Empirical Aspects of the Democratic Citizenship among Hungarian high school and university students

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1 Empirical Aspects of the Democratic Citizenship among Hungarian high school and university students Oross Dániel, PhD junior research fellow, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Centre for Social Sciences Kovács Tamás junior research fellow, Hungarian Academy of Sciences Centre for Social Sciences Abstract First Draft! Please do not quote without permission of the authors One of the fundamental recognition of the past decades has been the relevance of education for democratic citizenship. The existence of education for democracy has positive impact on citizens' political knowledge and the identification with the democratic values. In the process of civic education, the universities and high schools also play an important role. Many scholars argue that the high schools have a civic mission to serve a public good or the university is the civic mission itself. To examine democratic citizenship among high school and university students we use a dataset composed of three surveys (2011, 2013, 2015) of 4800 Hungarian students. We build on the literature about the empirical and theoretical framework of democratic citizenship to answer the question if 25 years after the collapse of communism we can witness the emergence of a new generation of democrats in Hungary? Have young people successfully come to terms with their countries authoritarian past and developed a commitment to democracy as a system of rule? Are they ready to defend it in the face of challenges? Based on the empirical framework of citizenship we derive a number of significant lessons from the Hungarian case, with important implications about the ability to teach the norms and responsibilities of democratic citizenship in the world's emerging democracies. Keywords: citizenship, democracy, higher education Paper prepared 1 for presentation at the European Consortium for Political Research General Conference, Prague, 10 September Authors special thanks go to Andrea Szabó, leader of the Active Youth in Hungary Research Group for her guidance and support.

2 Introduction One of the fundamental recognition of the past decades has been the relevance of education for democratic citizenship. Within Europe, there is a wide consensus that the stability and the development of democracies depend on the virtues of citizens (Naval et al. 2002). Many scholars argue that the existence of education for democracy has positive impact on citizens' political knowledge and the identification with the democratic values. Otherwise, the education for democracy is linked to the concept of democratic citizenship. The primary goal of citizenship education is promoting democratic character which is one of the fundamental conditions of functioning democratic political system. With other words, education for democratic citizenship is a way to prepare people to become active, informed and engaged citizens within democratic life (Crick 2000, Naval et al. 2002). From this aspect, the democratic citizenship is much more a legal status. It may be defined as a part of an individual s political identity (Kymlicka & Norman 1994, Néron & Norman 2008) which reflects a relationship between citizens and democratic state. It can t be a coincidence that every theoretical concept of democracy creates own ideal of citizenship (Dekker 1996). Citizenship education directly refers to these theoretical debates. However, concepts of citizenship based on so moral ideas are not likely to be ever fulfilled (Klaassen 1996). The goals and values of democratic citizenship differ from liberal, republican and critical 2 perspectives. Liberal theorist of democratic citizenship suggest the acceptance of diversity, tolerance, the equality before the law (McLaughlin, 1992: 240 ), respect for human dignity, freedom and social and economic justice (Galston 1991: 84) as relevant values for citizens. In republican theories, the concept of civic virtue 3 and civic obligation express those values and forms of political participation 4 which are the most important for republicanism. The third theoretical framework of citizenship criticizes both liberal and republican approaches. The feminist authors emphasize the issue of women s equality in social, economic and political sphere (Arnot 1997, Yuval-Davis 1997, Pateman 1988). The cultural approach of democratic citizenship represents the importance of cultural and ethnic identity of individuals (Rosaldo 1997). And in the reconstructionist theoretical framework, the concept of 2 These we define as a collective label of feminist, reconstructionist and cultural theoretical framework of citizenship (Abowitz & Harnish 2006). 3 Based on Thomas L. Pangle s work: virtues of the family, marital fidelity, honesty, frugality, industry, craftsmanship, simplicity of manners, economic independence, discipline, moderation, temperance, obedience, respect for authority, orderliness, courage, passion for the common good, honour and power (Pangle 1988) 4 For instance, citizens should subordinate their private interests to the public good through political participation (Sunstein 1988)

3 social justice and the questioning of the contemporary social order stay in the focus (Westheimer & Kahne 2004, Veugelers 2007). The above mentioned different approaches of democratic citizenship consider different dimensions of citizen's democratic values and relationship to participation. As for the empirical framework in the field of active citizenship availability of data is a serious problem. Therefore to maximize the comparability of the indicators, the selection of indicators is crucial. Composite indicators have proved to be useful in ranking countries in benchmarking exercises therefore we have decided to create a composite indicator. The construction of an index is not straightforward, but involves both theoretical and methodological assumptions which need to be assessed carefully to avoid results of dubious analytic rigour (Hoskins and Mascherini, 2009: ). While input indicators refer to what is taught, output indicators refer to what is learnt. Because of the nature of our data we have decided to limit our interest to the output indicators of citizenship education. In our study, we do not analyze the curriculum vitae and education programs of Hungarian higher education because we approach democratic education from the outcome which means the empirical components of democratic citizenship. The focus of the study is empirical aspects of democratic citizenship among Hungarian high schools and university students. Among social institutions universities are one of the most important socialization agents for democratic education. As well as serving the interests of individuals, the higher education also accomplishes community goals in contemporary societies. Many scholars argue that high schools have a civic mission to serve public good and to create democratic citizens (Barnett 2007, Ehrlich 2000, Biesta 2009). It is also mentioned that university is a civic mission itself (Barber 1991). According to Shapiro (2005), the fundamental requirement of university education is creating democratic citizens and Nussbaum also talks (2002) about the necessary representation of deliberative democratic citizenship in higher education. Galston (2001) has argued that student s participation in university community may increase their chance to become politically engaged and to acquire basics skills to serve public good. These arguments suggest that universities play an important role in democratic citizenship education and the training of citizens inside the university has also an impact on democracy outside the university. We build on the literature about the empirical and theoretical framework of democratic citizenship to answer the question if 25 years after the collapse of communism we can witness

4 the emergence of a new generation of democrats in Hungary? Have high school and university students successfully come to terms with their countries authoritarian past and developed a commitment to democracy as a system of rule? Are they ready to defend it in the face of challenges? Based on the empirical framework of citizenship we derive a number of significant lessons from the Hungarian case, with important implications about the ability to teach norms and responsibilities of democratic citizenship in the world's emerging democracies. First, the study describes the Hungarian case which reflects for the specific situation of democratic education in Hungary. After that, we discuss data and methods which are elementary for the explanation of our results. Based on the empirical framework, the study shows empirical results on democratic citizenship among Hungarian students. Finally, we conclude our results and try to draw up some limited consequences for the future of Hungarian democracy, inside and outside of university. The Hungarian Case In order to understand the specificities of the Hungarian case, it is important to highlight that revolutive political socialisation took place in the country during the 20 th century (Szabó I., 2009:22). In societies successfully accomplishing bourgeois revolutions as an inherent quality of evolutive political socialization, the relationship between the individual and the state is a consequence of balanced development. In such a model democratic norms are being passed from generation to generation and root deeply in the memory of the citizens. The values mediated through different channels do not contradict each other. In the model of revolutive socialization, which is still familiar to many Hungarian citizens, political and economic changes were severely contradictory at times. These were carried out by means of duress employed by the political forces often violating the autonomy of the individual. The legitimacy of the political system was based on the accentuation of conflicts and the detection and removal of enemies instead of the compromised solution of problems (Bihari, 2005). In this context most members of society had to redefine their political identity repeatedly. The basis of redefinition was not brought by collective action based on the organic development of the society, but by external pressure. Questions of public life became moral questions distressing individuals. It is partly because of this, that political behaviour became defined by the asymmetric relation towards politics.

5 Student s views on democracy are primarily shaped by the contemporary institutions that play a key role in the political socialization of youth (e.g. family, school, peer group and media). In 1989/90 following the democratic transition of the country these institutions had to face new challenges and had to play new roles. The specificity of the Hungarian case is that a fragmented, semi-peripheral political socialization became characteristic (Szabó I. 2000) where the role of these institutions in transferring democratic values to young people is not clarified. Even though the new system is different both institutionally and functionally from the previous one, and despite the current system being the antithesis of the previous system ideologically (Szabó I. 1994, 62 63) institutions within a fragmented, semi-peripheral political socialization are unable to prepare students for the requirements of democratic citizenship and certain patterns from former, communist period and of earlier revolutive socialization persist. In the transitional period, the citizenship education were out of the question and Zsuzsa Mátrai has argued that the established Hungarian education model represents the citizen attitude where the individual is not a participant but rather an observer of the processes (Mátrai 1999:50-61). According to Orit Ichilov, a prominent Israeli sociologist, the most important goal of political socialization in democracies is to prepare society for civic engagement and active participation in politics. The Hungarian case underlines his statement that he wrote in 1990: even if a generation grows up and matures in a democratic system, this does not guarantee that a democratic political culture will take root in society (Ichilov 1990). University students have played an important role in revolutionary changes throughout Hungarian history (1848, 1956). Members of this age cohort are embedded both in the traditional values of their families and in the new ideas of youth organizations, and are therefore very sensitive to societal changes. Data collection of Active youth in Hungary research was carried out in a turbulent period (2011, 2013, 2015). Students protested against the Hungarian Government s planned cuts in the state subsidies to finance college tuition in Budapest on 10 December More than students rallied, blocking bridges over the Danube in freezing weather, and marched to Parliament. The protest later became a nationwide movement and students organized similar actions in different Hungarian cities over the course of several weeks. Therefore our analysis can bring interesting new results on changes in patterns of democratic citizenship in Hungary.

6 Hypotheses and research questions The contexts of revolutive and semi-peripheral political socialization create a boundary to our analysis. For instance, the lack of democratic education makes impossible to test and describe the effects of the education process for democracy in Hungary. Despite, we have a chance to test the consequences of undeveloped democratic education. We also aim to found out what are the most important factors which have an influence on the democratic attitude of Hungarian university and college students. Based on the above mentioned theoretical considerations, the main goal of our paper is to describe these factors. For this, we are going to test the following hypotheses: H1: We suppose that because of the mechanisms of the peripheral democratic socialization several features of the revolutive political socialization survived and have still impact on student s attitudes towards democratic citizenship. Therefore we expect that the Hungarian democratic transition resulted in low- of democratic citizenship among students. H2.1: Based on the research of Jo-Ann Amadeo et al. (2001), we hypothesize that male and female students have a significantly different relationship to democracy. H2.2: We also presume that good socio-cultural background has a positive influence on the engagement for democracy. We assume that the higher the educational of the respondent s father is the more a student is committed to democracy. H2.3: According to former research on Hungarian students relationship to democracy (Nyüsti, 2010), we hypothesize that the permanent residence (type of settlement) has no impact on student s opinion towards democracy. Data and methods In the paper, we employ data collected by Active Youth in Hungary Research Round Thus, our data covers a period between 2011 and Data from the three rounds were 5 During the first round of the research between December February 2012 an empirical survey was conducted with a hybrid technique: 1445 persons filled out an online survey at through the website while another 255 persons were asked to answer questions via face-to-face interviews. The second round of the research happened in March April of The survey was conducted with the hybrid technique: 859 persons filled out the online survey while another 441 persons were asked to answer questions via face-to-face interviews thus the sample consists of 1300 students. In April 2015 an empirical survey was conducted utilizing a sample of 800 students. All people were asked to answer questions via face-to-face interviews. Face-to-face interviews took place in 35 institutions across Hungary. Results were weighted for representativeness at a threedimensional faculty-. The aspects and considerations of weighting were: The composition of the

7 merged and we ended up with 4811 observations. Basically, pooled data analysis has been carried out. Design weights are used in the data. Dependent variable The dependent variable is citizenship index. When building up our index, we have followed the active citizenship composite indicator created by Hoskins and Mascherini (2009) 6. Hoskins and Mascherini, 2009 based the operational model of active citizenship on four measurable and distinct dimensions of Protest and social change, Community life, Representative democracy and Democratic values (see Figure 1). 1. Figure: The structure of Active Citizenship (Hoskins and Mascherini 2009) institution s faculty; The distribution of men and women within the faculty; The distribution of the s of training within the institution and the faculty (university-college, BA, MA, undivided training, PhD). 6 n_of_active_citizenship_in_europe%5b1%5d.pdf

8 The citizenship index in this paper has also four dimension but we actualized it to the Hungarian case. It is based on a list of 12 variables. The dimension on Democratic Participation aims to measure core elements of democratic citizenship, the of respondent s activity in different forms of political participation. It is similar to the dimension of Protest and social change of the Active Citizenship indicator. However it comprised of only three components. Since in Hungary electoral participation is a distinguished form of participation and in sharp contrast compared to the low s of non-electoral participation (Oross-Szabó, 2016) the first component is the indicator voted in last national election. The second component a combination of 7 indicators: out of 7 variables (signing a petition, collecting signatures for a petition, taking part in a lawful demonstration, taking part in unauthorized protest activity, boycotting products, taking part in any campaign activity, contacting politicians) an index was created in two steps. First, we have created a base index that could have the value between 0 and 7 (0 when not involved in any forms, and 7 if participated in every form in the last 12 months). Then the index was transformed into a value between 0 and 1 (the value was zero, if the respondent did not participate in any activity; one means that the respondent had some involvement). The third component of the indicator consist of an online form of participation and indicates if the respondent has voted online or not. The dimension on Identification with Democracy measures relevant elements of respondent s normative views on the way how democracy works in Hungary. It contains three indicators concerning students opinion about democracy. The first indicator is an index created from answers to the question if democracy is better than every other political system (the value was zero, if the respondent does not agree, 1 if agreed). The second indicates if respondent agree to the statement that for people like me, one political system is just like any other (the value was 1, if the respondent does not agree, 0 if agreed). The third indicates respondent s satisfaction with the functioning of democracy (the value was zero, if the respondent was not at all satisfied or not really satisfied, 1 if the respondent was more or less satisfied or completely satisfied).

9 Figure 2: Democratic Citizenship Index The third dimension is called Engagement in Public Life aims to measure the of interest and active engagement of students in public life, therefore it is similar to the Community life dimension of Active Citizenship indicator. It is built from three indicators: interest in politics ; affiliation with any loose, open communities, movements and being member of any online community that undertakes public affairs. The Fourth dimension called Rejection of Authoritarian Elements. It aims to measure if elements of the countries authoritarian past are still relevant and to test the coherence of students view on democracy. It consists of three indicators based on the respondents agreement or disagreement on the following statements: The most important virtues a child has to learn are obedience and respect for authority ; What our country needs is not so much laws and political programs, but, rather some brave, tireless, charismatic, and devoted leaders whom people can trust ; crime is in the blood of the Roma. The citizenship index was created in two steps. First, we have created a base index that could have the value between 0 and 12 (0 when the respondent have participated none of the political activities, did not identify with any democratic values, had no engagement in public life and did not disagree with any authoritarian statements and 12 if the respondent have done so). Then, to take a binary logistic model, the 0 12 base index was transformed into a value between 0 and 1. The value was zero, if the respondent had no democratic activity and no identification with democracy; one means that the respondent is an active democratic citizen. As any index, our index has limitations, most of all, that different forms of participation and opinions about democracy get the same weight in the model, even though different forms need

10 different s of individual involvement and different tools and different opinions might have different impact on democratic citizenship. Table 1.: Control Variables Variable gender permanent residence father s highest of education Description 0 if women 1 if men 1. Budapest 2. County- city 3. Other city 4. Town/village 1. Less than 8 years of primary 2. 8 years of primary 3. Technical school 4. Technical college 5. High School 6. College 7. University diploma, or doctoral school Results To examine the effects of underdevelopment democratic education in Hungary, we created a democratic citizenship index. Before the analysis, we presumed that the consequences of the above mentioned educational process will be a low- of democratic citizenship among Hungarian university and college students. In order to evaluate the results, we analyzed the proportion of the respondents answers. Figure 3: Citizenship index, the distribution of responses (%) N=4811, Mean=4.63, Median and Mode: 4.0. Source: Own Calculation 2016, Active Youth in Hungary Research ,1

11 By having a look at Figure 3 results it becomes evident that the majority of respondents can be found below 6, between 3 and 6. The mean score of the index is 4.6 from 12 what is basically a very low value and it shows the low of democratic commitment of Hungarian students. In order to further analyze our results we classify the values into 3 different categories. Values (0-3) which are under the mean of the index constitute the most undemocratic category and that s why we label the respondents who belong to this category as citizens with low democratic commitment. Based on our democratic citizenship index, the undemocratic citizenship status means a passive and uninterested attitude. The of online and offline participation is very low (if it exists at all) and the respondent did not vote during the last national elections. It also means that the citizen is absolutely not interested in politics and doesn t identify with the idea of democracy. It is complemented by the acceptance of authoritarian elements and the dissatisfaction with democratic order. Furthermore, respondents belonging to this category mostly agree with the statements which reflect authoritarian opinions. The results show that more than every third student belongs to this category in Hungary (36 %). The following values (4-5) create a special category of median citizens. We label this category as observer citizenship. The observer citizen has also a passive and politically uninterested attitude but the main difference between citizen with low democratic commitment and observer citizen is the relationship to democracy. These respondents support the idea of democracy but their participation in public life is low. The observer citizenship includes the acceptance of democratic idea and the rejection of authoritarian elements. Mátrai (1999) has argued that this attitude stems from the character of Hungarian education system. According to our classification 31 percent of students take an observer position. A minority of the respondents (23%) belongs to the last category which we label as active democratic citizenship. The democratic citizen prefers the idea of democracy and reject of any authoritarian thoughts. Such a citizen has an active and committed status to public life. The democratic citizenship is characterized by the high of political participation and political interest. The democratic citizen is mostly satisfied with the way democracy works.

12 It is hard to determine what we can consider as an unfavorable of democratic citizenship. However, our results show that 67 percent of respondents are not active citizens therefore based on that we consider that our first hypothesis holds. Figure 4: The proportion of students belonging to different categories (%) Citizens with low democratic commitment Observer citizens Active democratic citizens Source: Own Calculation 2016, Active Youth in Hungary Research With our second hypothesis we aim to found out what are the most important factors which have influence on the democratic attitude of Hungarian university and college students. Based on the research of Jo-Ann Amadeo et al. (2001), we supposed that male and female students haven t a significantly different relationship to democratic citizenship 7. Although differences are not high (see Figure 5) we found some gender difference among students according to their position on our citizenship index: men are underrepresented among citizens with low democratic commitment and observer citizens. However there is no gender difference among active democratic citizens. Our results contradict the assumptions of Jo-Ann Amadeio et al. (2001) therefore we cannot verify our hypothesis. 7 It s important to consider that Jo-Ann Amadeo et al. (2001) has tested the conventional citizenship among students.

13 Figure 5: Citizenship categories based on gender (%) active democratic citizen observer citizen low of democratic commitment man woman Source: Own Calculation (Crosstabs) 2016, Active Youth in Hungary Research Pearson Chi-Square:32.436; Sig:,000; Cramer s V:,082 We also presumed that good socio-cultural background has a positive influence on the engagement for democracy. We assumed that the higher the educational of the respondent s father is the more a student is committed to democracy. Figure 6: Citizenship categories based on of education of the respondent's father active democratic citizen 3% 1% 49% 16% 34% observer citizen 57% 16% 24% low of democratic commitment 3% 63% 14% 20% elementary vocational training high school diploma Source: Own Calculation (Crosstabs) 2016, Active Youth in Hungary Research Pearson Chi-Square: ; Sig:,000; Cramer s V:,113

14 22% 17% According to our results (see Figure 6) highest of education of the respondent s father has impact on the position on our citizenship index. The higher the of father s education, the more likely the respondent belongs to the group of active democratic citizens. Our results have verified the hypothesis that good socio-cultural background has a positive influence on the engagement for democracy. According to former research on Hungarian students relationship to democracy (Nyüsti, 2012), we hypothesize that the type of settlement has no impact on student s opinion towards democracy. Figure 7: Citizenship categories based on type of settlement active democratic citizen 23% 26% 34% observer citizen 29% 27% 22% low of democratic commitment 23% 32% 29% 16% village town city with county rights capital city Source: Own Calculation (Crosstabs) 2016, Active Youth in Hungary Research Pearson Chi-Square: ; Sig:,000; Cramer s V: 0,125 Our results indicate (see Figure 7) that 60 percent of active democratic citizens live in the capital and in the cities. Therefore the type of settlement has some impact on student s opinion towards democracy. Conclusion In our paper we intended to show the outcome of (lacking) democratic education in Hungary by measuring empirical components of democratic citizenship. As for our general question whether high school and university students have successfully come to terms with their Hungary s authoritarian past and whether they were able to develop a commitment to

15 democracy as a system of rule we can conclude that the authoritarian past has still impact on student s attitudes towards democratic citizenship. Based on the results of our citizenship index we have demonstrated that the Hungarian democratic transition resulted in low- of democratic citizenship among students. We found the majority of respondents below the average of our 12 point scale (6), between 3 and 6. The mean score of the index is 4.6 what is basically a very low value and it shows low of democratic commitment among Hungarian students. As for important factors which have influence on the democratic attitude of Hungarian university and college students we found that socio-cultural background and permanent residence of the respondent have some impact on students position on the citizenship index. At the individual we can say that active democratic citizen s fathers typically have a high of education and most of these respondents live in the capital or in the cities. Conversely, the persons with low democratic commitment live typically in villages and their fathers have elementary education. This finding is line with the results of previous empirical Hungarian research projects (Youth2004, Youth2008 and Hungarian Youth2012). The low- democratic attitude of students could be a negative prognostic for the future. Inside the university, the democratic life will be continuously lifeless with a low- student s participation and political disinterest. The universities won t be able to function as a democratic public arena. Low- democratic attitude of students could be cause a democratic deficit among the countries future s cultural, political and economical elite which could have a negative effect for the stability of the Hungarian democracy. The permanent commitment to democratic participation will be probably a lacking phenomenon.

16 Appendix 1. Components of the democratic citizenship index - list of variables Variable Contents Comments Availability If parliamentary elections were to be held this Sunday (and you would be eligible to vote)? electoral participation participation index index online participation Identification with democracy 1 Identification with democracy 2 Satisfaction with democracy Political interest (Pol_intr: name of variable in the table) activity in community life membership in online communities Authoritarianism 1 Authoritarianism 2 Intolerance It consists of the following variables: 1.Contacted politicians 2. Worked in an organization or association last 12 months; 3. Worn or displayed campaign badge/sticker last 12 months, 4. Campaign activity (e.g. Gluing posters) 5. Signed petition last 12 months; 6. Taken part in lawful public demonstration last 12 months; 7 Boycotted certain products last 12 months. How often you vote on the internet in questions concerning public affairs, social problems? Democracy is better than every other political system. For people like me, one political system is just like any other. How satisfied with the way democracy works in country How interested in politics? Are you affiliated with any loose, open communities, movements? Are you a member of any online community that undertakes public affairs? The most important virtues a child has to learn are obedience and respect for authority What our country needs is not so much laws and political programs, but, rather some brave, tireless, charismatic, and devoted leaders whom people can trust Crime is in the blood of the Roma I would certainly vote; I would probably vote=1 I would probably not vote, I would certainly not vote=0 (values: 0 7, recoded 0 1) regularly, sometimes=1 never=0 disagreement= 0 agreement= 1 disagreement= 1 agreement= 0 I am not at all satisfied, I am not really satisfied = 0 I am more or less satisfied, I am completely satisfied=1 1=interested, 0= not interested 1=yes, 0= no 1=yes, 0= no disagreement= 1 agreement= 0 disagreement= 1 agreement= 0 disagreement= 1 agreement= 0 Literature Abowitz, K.K. & Harnish, J. (2006): Contemporary Discourses of Citizenship. In.: Review of Educational Research, 2006 vol. 76 no. 4. Amadeo, J. & Tornay-Purta, J. & Lehmann, R. & Husfeldt, V. & Nikolova, R. (2001): Civic Knowledge and Engagement. An IEA Study of Upper Secondary Students in Sixteen Countries. IEA, Arnot, M. (1997): Gendered Citizenry : new feminist perspectives on education and citizenship. In.: British Educational Research Journal Volume 23, Issue 3, June pp.

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