analysis facility at www.afrobarometer.org/online-data-analysis. vs. 64% of respondents aged 30-49 and 58% of those over 49) (Figure 7). Similarly, bettereducated respondents are more likely to be welcoming, ranging from 77% of those with post-secondary qualification to 52% of those with no formal education. Moroccans holding full-time jobs are most likely to express tolerance for foreign workers and immigrants (76%), while those in part-time employment perhaps more vulnerable to competition are least tolerant (53%). Figure 7: Tolerance toward foreign workers and immigrants by socio-demographic group Morocco 2015 Urban Rural 12% 7% 57% 55% 18-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years 13% 8% 6% 52% 56% 58% No lived poverty Low lived poverty Moderate lived poverty High lived poverty 9% 9% 12% 11% 60% 52% 57% 57% No formal education Primary Secondary Post-secondary 3% 8% 12% 13% 49% 51% 55% 64% Not employed, not looking Not employed, looking Employed, part time Employed, full time 10% 14% 6% 10% 54% 56% 47% 66% 0% 60% 80% 100% Somewhat like/strongly like Would not care Respondents were asked: For each of the following types of people, please tell me whether you would like having people from this group as neighbours, dislike it, or not care: Immigrants or foreign workers? Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 7

Regional intervention vs. national sovereignty As Cohen and O'Neill note (2006, p. 52), The AU is the world's only regional or international organisation that explicitly recognizes the right to intervene in a member state on humanitarian and human rights grounds. One Afrobarometer question asks citizens whether they think governments have a duty to try to protect democracy and human rights in other countries in the region, for example by using political pressure, economic sanctions, or military force, or whether they should respect the independence of other countries and allow them to make their own decisions. Only one in five Moroccans () agree or agree very strongly that governments must try to prevent abuses in other countries a lower level of support for regional intervention than across North African countries (25%) and across 36 surveyed countries (34%) (Figure 8). Twothirds (67%) of Moroccans instead say respect for national sovereignty is more important than trying to protect free elections and human rights. Urban residents and respondents aged 18-49 are somewhat more supportive of regional intervention than rural and older respondents (Figure 9). Other socio-demographic patterns are less clear. Figure 8: Support for regional responsibility to protect democracy and human rights Morocco, North Africa, and 36-country average 2014/2015 34% 30% 25% 10% 0% Morocco North Africa average 36-country average Respondents were asked: Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1: The governments of each country in North Africa have a duty to try to guarantee free elections and prevent human rights abuses in other countries in the region, for example by using political pressure, economic sanctions or military force. Statement 2: Each country in this region should respect the independence of other countries and allow them to make their own decisions about how their country should be governed. (% who agree or agree very strongly with responsibility to protect democracy and human rights in other countries) Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 8

Figure 9: Support for regional responsibility to protect democracy and human rights by socio-demographic group Morocco 2015 Urban Rural 15% 23% 18-29 years 30-49 years 50+ years 21% 16% No lived poverty Low lived poverty Moderate lived poverty High lived poverty 7% 23% 17% 25% No formal education Primary Secondary Post-secondary 16% 21% 22% 19% Not employed, not looking Not employed, looking Employed part time Employed full time 19% 23% 19% 0% 10% 30% Respondents were asked: Which of the following statements is closest to your view? Statement 1: The governments of each country in North Africa have a duty to try to guarantee free elections and prevent human rights abuses in other countries in the region, for example by using political pressure, economic sanctions or military force. Statement 2: Each country in this region should respect the independence of other countries and allow them to make their own decisions about how their country should be governed. (% who agree or agree very strongly with responsibility to protect democracy and human rights in other countries) Conclusion Morocco s return to AU membership opens new possibilities for Moroccan business across the continent but may also open the country to the consequences of greater regional integration. Moroccans have limited positive experiences with the AU and the Arab Maghreb Union; the largest group of respondents in Morocco say they don t know whether the continental and regional organisations help their country or not. While many report difficulties in crossing borders, Moroccans are significantly less supportive than most Africans of free cross-border movement. Moroccans are also considerably less welcoming than most other Africans to people of other religions, ethnicities, or nationalities, as well as less supportive of regional intervention to protect democracy and human rights. Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 9

References African Union. (2002). Constitutive Act. www.lawschool.cornell.edu/.../upload/au-constitutive-actof-the-african-union.pdf. African Union. (2014). Agenda 2063. archive.au.int/assets/images/agenda2063.pdf. Cohen, R., & O'Neill, W. G. (2006). Last stand in Sudan? Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 62(2), 51-58. Mohamed, H. (2017). Morocco rejoins the African Union after 33 years. Al Jazeera. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/morocco-rejoins-african-union-33-years- 170131084926023.html. David Jacobs is an assistant director in the Department of Economic Development and Tourism in the Western Cape, South Africa. Email: david.jacobs2@westerncape.gov.za. Thomas Isbell is a PhD student at the University of Cape Town in South Africa. Email: tisbell@afrobarometer.org. Afrobarometer is produced collaboratively by social scientists from more than 30 African countries. Coordination is provided by the Center for Democratic Development (CDD) in Ghana, the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) in South Africa, the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) at the University of Nairobi in Kenya, and the Institute for Empirical Research in Political Economy (IREEP) in Benin. Michigan State University (MSU) and the University of Cape Town (UCT) provide technical support to the network. Core support for Afrobarometer Rounds 5 and 6 has been provided by the UK s Department for International Development (DFID), the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and the World Bank. For more information, please visit www.afrobarometer.org. Afrobarometer Dispatch No. 137 27 March 2017 Copyright Afrobarometer 2017 10