Participation of Women in Panchayat Raj Institutions: A Case Study of Warangal District (Telangana State) India

Transcription

1 Participation of Women in Panchayat Raj Institutions: A Case Study of Warangal District (Telangana State) India Ch. Dinesh Kumar, Professor of Political Science & Director, School of Distance Learning and Continuing Education, Kakatiya University, India. dineshsdlce@gmail.com Abstract As women constitute a crucial segment of the human resources in the society, due importance has to be accorded to the role and contribution of women in the various socio-economic, political and cultural activities particularly in Local Bodies. Unfortunately, despite the numerical strength, the role of women has been grossly underplayed and the developmental effort by the government have only ensured further marginalization of women in the development process. Many psychological, social and physical factors hold women back from active political involvement. It is an established fact that Indian women in spite of the constitutional and legal safeguards are still in the process of struggling for equality of status and equality of participation in the development process. It was also presumed that these rights would automatically get translated into political development of the women in the country. However, it is sordid to note that, despite their vast strength, women occupy a marginalized position in the political system. The present study is conducted on the sample of 200 women representatives of local self governance system of Warangal district of Telangana State (India). Interview schedule was used to collect primary data from the respondents to analyze their participation in Panchayat Raj Institutions and identify their socio-economic and psychological factors which contribute to the self governance system. Key Words: Governance, gender equality, human resources, marginalization 1

2 1. Introduction Women constituting nearly half of the population, have been deprived of equal status and opportunities in various walks of life. Infact, Preamble to the Constitution of India, which proclaims political justice as one of its cherished goals, is still far from achievement. Apart from lack of strong political will, the age old patriarchal social structure, male dominance, several psychological, social and physical factors hold women back from active political involvement. It is an established fact that Indian women in spite of the constitutional and legal safeguards are still in the process of struggling for equality of status and equality of participation in the development process. It is sordid to note that, despite their vast strength, women occupy a marginalized position in the political system. 1.1 Local Governance: The Institution of Panchayatraj Rural Local self-government in India is known by the popular name Panchayati Raj. It has been in operation since the early years of independence. The word Panchayat literally means Assembly (ayat) of five (Panch) wise and respected elders chosen and accepted by the local community and the word Raj literally means RULE. Traditionally, these assemblies settled disputes between individuals and villages. Modern Indian Government has decentralized several administrative functions to the local level, empowering elected gram panchayats. Mahatma Gandhi advocated Panchayati Raj, a decentralized form of Government where each village is responsible for its own affairs, as the foundation of Indians Political System. The term for such a vision was Gram Swaraj (village self governance). The leader of panchayat was generally called the Mukhiya or Sarpanch, a position which is elected. Panchayati Raj is a system of Governance in which Gram Panchayats are the basic units of administration. It has three levels: Gram (Village, though it can comprise more than one village), Janpad (Taluk or Block) and Zilla (District). 1.2 Political Participation: The Conceptual Framework Political Participation refers to the way through which the citizens of a country take part in the electoral as well as in policy making process. In other words, political participation is a way or a process through which the aspiration and needs of the people can be represented. Generally, the term Political Participation refers to those voluntary activities by which members of a society share in the selection of rulers and directly or indirectly in the formation of public policy. These activities include castings votes, seeking information, holdings discussions, attending meetings, staging striker and demonstrations, communicating with the legislator and the like. According to Herbent Mc. Closky, Participation is the principal means by which consent is granted or with drawn in a democracy and the ruler are made accountable to the ruled. Political philosophers like J.S.Mill, Rousseau and Bentham have strongly 2

3 advocated the need for participation of people in different spheres of political life. As Noorjahan Bava puts it direct and indirect participation of citizens in public affairs is the life line of a participatory democracy. 1.3 Women in Panchayat Raj: A Historical Perspective A look into the pre-independence era, on the women s involvement in the political sphere, indicates that, it was rather slow. The Franchise Committee set up by the British Government that discussed the constitution of statutory village panchayats did not consider the question of women s representation in Panchayats, on the contention that the women did not even have the right to franchise. This was endorsed by the joint select committee of the British Parliament in its first report on the Bill for the Government of India Act. Thus, in the first set of Acts of the 1920 of the provinces and the princely states, women did not appear as representatives or even as voters. In 1923, for the first time names of women appeared in the electoral rolls and in 1926, the first women member was nominated to the Indian Legislature. In 1931 women voiced for universal adult franchise but are said to have opposed reservation, nomination or co-option for women. The Ashok Mehta Committee has recommended for 25 percent reservation for women at the ZP and Mandal Panchayat levels. Their experience shows that with women s presence in panchayats, the women s issues have successfully been incorporated into the agenda of panchayats. A decade later, the national perspective plan in 1988, discussed the issue of underrepresentation of women at all levels of the PRS. The union government headed by Rajiv Gandhi initiated the reservation process by recommending that one Third of the total number of seats to be reserved for women in Panchayats at all the three levels. Through, The 64 th Constitution Amendment Bill in Participation of Women in Governance: The Constitutional Provisions Before coming to the real picture of women s participation in Panchayat activities, it is essential to have a focuses on the constitutional provisions for the emancipation of women. The Preamble of the Indian constitution recognizes the principles of social, economic and political justice to all its citizens and also equality of status and of opportunities The fundamental Rights guaranteed by the constitution (part III, Articles 12-35) try to remove inequalities which Indian women had suffered a lot. In this regard Article 14 promises equality before the law and equal protection of laws. Article 15 prohibits discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth and also enables the State to make special provisions for welfare of women and children. Article 15 (3) enables the State to make special provisions for the advancing of women and children. Article 16 guarantees equality of opportunity in public employment. Article 23 prohibits traffic in human beings as well as forced labour. 3

4 Besides these important provisions in the Fundamental Rights some guidelines are also given in the Directive Principles of State Policy (Part IV Article 36-51) which are nonjusticiable. Article 51 (e) (Fundamental Duties Part IV A 42 Amendment Act 1976) directs the States to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of Indian and to renounces practices derogatory to the dignity of women. Besides these provisions certain seats are reserved for women in Panchayat Raj institutions through 73 rd and 74 rd Constitutional Amendment Acts Following are the features of the historic 73 rd & 74 th Constitutional Amendment Acts (1992) which facilitates women participation in Panchayat Raj system: 1. Not less than one third (including the number of seats reserved for women belongings to the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes) of the total numbers of seats to be filled by direct elections in every Panchayat to be reserved for women and such seats to be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in Panchayat. (Article 243D(3)). 2. Not less than one-third of the total numbers of officers of chairpersons in the Panchayats at each levels to be reserved for women (Article 243D(4)). 3. Not less than one-third (including a number of seats reserved for women belongings to the SC/ST of total number of seats to be fill by the direct election in every Municipality to be reserved for women and such seats to be allotted by to different constituencies in a Municipality (Article 243(3)). 4. Reservation of office of chairperson in municipalities for the SC/ST and the women in such a manner as the legislature of a state may by law provide (Article 243T(4)). The Amendment certainly aimed at enhancing people s participation in managing local affairs, besides empowering the weaker sections of the society. Women have also been given their long due rights for development purpose. The Amendment has ensured structural uniformity by introducing the three tier structure, ensuring greater people s participation. Democratic decentralization is further accelerated as members at these tiers are directly elected. One of the important aspects of the Amendment, that is relevant to this study, is reservation of seats for women in PRIs. This has been referred to by the scholars as political empowerment of women. 2. Literature Review Review of literature, which is a significant phase of a research, will enable the researcher to have an insight into the earlier contributions made to the topic or subject under research, the dimensions of the subject covered, the shortfalls of the research, the unexplored fields on the subject etc., Further, a look into the earlier studies would also serve as a back ground material 4

5 for a researcher to understand the topic under study. Some of the leading contributions made to the subject under study are as follows: Manikyamba (19) in her study of Andhra Pradesh concludes that Socio-Economic background in general and political background in particular are important determinants of shaping s the nature and level of participation of women members in political institutions. S. Padma (1996) in her study of village Panchayats in Odessa observes that women entered in to politics due to mandatory provision of reservation for pressure from their family members or pressure from their village community. Dilip K. Ghosh (1997) in his study entitled Grassroot women Leaders: Who are They? A Study in West Bengal District, has highlighted the significance of seventy-third constitutional Amendment, which enabled the rural women to take part in grass root politics. Manu Ilasker (1997), in his work Women Panchayat Members in kerala-a Profile, has depicted the picture of the socio-economic background and political motivation of women who become panchayat members in the village Panchayats of Thiruvananthapuram District. R.Arun (1997) in a case study of Madhya Pradesh has observed that in most cases women representatives are housewives, first time enter into politics and most of them are illiterate educated up to primary level. S. Pai (2001) in her field notes in Meerut District observes that the women representatives contest for election due to family pressures and also the decision of their community and not because of their own interest. Siva's (2002), in his Article has focused on the significant achievement of the provisions of the 73 rd Amendment Act concerning reservation of seats and political offices in favour of women and the disadvantaged section of rural community. Seema Bhattacharya (2011) in her work states that, Women reservation has led only to formal and not real empowerment of women in the Panchayats. She states that, the patriarchal so was suggestions, has been comparing the women representations in PR s, to depend upon the made members of the family. 3. Methodology Recognized as a stream of knowledge, social sciences have now become a major contemporary influence. Jurisprudence, political science, education and philosophy are among the oldest of them, which consistently engaged themselves in discovering facts and problems and interpreting them, systematizing the existing body of knowledge and in disseminating knowledge for human good and in search of truth. The present study, being both a combination of descriptive and the empirical in nature, the large part of the present data is gathered mainly from the primary sources, supported by certain amount of secondary data. 5

6 3.1 Research Question It is pertinent to note that, the participation of women in politics, at the global level is only marginal. It is sordid to note that, at the global level, only 10% of the parliamentary positions and 6% of the cabinet ministerial positions are occupied by women. Only few countries like Swedon, Norway, Finland and Denmark have crossed 30% representation of women in the parliament. A significant aspect of participation is the casting of one s vote. Voting by the citizens leads to the formation of a Government, which then takes decision for all the citizens. It is, however, noticed that though the percentage of women voters has increased, the figures for female voters have always been less by approximately 6%, as compared with men. This increase in the number of voters has led various political parties into paying greater attention to organizing the women and campaigning among them. In the past, such efforts were made only at the time of elections, in the form of certain populist and opportunistic short-term promises. In accordance with the changed circumstances, the parties have established regular party forums, cells etc. for mobilizing women and seeking their support. Subordination of women to men in the home, in work place and in politics is a dominant socio-political reality has its roots in the patriarchal Social System, wherein, the relationship between men and women was grounded on force and the law of the strongest has been the phenomenon in their relationship. The notion that men are the natural masters of women has continued to hinder the progress of egalitarian society where women enjoys equal status. Yet another significant aspect of political participation of women is by way of contesting the elections. It is unfortunate to note that, even in this front, the representation of women right from local-self governing institution to the parliament is as low as 11 percent the reasons for the same are not far to seek. It is a known fact that, women remain at the periphery of the power structure. They lack the political consciousness needed to formulate and implement policies in accordance with the aspirations of women. Their presence is mere symbolism rather than real power wielding. A successful democracy requires a participant society in which power is shared and authoritative decisions are made by representatives of all the citizens. Indian democracy, unfortunately, lack the effective participation of all its citizens. To strengthen the position of women in society, equal participation of men and women is required. This is not only a demand of simple justice of democracy, but a necessary condition for human existence. The entry of women into politics and decision making structures can change the policies, vision and structure of institutions. They could redefine political priorities, and place new items on the political agenda to address gender specific concerns and provide a new perspective on mainstream political issues. Women have long been overlooked in the process of development. Change can only come; development can only take place when women 6

7 are given decision-making roles. It is also necessary to overcome the patriarchal orientations. By strengthening women s leadership, building up their self confidence and morale and equipping them with information the situation can be changed. 3.2 Objectives of the Study It is proposed to undertake the present research work with the following objectives in view. 1. To study the socio-economic back ground of elected women representatives, serving in the PRIs 2. To assesses the impact of Reservation on the political empowerment of women in local governance i.e, the Panchayatraj institutions. 3. To examine whether there is active participation of women with regard to the formulation and implementation of the developmental programmes. 4. To evaluate the performance of the women representation in PRIs. 5. To make certain constructive suggestions for effective participation of women in local 3.3 Hypothesis self governance system. Hypothesis is a very important part of the research study. Hypothesis can be termed as a primary idea, which provides guidelines to conduct study. According to George.A.Lindbergh, a hypothesis is a tentative generalization the validity of which remains to be tested. In its most elementary stage the hypothesis may be any guess, imaginative ideas, which becomes the basis for action or investigation. Good and Hatt have taken it as a proposition, which can be put to test to determine validity. Following is the Hypothesis of the present study: 1. Reservation policies clearly have an impact on women s representation. Women participate more in the process in Gram Panchayat in which seats are reserved for women. Reservations policies are bringing about change in the status of women. 2. Women s experience of being involved with the elected representatives has transformed many of them. They have gained a sense of empowerment by asserting control over resources, officials, and most of all, by challenging men. They have become articulate and conscious of their power. 3. Despite their low-literacy level, they have been able to tackle the political and 3.4 The Data bureaucratic system. For the purpose of the present study, the researcher has chosen the following as samples- The actual strength of the women representation in Warangal District in ZPTC, MPTC, Sarpanchs is 30, 417and 493 respectively. Out of the said strength, considering the over all strength the researcher has selected the following Units as samples. 7

8 ZPTC - 20 MPTC - Sarpanch - Total Results and Discussion The details of the present study, along with the results/ the findings are presented below: 4.1 Telangana State A Brief Profile On 2 June 2014, Telangana became the 29 th state of India, consisting of ten districts with Hyderabad as its capital. The State of Telangana is located in the Southern region of India. Most of it was part of the princely state of Hyderabad, which was ruled by the Nizams during the British Raj until 1947, and later until 1948, when it joined the Union of India. In 1956, Hyderabad state was dissolved and Andhra state was merged with the Telangana region of the state of Hyderabad to form the state of Andhra Pradesh. The State of Telangana spans over an area of 1,14,840 sq.kms. It is bound by the states of Andhra Pradesh on the south and east, Maharashtra on the north and north-west, Karnataka on the west and Chhatisgarh to the North-east. The state comprises ten districts, namely, Hyderabad, Khammam, Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar, Medak, Nizamabad, Adilabad, Mahaboobnagar and Ranga Reddy. Presently the state has 31 districts. The total strength of the ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanch of the Telangana State is as follows ZPTC MPTC Sarpanch Demographic Profile Telangana with a population of lakhs (according to the 2011 census) accounts for about 3.6% percent of the total population of India. Out of this, lakhs (50.2%) are males and 174. lakhs (49.8%) are females. The sex ratio of the state is 988 as against the national figure of 943. The population density in the state is 307 persons / sq.km. The rural population of the State according to the 2011 census is lakhs which amounts to 61.3% of the state s total population. The three districts with the highest rural population are Mahaboobnagar (85.0%), Nalgonda (81.0%) and Nizamabad (76.9%) Warangal District Profile Warangal has been recently in the news because of the separate Telangana issue. It has been a major centre for the movement and its rebirth. Warangal (also known as Orugallu and Ekasila Nagaram) is a city and the district headquarters is Warangal Corporation. Warangal is located 148 kilometres (92 miles) northeast of the state capital of Hyderabad and is the administrative 8

9 headquarters of Warangal District. Warangal area is a combination of Warangal, Hanamkonda, and Kazipet. Warangal is the second biggest city next to Hyderabad in Telangana. Warangal was the capital of Kakatiya kingdom ruled by the Kakatiya dynasty from the 12 th to the 14 th centuries. The Kakatiyas left many monuments, including an impressive fortress, four massive stone gateways, the Swayambhu temple dedicated to Shiva, and the Ramappa temple situated near Ramappa Lake. The cultural and administrative distinction of the Kakatiyas was mentioned by the famous traveller Marco Polo. After the defeat of Pratapa Rudra, the Musunuri Nayaks united seventy two Nayak chieftains and captured Warangal from Delhi sultanate and ruled for fifty years. The Mughal Empire or Aurangzeb conquered Golconda in 1687, and it remained part of the Mughal Empire until the southern provinces of the empire split away to become the state of Hyderabad in 1724, which included the Telangana region and some parts of Maharashtra and Karnataka. Hyderabad was annexed to India in 1948, and became an Indian State. In 1956, Hyderabad was partitioned as part of the States Reorganization Act, and Telangana, the Teluguspeaking region of Hyderabad state, which includes Warangal, became part of Andhra Pradesh. 4.2 Women Leaders in Local Governance: A Case Study of Panchayat Institutions in Warangal District The data collected during the study in respect of the socio-economic and political status of women and their performance and perceptions in respect of PRIs in Warangal District, is presented below in tabular form, followed by an analysis and findings of the data: Table 1: Age Wise Distribution of Respondents WARANGAL AGE ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL Years 13 (65.00) 33 (36.60) 21 (23.30) 67 (33.50) Years 07 (35.00) 51 (56.6) 54 (60.00) 112 (56.00) 51 & above (6.6) 15 (16.6) 21 (10.5) TOTAL It is interesting to note from the above table that, while majority of the respondents that is 56 percent, are in the age group of years, percent of the respondents are in the younger age group of years and only 10.5 per cent of the respondent women are above 51 years of age. This shows that, by and large, the women from younger age group are coming forward to contest the elections and become a part of the local governance. The table also shows that while women in the APTC category constitute the highest percent of younger age group that is percent, the women in the categories of MPTC and Sarpanches majority of the women are in the middle-age group, that is years. On the whole, it is significant to note 9

10 that, the younger generation of women in the Warangal district are eliciting more interest in local politics and asserting their right to participate in local governance. Table 2: Profession Wise Distribution of Respondents WARANGAL PROFESSION ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL Agriculture 12 (60.00) 61 (67.77) 68 (75.55) 141 (70.5) Agriculture Labour 05 (25.00) 13 (14.45) 15 (16.67) 33 (16.5) Business 03 (15.00) 16 (17.78) 07 (7.78) 26 (13.00) Artisans Government Service Profession TOTAL Profession and occupation of women is also an important factor, which has a bearing on the political empowerment of women. It is interesting to note from the above table that, large majority of the respondent women representatives that is 70.5 percent have agriculture as their main occupation, while only 16.5 percent of the women representatives are eking their livelihood as agricultural labour. This is an appreciable fact that, the women representatives, inspite of their regular family chores, and working as agricultural labor, are still able to spare time and energies for political activities. It is pertinent to note from the above table that, only percent of the women respondents are doing business, while non of them are neither carrying out their traditional occupations nor are they in government service. Table 3: Education -Wise Distribution of Respondents WARANGAL EDUCATION ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL Illiterate - 09 (10.00) 16 (17.78) 25 (12.5) Primary 11 (55.00) 54 (60.00) 48 (53.33) 113 (56.5) High School 06 (30.00) 19 (21.11) 18 (20.00) 43 (21.5) Graduation 02 (10.00) 06 (6.67) 07 (7.78) 15 (7.5) Post-Graduation 01 (5.00) 02 (2.22) 01 (1.11) 04 (2.00) TOTAL It is an undisputed fact that education is key to the prosperity and empowerment of women. It is significant to note from the above table that, large majority of the respondent women representatives in all categories (ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanches) that is 56.5 percent have completed their primary level of education while only 21.5 percent of the women representatives have studied upto the high school level. It is pertinent to note from the above 10

11 table that, while only 7.5 percent of the women respondents have completed their graduation, only 2.00 percent of them could reach the level of post-graduation. This clearly reflects the adverse social conditions, which still deny the women from pursuing their education, which is the real tool of their emancipation and empowerment. Table 4: On Political Background of the Respondents POLITICAL WARANGAL BACKGROUND ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL Father side 02 (10.00) 12 (13.3) 20 (22.22) 34 (17.00) From in-law side 17 (85.00) 72 (80.00) 66 (73.34) 155 (77.5) None 01 (5.00) 6 (6.7) 4 (4.44) 11 (5.5) TOTAL Political background of an individual is an important and determining factor in choosing the political career. It is quite interesting to note from the above table that, large majority of the respondent women representatives in all categories (ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanches) that is 77.5 percent have the political background, from their in-laws- side, rather than their paternal side. This indicates that, while the on the paternal side there has not been much support and encouragement for the women to choose politics as their career. On the other hand, the in-laws are taking the lead in allowing their daughter-in-laws to enter the politics. It is pertinent to note from the above table that, while only percent of the women respondents have stated that they have the political background from their paternal side, only 5.5 percent of them have stated that they have no political background from any side. From this it may be inferred that, by and large, only women with political background are taking part in politics, while only an insignificant number of women, who lack political background are coming forward to take pat in politics. PREVIOUS POLITICAL EXPERIENCE Table 5: On Previous Political Experience of the Respondents YES 08 (40.00) NO 12 (60.00) TOTAL 20 WARANGAL ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL 41 (45.55) 49 (54.45) 32 (35.55) 58 (64.45) 81 (40.5) 119 (59.5) 200 It is needless to state that, political background and political experience plays an important role in performance of an individual in the political governance. It is pertinent to note from the above table that, majority of the respondent women representatives in all categories (ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanches) that is 59.5 percent have stated that they have earlier political 11

12 experience, while 40.5 percent of the women representatives have no previous experience in politics. This indicates that, in the case of 40.5 percent of women representatives, they are ready to take the lead in entering politics, even though they have no previous experience in politics. This is a good sign on the part of the women community, for attaining the political empowerment. Table 6: On Attending of Meetings ATTENDING OF WARANGAL MEETINGS ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL YES 20 (100.00) 86 (95.55) 83 (92.23) 189 (94.5) NO - 04 (4.45) 07 (7.77) 11 (5.5) TOTAL Commitment to the politics and dedication in work are the pre-requisites for success in politics. It is significant to note from the above table that, large majority of the respondent women representatives in all categories (ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanches) that is 94.5 percent have stated that they regularly attend the meetings of the local-self governing bodies at various levels, while only 5.5 percent of them have stated that they are unable to attend the meetings, due to pressing domestic work. This shows that, the women still finding it hard to balance their domestic life with that of their career choices. Table 7: On Independent Decision Making by Respondents DECISION WARANGAL MAKING ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL OWN 18 (.00) 71 (78.89) 59 (65.56) 148 (74.00) HUSBAND 01 (5.00) 14 (15.56) 19 (21.11) 34 (17.00) OTHERS 01 (5.00) 05 (5.55) 12 (13.33) 18 (9.00) TOTAL Decision making is one of the vital factors in political governance. It is significant to note from the above table that, large majority of the respondent women representatives in all categories (ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanches) that is percent have stated that they made or take decisions on their own and do not bank upon any sources, while percent of them have stated that they made or decisions in the aid and advice of their husbands.. This shows that, the women still are unable to ascertain their autonomy in independence in decision making even in their career life. 12

13 Table 8: Do you think that the Elected Leaders Need Some Training? NEED FOR WARANGAL TRAINING ZPTC MPTC SARPANCH TOTAL YES 20 (100.00) 87 (96.67) 79 (87.78) 186 (93.00) NO - 03 (3.33) 11 (12.22) 14 (7.00) TOTAL Training is one of the essential component in any field of career for not only improving ones performance at work place, but also to keep themselves updated in terms of knowledge and emerging challenges. This is equally important in the case of a political career. It is significant to note from the above table that, large majority of the respondent women representatives in all categories (ZPTC, MPTC and Sarpanches) that is percent have stated that periodical training is essential for the women representatives, while only 7.00 percent of them have felt that there is no need for such training programs. 5. Conclusions and Recommendations Women are considered an extremely pivotal point in the process of change in the rural areas. Women s participation in panchayats has paved the way for women`s to participate in the decision-making process at the gross-root level. Women s participation proved to be the most effective instrument in bringing about a change in their way of life in terms of economic wellbeing and adoption of new technology.12 Women s entry into PRIs, both as members as well as heads of Panchayats, has pushed them into the policy-making and policy-implementation process in a very big way. Whether their husbands, fathers, brothers or other relatives compelled them to take up these roles, or whether they assumed these roles as dummy incumbents, one thing is certain: they crossed the rigid boundaries drawn through their households by the same male relatives. Following are some of the major findings of the present study 1. It has been observed that the percentage of women leaders at various levels of political activities has increased formally. 2. The general trend is that the women leaders in PRIs in Warangal district are belonging to the younger age-group between It has also been found that women take up political career as an extension of their domestic role. 4. It has been observed that, the influence of the husbands and close relatives is subsisting is becoming a stumping block in their empowerment. 5. The study reveals that women leaders have demanded literacy skills and also felt the need to educate their daughters. 13

14 6. It has been observed that the women representatives are generally taking interest in important amenities and facilities like, drinking water supply, primary health, child care, public distribution system and environmental protection. 7. It has been observed that women representatives are honest are not indulging in corrupt practices and accurate in presenting issues to the decision-making bodies and authorities. 8. Domestic violence has substantially declined due to women pradhan or surpanch. These women representatives take pro-actively take up such violence. The victims are also feeling free to share their grievances to women representatives. 9. Women are acting as agents of change in the society and raising voice against injustice and atrocities. Women leaders in PRIs: The Pitfalls Despite reservation for women, effective participation in PRIs have failed due to misuse and manipulation by the local power-brokers. Ignorance of women about their rights and procedures and about their potential and responsibilities has kept them far behind men in the local bodies. Unless structural changes are brought about, a sincere effort is made to educate women and the power structures existing in rural areas are neutralised, nothing much can be achieved. Women representatives often run into barriers (especially of family and society) and are hindered from participating effectively. The family, community and the state (represented by the officials) have together created a situation wherein elected women representatives are facing many operational constraints while playing their roles and discharging their functions in the PRIs. Following are some of the shortfalls in respect of the women leaders in local governance. 1. Overburdened with family responsibilities. 2. Introversion due to the lack of communication skills. 3. Poor socio-economic background with which the women have come into the system and poor capacity building. 4. Patriarchical system indirectly controls and directs their participation Undue interference by the husband of women representatives, treating them as mere dummies. 6. Political intervention in the functioning of Panchayats. 7. Lack of political awareness among the women in rural areas. 8. Illiteracy or low standard of education among the women in rural areas is a stumbling block. 9. Lack of training courses especially for women representatives. 10. Dominance of elected male members of the Panchayat. There is a need to empower rural women to enhance their quality of participation. It is women who can inspire confidence and offer stimulus for social change especially among their sisters in the rural areas. Hence, effective leadership among women must come from the ranks 14

15 of women themselves. Their qualitative participation can be achieved through training besides of course the literacy educational programmes. Mahila Mandals could be activated for this purpose where women could learn skills and acquire confidence. Links have to be strengthened between the village and the bureaucracy at the lower level. Special programmes on the role of women in PRIs, on rights of women and procedures should be prepared and highlighted through the mass media so as to make women aware and improve the quality of their participation in the socio-political system. The commitment to political empowerment must be supplemented by a new conceptualisation of women s role in the economy of India. Large scale awareness programmes for rural women should be organised about their rights. In sum, providing women with opportunities and support systems, such as reservations and other affirmative action, has the potential to put into motion a sustainable process for a change in gendered power relations allowing them to slowly but steadily break the shackles of existing boundaries. References Arun.R. (1997). Role of Women in Panchayat Raj, Administrator, Vol.11, April-June. Bava.N (1984), People s participation in Development Administration in India. New Delhi, Uppal Publisher. Dilip.K.Gosh (1997), Grassroots women Leaders: Who are they? A study in west Bengal District, Journal of Rural Development, Vol.16. No.2, April-June, pp Dhal Dr. Sangeeta (2006), The Issue of Women s Political Participation and Representation in India in Dr. Tapan Biswal (ED) Human Rights, Gender and Environments, New Delhi, iva Books: 286. Manikyamba.P. (19). Women Presiding Officer at the Tertiary Political Structure Journal of Rural Development. Vol.9 (6). Niroj Sinha(2000): Women in Indian Politics, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, Pp. 53. Padma.S. (1996). Empowering Pattern of Leadership among Rural Women in Orrisa, Indian Journal of Public Administration. Vol.42. No Pai. S. (1998) Pradhanis in New Panchayat: Field Note from Meerat District. Economic and Political Weekly, 33(18): 6-9. Roopa Sharma: The Women s Reservation Bill A Crises of Identity, pp Rajeshwari. A, PRIs and Women, in G. Palanithurai (ed.) (1996), Empowering People-Issues and Solutions, New Delhi: Kanishka, p Siva, K. Subramanyam(2002), Empowerment of Women and Marginalized Groups in Panchayats, Kurukshetra, Vol. 50, No.7, May. Seema Bhattacharya (2011) Rural Women, Panchayatiraj and Development, Mohit Publications, New Delhi. Susheela Kaushik (1993): Women s Participation in Politics, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, pp. XIV. 15

16 Sreedevi.K ( ), Political Participation of Women in Panchayat Raj Institutions- A study of Telangana Region of Andhra Pradesh. Usha Narayan(1999), Women s Political Empowerment Imperatives and Challenges, Main Stream, 10 th April, pp.1. 16