DEMOCRACY COMPROMISED: TROUBLED NORTH-EAST IN POST- INDEPENDENT INDIA. Dr. Jayanta Krishna Sarmah

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1 DEMOCRACY COMPROMISED: TROUBLED NORTH-EAST IN POST- INDEPENDENT INDIA Dr. Jayanta Krishna Sarmah Abstract: Democracy is an essential tool for social civilisation, progress and good governance. But if democracy is compromised it becomes a hurdle for progress and good governance. This paper seeks to study and analyse the troubled state of affairs in Northeast India during and after independence, where democracy is found compromised seriously. The members from Northeast India, participating in the Constituent Assembly debates were not elected through popular franchise. The people were not represented democratically during the framing of the Indian Constitution. The provisions framed for Northeast India were not found suitable for the region and troubled situations continue to exist. Keywords: Northeast India, troubled situations, democracy compromised, Constitution of India, Constituent Assembly. The issues of Northeast India are viewed by different scholars in different perspectives. Shimray (2004) 1 viewed that the ethnic situation in Northeast region is very complex because of the existence multi-ethnicity and diverse social settings. Roy (2005) 2 says that there are conflicting situations in the Northeast India because these ethnic groups are trying to define or construct their own nation, which he termed as 'nation from below'. Barua (2005) 3 talks about democracy deficit in the region which results in conflicting scenario. Democracy is successful in North East India only in terms of regular elections and the freedom to form associations. But instances like imposition of Armed Forces Special Powers Act in the region show that the basic principles of democracy such as liberty, freedom and human rights are compromised. Prior to independence, the administration of the tribal areas of Northeast India were under the Governor of Assam as per Government of India Act, These Hills areas were known as 'Excluded Areas' and 'Partially Excluded Areas'. 4 The troubled situation in Northeast India which started in the dawn of independence and still exists today does 1 Shimray, U.A. (2004), Socio-Political Unrest in the Region Called North East India in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 42 (Oct , 2004), pp Roy, Sanjay K. (2005), Conflicting Nations in North East India in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 40, No. 21 (May ), pp Barua, Sanjib (2005), Durable Disorder: Understanding Politics in North East India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi. 4 Gassah L.S. (1998): The Sixth Schedule and the 73 rd Amendment: An Analysis in Karna M.N., Gassah L.S. and Thomas C.J. (ed) Power to people in Meghalaya, Regency Publication, New Delhi. P-3.

2 not fit in the democracy of India. Northeast India is being isolated and distant from the hearts and minds of people from mainland India because they are little aware of the region. Many issues of the region like self-rule or conflict resolution cannot get the attention of the decision making body of the country. It may be argued here that why the issues of the Northeast region are not addressed properly? A careful analysis on the situations reveals that something must be seriously wrong in the beginning. High-handed Representation in the Constituent Assembly: Democracy questioned The Constituent Assembly, established for framing of the Constitution of India, was of little importance for Northeast region. Initially, there were only eight members from Assam and one member representing Tripura and Manipur. This was a very meagre representation in comparision to the size, population and diverse ethnic communities of the region. These members are Nibaran Chandra Laskar, Dharanidhar Basumatari, Gopinath Bardoloi, J.J.M. Nichols-Roy, Kuladhar Chaliha, Rohini Kumar Chaudhury, Muhammad Saadulla, Abdur Rouf from Assam and Girja Shankar Guha from Tripura and Manipur. 5 The elections of members of the Constituent Assembly are not held on the basis of Universal Adult Franchise. Therefore it could be contested that the inhabitants of the Northeast region were not represented democratically. Moreover, the representatives mostly belonged to the general caste, except for Dharanidhar Basumatari who is a tribal, where as the inhabitants of Northeast region were mostly tribals. This shows that majority inhabitants of the region are not represented in the Constituent Assembly. Unlike Northeast, there were other states who have quite a good number of representatives. United Province have fifty-four representatives, Madras only have forty-nine representatives, Bihar only have thirty-six representatives in the Constituent Assembly. Inequality in representation reveals the presence of compromised democracy in Northeast region from the beginning. A Sub- Committee, known as the Northeast Frontier (Assam) Tribal And Excluded Areas Sub- Committee was appointed for studying the tribal areas of Northeast with Mr. Gopinath Bordoloi as the Chairman and Mr. R.K Ramadhiyani as the Secretary. The members of the Sub- Committee were Hon'ble Rev. J.J.M. Nichols- Roy, Hon'ble Shri Rup Nath Brahma, Shri A.V. Thakkar and Shri Aliba Imti. However Shri Aliba Imti has not been able to attend the meeting of the Committee to sign the report. The Co-opted members were Shri Khawtinkhuma and Shri Saprawng, Co- opted for Lushai Hills Area; Shri Harison W. Momin and Shri Mainram Marak, Co- opted for Garo Hills Area; Shri S.S. Engti and Shri K.S. Terang, Co- opted for Mikir Hills Area; Shri Kezehol and Shri Khelhosle; Co- opted for Kohima Area, ( Shri Kezehol has resigned the membership); Shri Swat Daulagopu and Shri C.T. Tnanga Biete, Co- opted for Haflong Area; and Shri Josing Rynja and Shri Larsingh Khyriem, Co- opted for Khasi & Jaintia Hills Area. 6 Even the Sub- Committee have a few representatives, and all the tribal communities were not represented. Moreover instances like the resignation of Shri Kezehol may lead to improper representation for the area that he was co-opted for. Because of no proper representatives of the people in the Constituent Assembly as well as in the Sub- Committee, issues concerning the Northeast region could not be addressed or entertained in the Constituent Assembly debates North East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Areas Sub- Committee, Report in Sharma S.K. and Sharma, Usha (ed.) (2006), Documents on North East India An exhaustive survey Vol. 4: Assam ( ), A Mittal Publications, New Delhi. p-213

3 Democratic value of the Constituent Assembly Debates The Constituent Assembly of India took a great care while debating for providing a constitutional set up for the tribal areas of Northeast India under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India. The main aim was to assimilate these areas with mainstream India keeping in mind the aspirations of the people living in these areas. In the Constituent Assembly debates, many a times the representatives except for Gopinath Bordoloi could not defend the issues of Northeast. Shri Gopinath Bordoloi was in favour of self administration by the tribal people. He explained the tribal situation of Assam to the Assembly. In this region, there are two categories of tribals, namely the plain tribes and the hill tribes. The former are original inhabitants and are gradually assimilating with the mainstream. The hill tribes on the other hand, migrated to Assam from neighbouring countries. There are certain institutions among the hill tribes which were so good that, if destroyed, it would be wrong. He gave credit to the village administration and the way in which they settle their disputes. Therefore the Sub- Committee thought that they should be brought up under the broad principles of goodwill and love by the government. 7 The Constituent Assembly made several amendments dealing with the tribal areas of the autonomous areas, especially areas like Dimapur and Shillong. The members from Assam except Shri Bordoloi wanted the exclusion of Dimapur Mouza under the Naga Hills. Shri Nichols explained to the Assembly that the Shillong Municipality was composed of two areas the British Areas and the Mylliem State. Unless the Mylliem state agrees, the Act of State Legislature or Parliament was not applicable to the state, but for municipal purposes the state has given powers to the Local government. Therefore the Shillong Municipality should form part of the District Council, and be under the District Council as regards land. Members like Kuladhar Chaliha and Rohini Kumar Chaudhury, inspite of being representatives of the Northeast region, were of the opinion for giving more powers to the High Courts and Supreme Court for settling disputes, rather than giving more powers to the tribals for settling their own disputes. 8 Since the representatives of the North East region could not defend their own issues, members like Brajeswar Prasad got a chance to say that the the administration of these areas should be under the President or Central Jurisdiction, and not the Governor or Provincial Government. He was of the view that since Assam is being bordered by several foreign countries, it would be unsafe for the provincial government to handle the administration. B.R Ambedkar was of the opinion that the members of the District Councils which were proposed to be not less than forty should be substituted as not more than twenty-four. He was of the opinion that if there are many members in the District Councils, they might quarrel among themselves. Therefore it would be better if there is lesser number of members in the District Councils. 9 This idea of Ambedkar can be critised. Mere reduction of members in the District Councils will not prevent quarrel and confrontation among the different tribes. Careful analysis should be made in selecting or electing the members so that the different tribes are properly represented. 7 Constituent Assembly of India volume IX Part - I, 6 th September 1946, viewed on 28 th July ( 8 Constituent Assembly of India volume IX Part - II, 6 th September 1946, viewed on 28 th July 2011.( 9 Constituent Assembly of India volume IX Part - I, 6 th September 1946, viewed on 28 th July 2011 (

4 The role and powers of the Governor was debated by the Assembly many times. Shri B. Prasad was of the opinion that the Governor should act as an agent of the President. 10 Laws for administration can have effect only when submitted to, and assented by the Governor. 11 B.R Ambedkar wanted the omission of discretionary powers of the Governor. Shri Kuladhar Chaliha was of the view that the Governor should have power to exercise his powers properly so that he can handle the situations of these areas even in times of emergency. The Assembly also debated that the Governor should appoint a Commission to consider the inclusion or exclusion of any tribal area. The Governor should be given more powers in matters of inclusion or exclusion of any tribal area within the autonomous district from forming constituency for filling up seats in the Legislative Assembly. Democracy is again compromised here by giving extensive powers to the Governor, and not making rules for giving more powers to the tribals institutions. The reason behind democracy being compromised at this stage is again due to improper representatives. If the representatives were having practical knowledge about the tribals institutions and their importance, they would obviously put weightage on giving more powers to them. Sixth Schedule: A temporary solution for Northeast India After much debates and considerations the tribal areas of the Northeast region are heading towards autonomy. The Bordoloi Sub-Committee played an important role in this regard. The Bordoloi Sub-Committee proposed that the Hill Districts should be classified into autonomous and non-autonomous areas and also autonomous districts in the case there are many diverse schedule tribes in the areas. 12 The Bordoloi Sub- Committee recommended that District Councils should be set up in the Hill Districts with the powers of legislation, execution, financial and jurisdiction. Both the Provincial Government and the Federal Government must also be concerned about the development of the Hill Districts. If desired by the different tribes inhabiting an autonomous district, Regional Councils should be created. In matters of elections, joint electorate is recommended but constituencies are confined to the autonomous districts. Except for the constituency including the Municipality and Cantonment of Shillong, non-tribals should not be eligible for election from Hill constituencies. The Governor, after consulting local organisation to frame their own constitution and rules for the future, should set up Provincial Council for one year. After several debates in the Constituent Assembly, the tribal areas were specified in two parts A and B, in the table appended to the Sixth Schedule. Part A includes the United Khasi Jaintia Hills district (which included eighteen tiny Khasi states which acceded to India), the Garo Hills District, the Lushai Hills District, the Naga Hills District, the North Cachar Hills and Mikir Hills, and Part B includes the North East Frontier Tract including Balipara Frontier Tract, Tirap Frontier Tract, Abor Hills District and Mishmi Hills District and Naga Tribal Area. 13 Articles 244 and 275 of the Constitution deals with the Sixth 10 Constituent Assembly of India volume IX Part - I, 6 th September 1946, viewed on 28 th July 2011.( 11 Constituent Assembly of India volume IX Part - I, 6 th September 1946, viewed on 28 th July 2011.( 12 Trivedi, V.R. (1995): Documents on Assam Part-B, Omsons Publication, New Delhi, P-xiv. 13 Constituent Assembly of India volume IX Part - I, 7 th September 1946, viewed on 28 th July 2011.(

5 Schedule, where provisions are made for the administration of the tribal areas in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. 14 Under the provision of the Sixth Schedule, Autonomous District Councils were set up in North Cachar Hills and Mikir Hills (now known as Dima Hasao and Karbi Anglong respectively), Lushai Hills (now Mizoram), and in the United Khasi and Jaintia Hills Districts and in the Garo Hills. District Council was not set up in the Naga Hills because the Nagas rejected this scheme. The United Khasi and Jaintia Hills District Autonomous Council was set up on 27 th of June 1951, which was bifurcated into two autonomous district councils, namely, Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council and the Jaintia Hills District Autonomous Council on 1 st October The Autonomous District councils covered all the seven districts of Meghalaya. All the tribal chiefs and headmen were also placed under the jurisdiction of these Autonomous District Councils. United Mikir and North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council were established in The North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council became an independent Council in The Bodoland Territorial Council came into existence in The provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the constitution was no doubt important in granting autonomy to the tribals to develop themselves, but from the very beginning the District Councils in the Sixth Schedule areas became a bone of contention between the State Government and the Council's authorities. Many limitations have come to light in the process of implementation of the Sixth Schedule which fails to satisfy the growing political consciousness of the tribal people. The Councils have failed to uplift the poor masses. They are unable to play any significant role in strengthening the planning process at the micro level. As a consequence, the councils have neither been able to do anything of standard in the interest of hill masses nor to involve the poor tribes in development activities. Even after the provision of the Sixth Schedule was granted to Northeast region, it was a futile. Sixth Schedule serves only as a temporary solution for solving the problems of the Northeast region. Autonomy movement still continues in the post independence period because the people of the region felt that they should be left free as they don t belong to India during the British period. In the post 1970 era, State Reorganisation Act of 1971 granted full fledged state to different North East regions such as Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. But the formation of state does not solve the problem of troubled situations in the Northeast either. Demands for autonomy still continued in the North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong and Bodoland Territorial Autonomous District of Assam, because the expectations of the people were not fulfilled. The creation of a separate district in North Cachar bifurcated from United Mikir and North Cachar Hills, as well as the blanket assurances by the Assam Government were frustrated by the decision taken in 1972 of imposing Assamese as the sole medium of instruction in university and secondary levels of education. The State Reorganisation Act was also not successful in Northeast India. It could not end the autonomy demands because reorganisation was made without taking much care about what might happen in the near future. Reorganisation was done as a hurried attempt to curb the trouble situations before it was in full bloom. Granting of state to one community lead to the demand by others and this become a never ending situation. Their demands for autonomy intensified in course of time. 14 Constitution of India, from Wikipedia, the free encyclopaedia, 29 th August 2011, viewed on

6 Unresolved demands of tribes: Group initiatives Action Committee of the Mikir and North Cachar hills Leaders' Conference, Assam was created which submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister, on the 9 th of June, 1973 who demanded for the creation of a separate state comprising of the Mikir Hills, North Cachar Hills and the Contiguous Tribal Areas in Assam. The Action Committee stated out in the memorandum that the Mikir Hills And the North Cachar Hills are the only two autonomous hill districts remaining in Assam. They were aware of their own misfortune of being more backward than other hill tribes and had been hesitant in giving their full support in the past movements demanding creation of a separate hill state with the Hill Districts then existing in Assam. During the Reorganisation of Assam (1969), the Mikir Hills and the North Cachar Hills District Councils were given a right to join the proposed Meghalaya sub-state to be constituted with the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and Garo Hills districts. The people of these two districts did not find any solution to their problems in joining the proposed sub-state. The leaders of Assam persuaded that the Mikir and North Cachar Hills should not join the proposed sub-state and declared in bold terms that if it would remain in Assam, it would be given equal facilities for developing their own areas as it would be enjoyed by the outgoing districts. In the name of fulfilment of the promise, the State Government transferred functions in relation to certain development schemes. But these schemes continued to be administered by the officers from government as before and as a result neither the powers of the District Council nor the scope for the development of the area was least enlarged. Again the imposing of the Assamese language as a medium of instruction in the University and Secondary stages of education created a feeling of step-motherly treatment to the people of the Mikir Hills and the North Cachar Hills. Considering all these points, there is an indisputable case for constitution of a separate state for Mikir and North Cachar Hills together with the contiguous tribal areas. 15 Action Committee of the Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills Separate State Demand Committee, on 24 th November 1980, submitted a Memorandum to the Prime Minister, demanding an autonomous State comprising Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills Autonomous District in Assam under the provision of Article 244(A) of the Constitution of India. In the memorandum, the Action Committee demanded a full-fledged State. The Action Committee was not satisfied with the State of Assam offering the allotment of fund for the development of these two hill districts. The Committee demanded the government to take immediate action to create on Autonomous State. The name of the proposed new Autonomous State may be determined by the Government of India in consultation with the District Councils of Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills. The Committee also demanded that the status and other constitutional provisions of the new state should be like that of Meghalaya Autonomous State when it was first created. 16 A Memorandum demanding a separate state comprising the North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong and areas inhabited by the tribal people of Nowgong, Sibsagar and Cachar Districts was submitted to the Prime Minister on behalf of the Central Committee of the Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills State Demand Committee on the 18 th of January, 15 Delhi. P Delhi. P 50-54

7 1982. This Committee had the same demand and memorandum with those of the Action Committee of the Mikir and North Cachar hills Leaders' Conference and Action Committee of the Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills Separate State Demand Committee. The Central Committee of the Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills State Demand Committee felt that there is an indisputable need for constitution of a separate State for Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills Autonomous Districts and other contiguous areas inhabited by tribal people of Nowgong, Sibsagar and Cachar Districts. Only by this means they shall be able to avoid the constant feeling of inferiority complex of the more advanced people of the plains and can preserve their own entity, language, culture, tradition, and heritage and to live in their own way of life and to develop themselves. 17 On May 18 th 1987, a memorandum to the Prime Minister for the creation of an autonomous state comprising Karbi Anglong and the North Cachar Hills was jointly submitted by the Autonomous State Demand Committee (ASDC) and the Karbi Students Association (KSA). In the memorandum, the ASDC and the KSA stated that consequent to recent socio-political developments in Assam and elsewhere in the country, the necissity of creating an Autonomous State for the two hill Districts have become more pressing than ever before and now it has become unavoidable. The people of the districts under the leadership of the ASDC and KSA have raised their voices to the seriousness of their problems and to break the Government's apathy to their demand. 18 The memorandum submitted by these organisation shows that the people of Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills were opposed to the idea of the establishment of Assamese language both in official matters as well medium of instruction, yet they do not want to join Meghalaya on religious, cultural, educational, economic and other grounds. They were also convinced that the Assam administration does not give the hope of development whether economically or culturally. The Plain Tribals' Council of Assam (PTCA), which was constituted to secure justice in the social, economic and political affairs, submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister and the Governor of Assam on May 20, 1967 to draw their attention to the injustices done to the plain tribals in Assam. In the memorandum the PTCA demanded for full autonomy in the predominantly plains tribal areas of the northern tract of Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang, Lakhimpur and Sibsagar Districts including all the Tribal Belts and Blocks of those areas, so that the tribals can adequately protect their land; give effective check to economic exploitation of tribals by non-tribals, conserve their language, culture, customs and what is best in them; prevent political domination by non tribals over tribals and imposition of anything which would disrupt their traditions and customs; and grow according to their own genius and traditions. 19 The United Tribal Nationalists' Liberation Front was another organisation formed by different plain tribes of Assam. This organisation submitted several memorandum to the then Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi. On 16th July 1985, the organisation submitted 17 Delhi. P Delhi. P Delhi. P 139

8 a memorandum stating their desire for a separate political identity by recognition of their age old political and geographical areas in the form of a separate state (Union Territory status), to be carved out of the political arrangement of Assam, within the Union of India. 20 On 31 st July 1986, they submitted another memorandum to the Prime Minister stating that inspite of pouring heavy governmental investments, the development in tribal areas are insignificant. Therefore, they strongly demanded that the responsibility should be fixed by imposing Central Administration in the Plains Tribal Areas of Assam. On 10 th November 1987, the organisation submitted another memorandum stating that the Government have not honoured their humble desire submitted in their earlier memorandum. They stated that neither the State Government of Assam nor the Central Government of India are keen to uphold the rights and privileges available to the Schedule tribes of Assam. As such they declared that they are forced to launch a rigorous movement either to achieve their demand, or, so that the Government may annihilate them under any plea it wishes to adopt. 21 On 3 rd May 1988, the organisation submitted another memorandum to the Prime Minister. They were of the view that unless they are granted self-determination through an Union Territory as a Homeland for the Schedule Tribes (Plains) on the foot-hills of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh on the North Bank of Dilao (Brahmaputra) and constitute Lalung Hills District and Sixth Schedule area along Karbi Anglong of Assam and Meghalaya state in the South Bank of Dilao- the Schedule Tribes (Plains) of Assam cannot be protected, preserved and allowed to grow as per their own ingenuity within the framework of the present state called Assam. Therefore, they wish the Government to implore that their demands be met immediately. 22 On the 22 nd January 1987, All Bodo Students' Union submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, demanding for the Creation of Separate State with the Status of Union Territory for the Plains Tribes of Assam. 23 Besides the demand for creation of a Separate State, ABSU have several other demands such as - Extension of the Provision of Sixth Schedule of Indian Constitution in the Tribal Compact Areas of the Southern Valley of the Brahmaputra of Assam Preservation of Tribal Belts and Blocks and Creation of new ones Establishment of Central University, Indian Institute of Technology and Central Museum at Kokrajhar, installation of Air Station at Kokrajhar, Doordarshan Kendras at Udalguri and Kokrajhar, and the revival of Balajan Airport at Kokrajhar Increment of Schedule Tribes Reserved Quota in Government Services and Fulfilment of its Backlog Recognition and Implementation of Bodo as one of the Regional Language Subjects in 20 Delhi. P Delhi. P Delhi. P Delhi. P 221

9 U.P.S.C. And other Civil Services Examination Inclusion of Bodo in the 8 th Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Extension of Special Provision for Tribals in Indian Constitution from 1990 to Indefinite Period Eradication of Poverty Free and Compulsory Education for Childdren upto Fourteen Years of Age Opposition to Clause No.6 of Assam Accord, in which the Assamese language has been imposed upto the non-assamese idigenous poeple of Assam Opposition of Clause No. 10 of Assam Accord and Eviction Operation from the Forests of Assam Opposition to Four Language Formula Reservation of Assamese from the pre-colonial in State Services Extension of Bodo as Associate official; Language in Other District of Assam Opposition to All Assam Students Union Demand for Constitutional Amendments Stoppage of Political Assassination and Extremism in Assam Stoppage of Brutal Police Atrocities upon the Bodo Students 24 In the Khasi Hills, the political consciousness of the people flared up on the very inauguration day of the District Council. The first District Council election of eighteen members was held in On this day there was a Black Flag demonstration organised by the Khasi Students Association, in protest against the system of nomination of members of the Council by the Governor. Although the demonstration was to oppose the principal of nomination, the organisers openly declared that the goal was the attainment of a Hill State. 25 There was another organisation known as Khasi Durbar, which the first organisation to submit a memorandum to the States Reorganisation Commission. In the memorandum the Khasi Durbar demanded a separate Hill State to the State Reorganisation Commission. 26 Another organisation was the Jarman Commission which was appointed in connection with the bifurcation of the Jowai subdivision from the United Khasi-Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council. The report of the Commission was brought before the Assam Assembly in The Jarman Commission recommended a separate Autonomous District Council for Jowai subdivision not because of any difference between the Khasi and the Jaintia, but for administrative convenience. It may be observed that the bifurcation was the demand of 24 Delhi. P Lyngdoh, M.P.R. (1997): The Khasi and Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Councils and the Sixth Schedule: Some Critical Perspective in Gassah L.S. (ed) The Autonomous District Councils, Omsons Publication, New Delhi. P Lyngdoh, M.P.R. (1997): The Khasi and Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Councils and the Sixth Schedule: Some Critical Perspective in Gassah L.S. (ed) The Autonomous District Councils, Omsons Publication, New Delhi. P- 187

10 Jaintia as they were not satisfied with the United Khasi-Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council. As a result of this the bifurcation took place in 1966 which was followed by the first election to the Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Council held in The memorandums submitted by the tribes reflect their unfulfilled demands. It shows that they were not happy with the provisions of the Sixth Schedule and Reorganisation as well. There was inequality in granting of certain provisions. Certain tribes have been granted statehood, some have been granted autonomous districts, while there are different tribes who neither have a state nor a district. Democracy has been compromised in the region. Conflicts and Insurgencies: Last resort to meet demands Besides demands for autonomy, conflicts and insurgencies are burning issues in Northeast. The outside world are little aware of the conflicting situations of Northeast India, but only the people living in these areas are victims and paying the price with their tears and blood. Insurgent groups and militias are continuing to grow in the Northeast region. The militias in these regions are mostly ethnic based such as United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), United Tribal Force of Arunachal (UTFA), Karbi People Force (KPF), Mizo National front (MNF), Dima Halam Daogah (DHD), Kuki National Front (KNF), National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN), Manipur Liberation Front (MLFA), Hmars People's Convention (HPC). These militias are formed for the need to make their existence known and also for the politics of recognition. Many people took up this step as a last resort to meet their demands. There are also militants which are area based such as People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak, Kanglei Yaol Kanba Lup (KYKL), Ireipak Kanba Lup (IKL), People's Liberation Army (PLA). 28 These militant groups in Northeast India do not coincide with state boundaries. States like Mizoram and Tripura, where there is no militia at present, are also not free from militancy with roots outside their states. Northeast India is geopolitically unfortunate sharing a large frontier with populous country like Bangladesh, and thereby receiving large number of social and political refugees from Myanmar, Tibet, Chittagong Hill Tracts and Bangladesh. Northeast India, particularly Assam received periodically riots between the Bodos and the Bangladeshi migrants. Continuous influx of outsiders threatens the land and resources of the region, which may also threaten the native socio- cultural systems, as well as economic and natural resources. The region not only suffers from inherent ethnic problems and insurgencies but also from external forces like immigration and commercialisation of resources bringing about unrest in the region. 29 Inspite of the 27 Lyngdoh, M.P.R. (1997): The Khasi and Jaintia Hills Autonomous District Councils and the Sixth Schedule: Some Critical Perspective in Gassah L.S. (ed) The Autonomous District Councils, Omsons Publication, New Delhi. P Working of Militant Groups in North East India in Sharma S.K. and Sharma, Usha (ed.) (2006), Documents on North East India An exhaustive survey Vol. 1: North-East India- A Bird's Eye View, A Mittal Publication, New Delhi. p Shimray, U.A. Socio-Political Unrest in the Region Called North East India in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 42 (Oct , 2004), pp

11 disturbances due to insurgencies and conflicts, till now no permanent policies for curbing peace, or no permanent settlement of peace has been taken up with respect to the Northeast region. The debates still continues regarding who is to be blamed for the sorry situation of the region whether blame should be given to the insurgent groups, the police and military, the government or the civilians. Counter insurgency operations such as Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958, designed for Northeast remained in force for decades despite popuplar protests. This has led to serious violations of human rights possible. The people under such a situation cannot enjoy the principles of democracy like liberty and freedom. A puzzle exists till today as to how democratic India tolerates the Northeast India exception. Inspite of debates between the academics and military general on how to fight insurgencies, no path breaking nor practical position are established.democracy has been reduced to a few atttributes like election, Universal Adult Franchise and freedom to form associations. The substantial quality of democracy such as equality, freedom and liberty are given little importance. 30 Northeast India, with its rich ethnic diversities has been in a trouble state of affairs since India attain her independence. At the outset of independence, the framing of the Constitution was a great task before the Constituent Assembly. The Assembly, during the debates, took a great care while framing rules of administration for Northeast India. Most of the members were against the granting of the provisions of the Sixth Schedule to the region because they feared that the region may secede from mainstream India. Some were also of the view that giving such special provisions to the region is not a good idea because the people of the region are simple and innocent who cannot rule themselves. It was Gopinath Bordoloi who laid great emphasis on the need for providing the Sixth Schedule to North East India. He explained the tribal situations to the Assembly and expressed the importance of giving self-rule to them. Besides him the other members of the Assembly were little aware of the situations of Northeast. The issues of the region were not properly addressed and many decisions made by the policy makers do not fit in the region. The improper or less representation of the people in the decision making process in the centre thus results in troubled situations in the region. There is unequal power relationship between the centre and the region. The Governor, who is appointed by the centre, is given extensive powers to run the administration of the region. Traditional powers which were enjoyed by the diverse ethnic communities were curtailed and replaced because of the provisions of the Sixth Schedule. Powers were transferred from the traditional chiefs to the District Councils. Instances like improper representation of Northeast India in the decision making body and unequal power relationship acts as hindrances to the growth of democratic principles which leads to democracy compromised in the region. In order to regain powers and attain identity, demands for autonomy and self-rule have been crazed by diverse ethnic groups. As such, troubled situations still continued to prevail in the region. In order to tackle such situations close and careful attention should be given to certain specifities of the region while formulation rules and regulations. 30 Barua, Sanjib (2005) Durable Disorder: Understanding Politics in North East India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.