Bogumil Terminski The concept of human security as a tool for analysing the consequences of development-induced displacement and resettlement. Introduction Extensive research on development-induced displacement within the institutional framework of the World Bank began in earnest in the mid seventies. 1 However, as early as the end of the fifties, sociologists were aiding Egyptian authorities in planning the resettlement of Nubian communities during the construction of Aswan High Dam. The next decade witnessed a period of extensive research on the social costs of dam building in Africa, undertaken on the basis of applied anthropology and sociology. The research report entitled Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural Development (edited by Michael M. Cernea), published by the World Bank in 1985, is considered one of the first attempts to conceptualize this issue. Research on developmentinduced displacement is therefore developed in parallel to another influential category of internal displacement: environmentally-induced displacement (then studied under the concept of 'environmental refugees'). 2 Studies conducted on the initiative of the World Bank have been marked from the outset by strong indicators of negative social consequences resulting from development projects. Since the mid-fifties, the World Bank has been strongly criticized for politicizing their financial support, for the lack of control over the consequences of lending, and for other activities leading to the deterioration of the situation for people in developing countries. 3 In February 1980 the World Bank adopted its first policy on involuntary resettlement caused by development projects. 4 In recent years, the social consequences of development-induced displacement have 1 T. Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional, and Political Costs, Earthscan London, 2005. 2 The concept of environmental refugees was popularised in 1976 by the founder of Worldwatch Institute, Lester Brown. The first attempt to conceptualize this issue was a 44-page report by Essam El-Hinnawi published in 1985. 3 T. Forsythe (ed.), Encyclopedia of International Development, Routledge, 2005, pp. 621. 4 The first World Bank policy of involuntary resettlement was Operational Manual Statement (OMS 2.33) from 1980. The policy of involuntary resettlement was revised in 1990 as so-called Operational Directive 4.30 (OD 4.30). In 2003 Operational Policy 4.12 (OP 4.12) on involuntary resettlement was adopted. See: Involuntary Resettlement Sourcebook. Planning and Implemantation in Development Projects, World Bank Publications, 2004 p. 3; L. Mehta, Displaced by Development: Confronting Marginalisation and Gender Injustice, SAGE Publications, 2009, p. 223.
garnered increasing attention from specialists in several disciplines. Among the most prominent of these we can mention the study of: human development (development studies), human rights, internal displacement (refugee studies, forced migration studies, IDPs studies), sociology, social anthropology (applied anthropology, human ecology), and security issues. Let us now consider the key elements and research questions posed by representatives of each of these areas. Research conducted by specialists on human development has focused on identifying the impact of development projects in order to improve the situation and maximize the well being of persons within their circle of impact. 5 Development projects often lead to long-term economic and social benefits (e.g. decrease in energy prices, easy access to water, new jobs, development of tourism industry, modernization of society, and better adaptation of vulnerable groups to the new realities). Equally often, however, these projects cause irreversible marginalization or even extermination for persons residing in the immediate vicinity. 6 Development projects such as dams are a root cause of poverty and of the marginalization of vulnerable groups. Therefore, these developments do not contribute overall to economic development or to the opportunity for the surrounding communities to improve their position in society. According to some studies the vast majority of development projects in India did not contribute to the growing of well-being of people affected by its consequences. Rather, such projects often result in negative dynamics of well being. Development-caused displacement often leads to a decrease in all six basic dimensions of human development, mentioned by the UNDP (equity, empowerment, cooperation, sustainability, security, and productivity). 7 Research undertaken by development studies specialists focuses on the analysis of development projects in the context of more general political and economic factors. According to liberal development paradigms, socially costly modernization is the only way to improve the 5 C.J. De Wet (ed.), Development-induced Displacement: Problems, Policies, and People, Berghahn Books, 2002, p. 6; K. Koser, Refugees [in] D. Clark (ed.), The Elgar Companion to Development Studies, Edward Elgar, 2006, p. 500. 6 W. Fernandes, "Development-Induced Displacement and Tribal Women" [in] G.Ch. Rath (ed.), Tribal Development in India: The Contemporary Debate, SAGE, 2006, p. 112. 7 M. Rodwan Abouharb, D. Cingranelli, Human Rights and Structural Adjustment, Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 30.
situation in developing countries. This perception of the problem was characterized, for example, by Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who called big dams temples of modern India. 8 In recent years, aggressive development policy is increasingly being replaced by the concepts of sustainable development and long-term growth. These concepts recognize the need for decision-makers to consider the non-economic conditions of large investments. These include environmental factors and the situation of the communities most vulnerable to the consequences of the development projects (mostly tribal, rural, and indigenous people with limited mechanisms for adaptation to new conditions of life). According to W. Fernandes, the implementation of sustainable development strongly depends on understanding the problems of vulnerable groups and expanding their rights (e.g. the right to rehabilitation). 9 Analyses conducted by human rights experts are focused on the legal mechanisms which support people who are displaced or affected by development projects. 10 The development of the concept of third-generation human rights, particularly indigenous rights, the right to development, and the right to environment, have had a significant impact on the aforementioned line of research. Already in those years, not only the political and social rights of indigenous people were emphasized, but also their cultural privileges, freedom of self-determination, and the right to continue their current mode of life in an unaltered environment. Increasingly, the economic rights of local communities were stressed, such as profiting from the extraction of valuable resources in their territories. A particularly strong interest in the social context of development-induced displacement was taken by human rights specialists in India. The first social movements opposed to big development projects (Mulshi Satyagraha) were already established in India by the twenties of the last century. 11 Several years of debate on the consequences of the Sardar Sarovar Project on the 8 S. Kothari, Whose Nation? The Displaced as Victims of Development, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No. 24 (Jun. 15, 1996), pp. 1476-1485; H. Sims, Moved, left no address: dam construction, displacement and issue salience, Public Administration and Development, Vol. 21, Issue 3, August 2001, p. 187-200. 9 W. Fernandes, Development induced displacement and sustainable development, Social Change, Vol. 3, No. 1, March/June 2001, p. 87-103. 10 B. Pettersson, Development-induced displacement: internal affair or international human rights issue, Forced Migration Review, Vol. 12, January 2002, p. 16-19; P. Culleft, Human Rights and Displacement: The Indian Supreme Court Decision on Sardar Sarovar in International Perspective, International and Comparative Law Quarterly, Vol. 50, 2001, p. 973-987. 11 R. Vora, World's First Anti-Dam Movement: Mulshi Satyagraha 1920-1924, Permanent Black, 2009.
Narmada river contributed to a large extent to the development of the Indian NGO sector (Narmada Bachao Andolan). The phenomenon of development-induced displacement around the world is becoming an object of growing interest for human rights specialists. Interest in the problem is no longer restricted to those affected and narrow academic circles in developing countries. Development projects as a cause of internal displacement were listed in the Guiding Principles of Internal Displacement (1998) and the Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (2009). However, the situation of people displaced by internal conflicts is commented upon much more frequently than are the problems of over 15 million development displacees per year. 12 The study of internal displacement is of fundamental importance for conceptualizing the aforementioned problems. Development-induced displacement is now a fully autonomous area of research. Among the most respected specialists in this particular field we should mention authors such as M. Cernea, W. Fernandes, P. Penz, P. Bose, Ch. De Wet, Ch. McDowell, W.C Robinson, L. Mehta and T. Scudder. Research on development-induced displacement, aided by the practical activity of research institutions and governmental centres, is dynamic in India. The books and activities of Booker Award-winning Indian novelist Arundhati Roy have gone a long way toward popularizing this problem in the Western world. Thayer Scudder, an American social anthropologist who has analyzed the social consequences of the construction of large dams in Africa for nearly fifty years, is an author of several influential works on dam-related resettlement in the context of anthropology and human ecology 13. His recent book, entitled The Future of Large Dams, combines elements of many social sciences from human ecology to environmental risk and displacement studies. Among the most prominent publications on development-induced displacement in recent 12 According to Michael M. Cernea, development projects are a root cause of displacement of 15 million people per year. 13 T. Scudder, The Human Ecology of Big Projects: River Basin Development and Resettlement, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 2, 1973, pp. 45-55; T. Scudder, A Sociological framework for the analysis of new land settlements [in] M.M. Cernea (ed.), Putting people first. Sociological variables of rural development, World Bank Publications, 1985, p. 121-153; T. Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional and Political Costs, Earthscan, London, 2005.
years are: Displacement by Development: Ethics, Rights and Responsibilities (2011); Development's Displacements: Ecologies, Economies, and Cultures at Risk (2007) and Development-Induced Displacement, Rehabilitation and Resettlement in India (2011). 14 The last major discipline for analyzing the consequences of development-induced displacement is the study of soft security issues (mainly the concept of human security). The origins of these studies can be dated back to the early nineties consequences of the collapse of a bipolar international system. 15 Research undertaken on the relationship between environmentally-induced or disaster-induced displacement and human security has grown rapidly in recent years. This seems largely to be a consequence of recent intense discourse on environmental security and climate change, dating back to the late eighties (see the studies by specialists from the so-called Copenhagen School of International Relations and Security Studies). This current attitude toward climate change, which is to a great extent independent of political factors, increasingly penetrates the imagination and discourse of international organizations. In other words, while politics do not create the observable effects of climate change, the international community does have the choice to implement mechanisms that prevent the enlargement of these effects, and thus to improve the situation of affected communities. Interestingly, environmentally-induced displacement is perceived as a problem of a much more international character than development-induced displacement, which is normally considered contained within national boundaries. However, we can mention at least two famous causes of development-induced displacement which created transnational population mobility (the consequences of the construction of the Mangla and Kaptai dams). 16 In a very short period of time, major natural disasters such as earthquake-generated tsunami may cause adverse changes in the security level of several million people in dozens of countries. In just one day, the Asian tsunami of December 2004 strongly affected the level of security in more than 10 14 P. Penz, J. Drydyk, P.S. Bose, Displacement by Development: Ethics, Rights and Responsibilities, Cambridge University Press, 2011; P. Vandergeest, P. Idahosa, P.S. Bose, Development's Displacements: Ecologies, Economies, and Cultures at Risk, University of British Columbia Press, 2007; S. Somayaji, S. Talwar, Development-Induced Displacement, Rehabilitation and Resettlement in India, Routledge, 2011. 15 S. Neil MacFarlane, Yuen Foong Khong, Human Security and the United Nations, Indiana University Press, 2006, p. 220. 16 People displaced due to dam construction became refugees and immigrants.
countries. Development-induced displacement seems to be a much slower and more predictable process than disaster-induced displacement, or even than the long-term consequences of environmental change. So far, development-induced displacement is not a subject of considerable interest to specialists in the field of human security. Taking into account the analytical uses of some of the concepts of security, this seems strange, to say the least. The most renowned conceptual frameworks of development-induced displacement have much in common with the discourse on human security. Let us here mention, among others, the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR) by Romanian sociologist Michael M. Cernea. 17 The combination of human security concepts with the theoretical recognition of development-induced displacement would be an extremely valuable stream of research. An equally inspiring direction might be the study of the consequences of development-induced displacement on the basis of other disciplines such as human development, political economics, and ethics (e.g. the ethical requirements of development). We can mention at this point the inspiring research undertaken by Jay Drydyk from the Department of Philosophy at Carleton University ( Development-Induced Displacement and John Rawls`s General Conception of Justice ). Planning and implementing standards for large development projects depends primarily on the country s development politics, local administration, political decision-makers, and business sector. It is therefore a reflection of economic and political interests, and the pursuit of decisions made within a narrow circle of administration. Such decision-making processes should obviously reflect a concern for all citizens and contribute to improving the situation of the vast majority and creating the smallest possible number of displaced or affected people. Contemporary development policy is a highly collective construct, dependent on the interests of central government, and distant from the people. Decisions to resettle thousands of people in remote regions of the country are made at central offices by people unrelated to the area. Yet citizens should be the main actors in 17 M.M. Cernea, Risks, Safeguards and Reconstruction: A Model for Population Displacement and Resettlement, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 41, (Oct. 7-13, 2000), pp. 3659-3678.
economic development, as beneficiaries of modernization, rather than just being affected by increasing marginalization and social disarticulation. For research on development studies to progress, it is necessary that it evolve from a primary interest in national and international economic interests to a primary interest in social relations and the individual circumstances of the people. The academic study of human security provides a chance for the realization of this postulate for a greater understanding of the consequences of development policies in several parts of the world. Human security can also be a valuable analytical tool for many other reasons. In developing the next generation of human rights, we are seeing the focus shift away from social relations between the state and the specific individuals at risk of discrimination, and towards the relationship between the state and the situation of whole categories of people (e.g. migrants, displaced people, sexual minorities, indigenous people, etc.). The concept of human security is a thoroughly individualistic one. With its conceptual proximity to human rights, human development, and the demands of sustainable development, it is possible to conduct far reaching multidisciplinary analyses. The classification of human security, included in the Human Development Report published in 1994 is no less analytically useful than the IRR model. 18 Human security is not a static theoretical construct whose application is limited to academic debates, which are difficult to understand and distant from the people. The attainment of practical goals is demanded, such as the people s release from the greatest threats having an impact on their daily functioning. What is development-induced displacement and resettlement? The beginning of contemporary studies on the consequences of internal displacement can be dated back to the mid seventies of the last century. It was then stressed that internal displacement in developing countries is generated by many non-political factors. Contemporary research in this 18 More on IRR model: M.M. Cernea, Risks, Safeguards and Reconstruction: A Model for Population Displacement and Resettlement, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 41, October 7-13, 2000, p. 3659-3678; M.M. Cernea, Ch. McDowell, Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees, World Bank Publications, 2000; M.M. Cernea, Financing for Development: Benefit-Sharing Mechanisms in Population Resettlement, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 12, March 24-30, 2007, p. 1033-1046.
particular area was encouraged to develop not only by the consequences of the modernization of developing countries (dams, mining, urbanization, etc.) but also by: current social and demographic factors (e.g. a population boom in Asia, demographic pressures, and lack of food); natural disasters (e.g. cyclones in South Asia); long-term environmental problems (e.g. desertification, drought in Africa); and even the problems of famine and epidemic disease. Initially the research led to the formation of our still-functioning classification of internal displacement into four basic categories: conflict-induced displacement; environmentally-induced displacement (associated with long-term climate processes); disaster-induced displacement; and development-induced displacement. 19 The categories of development-induced displacement and environmentally-induced displacement have occurred in the scientific literature since the mid-eighties. The category of conflict-induced displacement has a far shorter history. It began to appear in the literature in the early nineties. Definitely no later than that, one began to hear about the problem of disaster-induced displacement. The origins of advanced research in this area occur around the second half of the nineties. According to experts estimations, more than 250 million people have been displaced by development projects over the past twenty years. In 1995 Michael Cernea referred to 100 million people displaced by development within the previous ten years. 20 Already in the nineties, the number of persons displaced as a result of investment projects were estimated at least ten million people each year. This figure is mentioned in the book Development-Induced Displacement. Problems, Policies and People (edited by Chris de Wet), published in 2005 by Berghahn Books. 21 According to Anthony Oliver-Smith and Laura Westra, the current dynamics of developmentinduced displacement are maintained at about 15 million people per year. Most of these dynamics can be observed in India and China, the two most populous countries which promote patterns of 19 Classification presented above is based on very simply. The reasons for the several categories of resettlement often merge into each other. 20 K. Koser, Refugees [in] D. Clark (ed.), The Elgar Companion to Development Studies, Edward Elgar, 2006, p. 500. In Cernea`s report from 2004 we can find the number of 200 million development-induced displaced people during the last 20 years see: M.M. Cernea, Impoverishment Risks, Risk Management, and Reconstruction: A model of population displacement and resettlement, Paper presented to the UN symposium on Hydropower and sustainable development, Beijing, 2004. 21 See also: K. H. Redford and E. Fearn, Protected areas and human displacement, Working Paper, No. 27, Wildlife Conservation Society, April 2007.
intensive and extremely costly socio-economic development. 22 In India alone, large-scale development projects such as dams have led to the displacement of more than 60 million people over the last sixty years. According to the estimations of the China National Center for Research on Resettlement, during the period 1950-2000, more than 45 million people were resettled in the country as a result of different types of development projects. The estimates presented in this issue by other expert bodies oscillate in the range of 40-70 million. According to Taneja and Thakkar (2000), between the years 1947 and 2000 as a result of large dam investments in India, 21-40 million people were resettled. As stated by Fernandes, Das and Rao (1989) between 1948 and 1988 alone, the construction of dams in India displaced more than 21 million people. 23 According to more recent studies the total number of displaced people in India, following development projects, can be estimated between the years 1947-2010 at 55 million people. The construction of large dams in Africa (Kariba Dam, Aswan Dam, Akosombo Dam, Merowe Dam, the Gibe III Dam in Ethiopia) and in Latin America (Cabore Bassa, Tucurui, Itaipu, Belo Monte) also contributes to the large scale of the problem. The most dynamic category of internal displacement today is disaster-induced displacement. According to estimates produced by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), in recent years at least 15 million people per annum are forced to flee their homes following natural disasters such as cyclones, earthquake generated tsunamis, and floods. 24 Methodological disputes and lack of detailed data about the scale of environmentally-induced displacement make it difficult to count the global scale of that problem. It seems that the number of people displaced by drought, desertification, soil degradation, and the consequences of these processes may be on a similar global scale as development-induced displacement. Disaster-induced displacement is so far the largest and the most dynamic category of involuntary internal mobility. The last and most well-known category of internal displacement is conflict-induced 22 J. Stanley, "Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement", available at:www.forcedmigration.org 23 W. Fernandes, J.C. Das, S. Rao, Displacement and Rehabilitation: An Estimate of Extent and Prospects [in] W. Fernandes and E. Ganguly Thukral (eds.) Development Displacement and Rehabilitation New Delhi: Indian Social Institute, 1989. 24 Global estimates 2011. People displaced by natural hazard-induced disasters, IDMC-NRC, July 2012.
displacement. According to the figures from 2006 it amounted to more than 20 million IDPs in 52 countries. The continent with the largest IDP population is Africa, with some 11,8 million in 21 countries. The problems of development-displaced persons are not only created by economic factors, but also political factors such as those that affect the legal systems and standards of human rights protection within a given country. Principles of individualism, property rights, and effectively working legal institutions work together to ensure that no highly developed country can afford to realize development projects which have high social costs. Instead, almost all of these types of projects are taking place in countries ruled in an authoritarian manner with little culture of individualism, limited political participation by local communities, and lack of opposition to authority. The more authoritarian a government is, the greater is the potential scale of developmentinduced displacement, because the mechanisms of protection are affected by the centralization of power, the lack of NGOs, etc. Displacement caused by the implementation of development projects is the most irreversible category of forced internal migration. It is at least theoretically possible for displacees from the consequences of wars, disasters, or even long-term environmental change to return to their previous areas of residence. However, irreversible environmental changes caused by development projects (for example, the creation of artificial lakes) sometimes completely inhibit a return to former places of residence. This difference is of great importance in the analysis of the social and cultural consequences of development-induced displacement. International refugees and persons displaced as a result of armed conflicts within states often hope to return to their homes. Many Palestinians still have the keys to the homes they abandoned following conflict in the Middle East. Yet much development-induced displacement completely disrupts the bond between human and territory, and thus disrupts the history, culture, and sense of community. That is why the application of the community dimension of human security is a crucial area for research. Among the main causes of development-induced displacement, we can note: a) dam-related
projects (e.g. the creation of artificial water reservoirs, dams, hydroelectric power plants, bridges, irrigation systems, and artificial channels); b) the development of communication infrastructure (e.g. roads, highways, railways, airports, etc.); c) urbanization (including such things as public transport and water supply systems); d) the transformation of urban space (e.g. liquidation of favelas); e) the expansion of agricultural land (including the creation of large monoculture plantations); f) the creation of national parks, reserves, or other area of protection of the biosphere (conservation of nature); g) the consequences of commercial logging; h) the increased exploitation of mineral resources (e.g. gold, copper, coal, oil, gas, etc.). 25 Applying the concept of human security to research on the consequences of development-induced displacement and resettlement. The concept of human security seems to be a particularly useful tool for analysis of the situation of individuals and communities experiencing challenges which are sudden and difficult to anticipate. In contrast to national legislation or human rights law, human security does not focus on legal protection or judicial activity. This separation from the static analysis of the problem of legal categories can draw attention to wider types of changes. Many of the problems affecting displaced people are very difficult to consider using the lens of violation of law. Let us take for instance some community and psychological consequences of resettlement. Applying legal categories to study the social consequences of development-induced displacement raises some problems. Do economic development and the realization of the interests of the majority justify violations of human rights of members of local communities? According to many experts, the implementation of a Western model of human rights in the realities of developing countries is very difficult or even completely impossible. The only tool for the long-term realization of human rights must be intense and costly social development. Does economic development, however, always lead to the extension of human 25 A. Rew, E. Fisher, B. Pandey, Addressing Policy Constraints and Improving Outcomes in Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement Projects (Final Report), Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales Swansea, 2000.
rights, democracy, and freedom? Human rights law is an important concept for the interpretation of the consequences of development-induced displacement. We can analyze the consequences of development-induced displacement and the problems affecting displaced people in the context of the violation of individual and collective categories of human rights and the dynamics of national human rights protection. Let us list here the fundamental human rights (right to life, dignity, and personal freedom), civil and political rights (right to participate in public life and social protest against decisions of authorities), social rights (right to health, housing rights, right to access to social services, right to work, protection against unemployment), cultural rights (right to preserve cultural identity in a changing world), the collective human rights of the third and fourth generation (right to peace, right to participation in economic development, right to human development, the use of an unspoiled environment, the rights of category of minorities and excluded groups: forced migrants, displaced people, indigenous people, ethnic and religious minorities). The Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR Model) created by Michael M. Cernea is an advanced scientific construct, combining theoretical and empirical elements. At the empirical level, it is based on the results of the reports and experiences of development projects in many parts of the world. 26 Its theoretical foundation is grounded primarily in the social sciences: sociology and anthropology. Analyzing the author's reflections on the consequences of resettlement, we can clearly see the inspiration from sociology, human rights, human security, and the concept of social exclusion. The development of the IRR model should be considered a real breakthrough in the study of involuntary resettlement. This model significantly influenced the policies of the World Bank in financing major development projects and establishing standards for their implementation in many parts of the world. The creation of the IRR model should be considered a milestone in resettlement studies. Prior to its publication, specialists in this particular area focused attention almost exclusively on the subject of displacement. The IRR model contributed to the rapid 26 M.M. Cernea Risks, safeguards, and reconstruction: a model for population displacement and resettlement [in] M.M. Cernea, Ch. McDowell (eds.), Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees,World Bank Publications, 2000, p. 9; R. Dwivedi, Models and Methods in Development Induced Displacement (Review Article), Development and Change, Vol. 33, Issue 4, September 2002, pp. 709-732.
development of resettlement studies within the framework of the World Bank. It should be used by all those responsible for large projects and the planning, implementation, and consequences of resettlement. Many of the negative consequences of resettlement can be avoided (or at least limited) at the planning stage. But both goodwill and knowledge of the economic, social, and cultural profiles of the displaced persons are necessary. Expenditure on resettlement should be considered an important part of the total cost of any project. The second important theoretical model of risk is Colson-Scudder four stage model from 1982. 27 Initial studies on minimizing the risks caused by displacement can be dated back to the sixties (Robert Fernea, Thayer Scudder). It was only the activity of scholars such as Butcher, Scott Guggenheim, and Michael Cernea, begun in the seventies, which led to the impressive development of the discipline in the eighties and nineties. In particular, aid for the identification of hazards caused by resettlement is created by the last of these specialists IRR Model. This model identifies eight threats affecting the normal functioning of displaced people: a) landlessness, b) joblessness, c) homelessness, d) marginalization, e) food insecurity, f) loss of access to common property, g) morbidity, and e) social disarticulation. The classification established by M. Cernea seems to reflect the most important negative consequences of development. In one sense, it is a rather theoretical and closed sociological construct. That is, it leaves little space for personal interpretation and is difficult to extend or modify; as it forms the base of certain World Bank directives, one cannot simply modify it easily. By contrast, human security and human rights are more general concepts. However, the shining merit of the IRR model is to draw attention to the individual and community insecurity risks, which is similar to the concept of human security. When the IRR model is conformed to the concepts of collective human rights and the importance of human security of the community, IRR is a much more accurate way to analyze the threats affecting displaced people. Because the IRR model is a very practical theoretical background precisely designed for 27 M.M. Cernea, Ch. McDowell, Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees, World Bank Publications, 2000, p. 15.
understanding development-displaced people, it is therefore much easier to apply IRR to specific problems associated with development-induced displacement than it is to apply more general human-rights or human-security approaches. However, we must at the same time remember that DIDR is a highly diverse process worldwide. The concept of human security is still very rarely applied in the analysis of the social consequences of development-induced displacement. To this date, we can mention only two studies published in this particular area. The article of G. Caspary, The Impacts of Development-induced Displacement on Human Security (a study of dam finance) published in Human Security Journal, 28 should be recognised as the most important work in this area. Besides a short introduction, however, it does not contain broad references to the concept of human security and its practical implementation in the study of displacement or resettlement. Analysis of the issue only in the context of the financial aspect of the construction of dams restricts reflection on other categories of development-induced displacement. Construction of dams and hydropower plants over the past years are the largest category of development-induced displacement. According to Rew, Fisher and Pandey (2000) the creation of dams and hydropower plants is the cause of over 26% of development-induced displacement worldwide. 29 The contemporary picture of this phenomenon is, however, much more diverse. We recently can observe a growing scale of displacement caused by the extraction of raw materials (such as oil development-induced displacement, mining-induced displacement), the expansion of agriculture (e.g. the creation of palm oil plantations in Borneo), and the conservation of nature (e.g. national parks in Africa). Gita Bharali from NESCR has used the concept of human security in analysing the consequences of development-induced displacement in the Assam Indian region. 30 This study is an interesting combination of theoretical considerations (security as a human right, an analysis of development-induced displacement in the context of 28 G. Caspary, The Impacts of Development-induced Displacement on Human Security (a study of dam finance), Human Security Journal, Vol. 4, 2007, p. 70-81. 29 A. Rew, E. Fisher, B. Pandey, Addressing Policy Constraints and Improving Outcomes in Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement Projects (Final Report), Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales Swansea, 2000. 30 G. Bharali, Development-Induced Displacement and Human Security in Assam, Paper presented at the Seminar on Human Security, Department of Political Science, Gauhati University, November 17-18, 2006.
development policy and security of local communities, the paradigms of modern development) with very interesting facts about the practical situation in this Indian region. The concept of human security may become a far better tool for analysis of the social consequences of development-induced displacement. This is for several reasons. Human security is a highly interdisciplinary concept, strongly connected with human rights, well-being, and development. This concept successfully breaks a state-oriented perspective and institutional considerations, which are typical for traditional security paradigms. The central actors of human security are people, and this concept is focused on the social processes associated with recently observed global problems. An emphasis on community security means that we can analyze the situation of whole communities that are affected by the afore-mentioned problems. Human security highlights the active role of local actors (individuals, families, tribes, rural communities, minorities) in minimizing dangers affecting everyday life. The concept of human security also encompasses not only food insecurity but also the health and environmental problems of vulnerable groups. It is important to highlight that development-induced displaced people (DIDPs) are only one small part of the whole Project Affected People (PAP) community. These problems should be considered a primary threat to development-induced displaced people. The concept of human security also emphasizes the participation of non-state actors (for example, intergovernmental organizations, social movements, NGOs) in minimizing the risks affecting the individuals. The implementation of human security involves not only governments, but a broader participation of different actors: from regional organizations to the most basic social groups (families, local communities). The protection and assistance of development-induced displaced people now requires the increasing involvement of international actors and NGOs. According to the notion of human security, people are not passive participants in social processes. The right of appeal cannot be limited to more passive assistance activities, such as judicial assistance from NGOs. Ordinary citizens must also make their own active contribution in strengthening well-being and minimizing risks of displacement. As we know, the success or failure of resettlement to a large extent depends on the actions of the affected
communities. If local communities are not consolidated in the defense of their rights, their interests will never be fully respected by the government and large corporations. It is not really only about protest and strengthening bargaining positions, but also about the involvement of local communities in minimizing the social consequences of resettlement. Even the most integrated local communities are not able to effectively defend their rights without the support of external institutions. Equally important is the friendly attitude and support of local communities in their place of residence (integration). Human security is therefore a thoroughly anthropocentric concept, recognizing the fact that the individuals and social groups do influence decision-making and can change the world. In contrast to human rights models, which are based on legal and institutional concepts, the human security model does not focus only on passive support and the monitoring of the situation of displaced persons. An important element of a human security approach is postulating an active role for local communities in minimizing their risks and the enlargement of human choices. Human security and human development are much more dynamic categories than human rights law, which often depends on political interests and the will of the state. Also worth noting is the relationship between the concept of human security and the issues surrounding development. Development-induced displacement is one of the most significant consequences of industrialization and modernization. The concept of human development, popular since the early nineties, was formed as a challenge to the dominant liberal theories of development. It recommends that those responsible for planning and implementing development policy should take social factors into account, such as: the freedom of a human being to his or her own path of development, freedom of choice, the possibility of remedy for health problems, access to education, consideration of environmental factors, or reduction of poverty. As experts note, lack of human security has large consequences for economic growth and thus for the development of every human being. The shape of development affects not only the top-down political decisions, but also basic human freedom and the quest for well-being. Socially costly development, such as, for example, development-induced displacement, increases inequality, reducing the level of security and well-
being, and may become a cause of violent conflicts. The relationship between human security and gender issues is worthy of emphasis. Women and children are the groups most greatly affected by the negative consequences of displacement and resettlement. Among the most important problems identified by specialists are health risks (including reproductive health, epidemic diseases, and mental problems), the challenges of changing lifestyles, and housing problems in the new place of residence. The security of women is particularly threatened by inadequate access to resources and opportunities. Resettlement limits the economic activity of women and lowers their position within the local communities. The concept of human security seeks to improve the position of women through better access to education and health services, the reduction of various forms of discrimination, and greater participation in decision-making. The following table illustrates the most influential concepts useful in the analysis of the consequences of development-induced displacement. Some of them are distinct and established theoretical concepts (e.g. human rights). We must keep in mind the dual nature of human rights as both an element of legal doctrine and a social idea. Concepts of human security and development studies are a dynamic area of research. The study on the consequences of development-induced displacement can also be based on sociology (marginalization and social exclusion, the postcolonial approach, or even feminism), philosophy (for example, the general theory of justice by John Rawls, ethical approaches such as that of Jay Drydyk, etc.) or social anthropology and human ecology (Thayer Scudder). 1. Human Rights. Analyses in this area are focused on defining the categories of rights violated especially frequently during the displacement and resettlement process, and the legal basis of the practical assistance to displaced and affected people. Analysis on the basis of human rights is particularly useful: 1 in taking action to adequately compensate for the consequences of resettlement, 2 in forcing government to make changes in the laws designed to better protect the displaced, 3 as an introduction to the most relevant forms of assistance for displaced people
undertaken by several actors: NGOs, governments, and humanitarian institutions. The treatment of displaced people is an indicator of the general level of respect for human rights in specific countries. The worst situation prevails in countries affected by armed conflict, authoritarian regimes, and finally failed states. 2. Human Security. Studies in this area should take into account the impact of development projects and the displacement they cause with regards to the various categories of security. Development projects can contribute to the economic modernization of a country yet at the same time strongly decrease the level of human development of its most affected communities. It is necessary to analyze how development projects can increase the future security and stability of all affected populations. In contrast to human development, based on the categories of well being, the primary point of reference for human security is a category of risk. 3. Human Development. Studies in this area should answer the question of how to translate development projects into increased wealth, productivity, access to education, and human wellbeing. Development-induced displacement, in many countries of the world, does not translate into improved living conditions for the displaced people. There are, however, examples where resettlement has led to improved health conditions and housing situation, access to education, and social services for the displaced people. The concept of human development assumes that every human being has a great potential, regardless of where s/he lives, of social condition, and of financial resources. It is most important to provide the tools needed for development (such as microcredits in India, proper access to social services, and access to basic resources such as water). Particularly important is the assistance of displaced people which is provided by civil society institutions (NGOs, integration within local communities). The greatest catastrophe is the displacement of the population to foreign territories without the creation of opportunities for growth, thereby reducing human development. 4. Sociology (marginalization, social exclusion, postcolonial perspectives, several feministic concepts, etc.). Sociological research helps us to determine what barriers cause economic
development to maximise the existing problems of already very marginalised communities, rather than to help improve the social situation that still maximizes the problems already very marginalized communities. Indigenous people often remain completely outside the main flow of society. Development projects, therefore, result in several forms of economic marginalization of groups which are already intensely affected. A sociological approach helps to determine the needs of communities which are experiencing resettlement and are affected by risks. A sociological analysis of experience in this field helps to avoid repeating the same mistakes. That is why, back in the late fifties, sociologists were hired to analyze investment projects, and, since the seventies, the World Bank used their assistance regularly. It would also be interesting to study the consequences of resettlement in the context of postcolonialism. The situation of displaced people is not only a reflection of the success or failure of resettlement process, but also national circumstances and political factors. 5. Philosophy/Ethics. Studies undertaken by philosophers are focused on the moral and ethical controversies related to development-caused displacement. Are the economic benefits and welfare of the majority of society sufficient reasons for the expulsion of several thousand people? Considerations of this kind are a valuable complement to sociological and anthropological studies, especially at the initial planning phase of development projects. For example the Indian Supreme Court ruled that the project in the Narmada Valley was socially justified, because the percentage of beneficiaries in relation to individuals affected by the negative problems were less than 1/100. Various philosophical theories can be tools in this kind of discussion. They also demonstrate how the practical application of philosophy might be helpful in everyday life. Analysis of the consequences of development-induced displacement on the basis of the most influential human-security concepts. This further consideration is based in particular on the classification of human security outlined in
the UNDP Human Development Report, published in 1994. The definition of human security argues that the scope of global security should be expanded to include threats in seven areas: 1. economic security; 2. food security; 3. health security; 4. environmental security; 5. personal security; 6. community security; and 7. political security. As we can see, the political branch of security is just one of the several pillars which affect people s situations. That concept was subsequently discussed by a number of UN agencies and conferences, who expressed a universal yearning for some institutions to at least partially humanize global security. The concept of human security was discussed, inter alia, during the World Summit on Social Development in Copenhagen (1995). The creators of the concept had hoped that a temporary decrease in the risk of international armed conflict would lead to a change in the global picture of risks affecting the human condition. According to the above-mentioned Human Development Report (1994), human security is freedom from threats such as hunger, disease, and persecution and protection from sudden and painful threats to everyday life, at home, at work or within the wider community. It is worth mentioning other definitions which may be useful in analyzing the situation of displaced people. Owen (2004) defined human security as the protection of the vital core of all human lives from critical and pervasive environmental, economic, food, health, personal, and political threats. 31 Some of the consequences of development projects include several categories of economic changes. In most studies of human security, there is no explicit reference to the negative consequences of economic development. According to a report presented by the United Nations University (Thakur), the object of human security is to protect every person against critical threats to life, conditioned by factors both anthropogenic and natural, regardless of their locations at the national or international level, and direct or structural nature. One valuable element of this definition is the way it seems to be drawing attention to the indirect anthropogenic threats of human security. Much development-induced displacement does not lead to sudden, noticeable problems. The growing impoverishment, unemployment, homelessness, and loss associated with the destruction of 31 Cited in H.G. Brauch, J. Grin (et. al), Facing Global Environmental Change: Environmental, Human, Energy, Food, Health and Water Security Concepts, Springer, Heildelberg, 2009, p. 979.