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1 Draft only DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT THE PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR Social Cohesion in the Central Andes: New Development Paradigms and Indigenous Vindication in Social Agendas in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia (Panel: Rethinking Development from a Latin American Perspective (I)) Paper by Mario Samamé mrse.samame@gmail.com msamame@pucp.edu.pe Independent Scholar Bachelor in Political Science and Government (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú - PUCP) Student of Cultural Management Specialization Program (Escuela Superior de Formación Artística del Museo de Arte de Lima MALI)

2 Social Cohesion in the Central Andes: New Development Paradigms and Indigenous Vindication in Social Agendas in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia "(...) live as brothers and gathered into one body, (...) for the shelter, protection and conservation of Spanish creoles, of 'mestizos' (mix-raced), 'zambos' (african descendants) and 'indios' (indigenous), and their tranquility, being all fellow countrymen and compatriots, as born in our lands, and from the same origin of naturals, and for having suffered equally these oppressions and tyrannies from the Europeans." José Gabriel Condorcanqui Túpac Amaru II ( Edicto a los Criollos de Chichas, 1780) "... from now on, the natives will not be called, 'INDIOS' or 'NATURALES'; they are children and citizens of Peru and with the name of "Peruvians", they should be known. " José de San Martín (Decree from August 27th 1821) "I speak, gentlemen, of freedom for everyone, and mainly for the destitute. The creole groups and the foreigners that live in the strip of land located between the Pacific and the Andes are not the real Peru; the nation is formed by crowds of 'indios' scattered on the eastern side of the Andes." Manuel Gonzales Prada ( Discurso en el Politeama compilated in his book Pájinas Libres, 1888) "All theses on the indigenous problem that ignore or evade it as a social-economical problem, are such sterile theoretical exercises -and sometimes verbal only-, condemned to an absolute disgrace. (...) The indigenous issue comes out from our economy. It has its roots in the regime of the land property." José Carlos Mariátegui ( 7 Ensayos de Interpretación de la Realidad Peruana, 1928) "I think that indigenous peoples, at least in Central-Andean countries, are too big demographic and historically to limit in claims that, in other countries, demographic and historically different, would be complaints of ethnic minorities." Carlos Iván Degregori ( Pueblos indígenas y democracia intercultural. Un debate desde los países andinos, 2008) Introduction After the cruelly suppressed Indigenous Rebellions of Tupac Amaru and Tupac Katari (in the current territories of southern Peru and Bolivia) in 1780 and 1781, since when the emancipatory processes in Hispanic America began with the formation of Governing Boards- until when the patriot army triumphed at the Battle of Ayacucho- various movements and struggles finally were able to consolidate independence in the former territories controlled by Spain.

3 Although respect for freedom, equality and fundamental rights should be defended as a symbol of emancipation and establishment of the republic, this does not happen for everyone. Independence is only for those who did it: the Creoles. Many laws were passed "in favor of the Indian", but these were not reflected in practice. Indigenous remains relegated of the national scene and sometimes their condition is even worse than in the colony. At early 20th century, States and societies in Central-Andean countries take greater importance to indigenous reality, which until then had been presented as forgotten people in a territory that ancestrally belongs to them. Thus the Political Constitutions of the States were concerned with regulating the legal status of indigenous communities (with denominations as peasant, native or indigenous communities) and were added clauses regarding customary law. However, it was not enough. From the late 20th century and early 21st there is a process of strengthening of the indigenous movement (particularly in Ecuador and Bolivia) and recognition of indigenous rights and proposal of new development paradigms seeking for full inclusion of these populations and thus, strengthen the integration and cohesion in these societies characterized by a great diversity, but also by historical discrimination and exclusion of large sectors of the population. I. Social Cohesion in the Central-Andes: an approach to the concept In Central-Andean countries, unlike others, racial marginalization goes along social marginalization, that is why racism and classism are closely linked. Since the arrival of the Spanish in this land, a strict social pyramid -which prevented the promotion or social mobility of disadvantaged people to occupy the most favored sectors of society-, prevailed. And it's at this time (and then it consolidate in the Republic) that the racial issue is linked with the social, hence the creation of concepts in which white is rich / who dominates, and "indigenous" and blacks are the poor / the dominated. This reality unfortunately is still seen until today, where indigenous and African-descendant people are the most socially marginalized and are part (mostly) of the lower socioeconomic sector in Central-Andean republics, unlike the Europeandescendants which are mostly of the wealthiest sector. This political and social reality characterized by problems of poverty, extreme inequality, various forms of discrimination and social exclusion, which are phenomena that can weaken the sense of belonging to a society and exacerbate problems of democratic governance, allow the concept of "social cohesion" -which has its origins in the Social Sciences and is a new topic in the academic and public policy debate in Latin America- becomes important in the region and, with special emphasis, on the Central-Andean area (Varillas 2011).

4 In that sense, there have been generating a series of debates and have been developing several definitions of "social cohesion"-a complex concept with systemic dimension- and which is presented was the developed by CEPAL (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, in English): "(...) Social cohesion is defined as the dialectic between established social exclusion and inclusion mechanisms and the responses, perceptions and attitudes of citizenship towards the way they operate. This concept, (...), offers some advantages. First, it links different dimensions of reality that usually follow separate paths: social policy and the value of solidarity spread in society; synergies between social equity and political legitimacy; transmission of skills and empowerment of citizens; socioeconomic transformations and changes in social interaction; socioeconomic changes and changes in collective subjectivity; promoting greater equality and greater recognition of diversity -of gender, ethnicity or race-, socioeconomic gaps and sense of belonging. While social cohesion is not described as a panacea, whose full development is postulated, its fundamental character is supported in a systemic approach to development." (CEPAL 2007: 16) This concept, which is close to sustainable development and citizenship, presents a vision of social inclusion and integration with promotion of unity based on respect and value of diversity and differences, that has encouraged the establishment of new paradigms for future in the Central Andes, which seek to promote "development" considering the characteristics and peculiarities of these countries, in order to break the political, economic, social and cultural structures that Republics inherited from the colonial era. Also, it is necessary to note that the processes of group identity construction in the Central-Andes have been marked by the idea of a "nation" or "imagined political community" in which its members share common bonds, but that ended as homogenizing processes. The Nation-State has traditionally had suppression policies of national difference. In contrast, integration policies seek to create a shared patriotism that supports equality, freedom and participation conditions of citizenship. Integrationist policies seek to reduce political and economic differences between citizens of different communities, accepting State neutrality in cultural matters. And now, this is the path that State and people intend to follow in the Central-Andes, particularly in Ecuador and Bolivia that began important reform processes. Finally, despite the shared history and cultural and ethnic similarities, current political and economic models of the Central-Andean countries are different. Also, the state of indigenous peoples and movements in each country is different; however, in the last decade the indigenous issue has become relevant in the three countries -where issues like the "buen vivir/good life", the "pluri-

5 nationality" or "prior consultation" are part of the public debate- and is seen as imperative its vindication indigenous are important in terms of quantity (representing an important sector of the population of the whole area), but also in the symbolic (their contribution as a main component for the construction of collective projects)- to achieve real development and consolidate the cohesion of (pluri)national societies. II. Cultural diversity and construction of the Nation-State in the Central Andes The ecological and geographical diversity of Central-Andean area (from the Pacific coast and the Andes to the Amazon and Chaco plains) is the leading cause of the great diversity of indigenous ethnic groups that, because of the heterogeneity of altitudes and climatic factors, developed their culture of different ways from each other. In this cultural and ethnic indigenous diversity, we have to add the later European, African, Asian and Oceanic cultural contribution, which makes Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, países de todas las sangres y culturas ("all bloods and cultures countries"); that is, multicultural countries because of the coexistence of a diversity of cultural groups in the same territory. In the three countries we can find the existence of dozens of ethniccultural groups, different from each other, with their own culture and language (Pozzi-Escot 1998: 11), in addition to their own customs, beliefs and worldviews, culinary, social and hierarchical structures, rituals, dances, festivals, and regulatory systems, etc. In Peru we find around 72 ethnic groups in the country: 65 correspond to the Amazon and 7 to the Andes (Pozzi-Escot 1998: 11). In Ecuador, 14 ethnic groups or "indigenous nationalities": one in the Andes (the Kishwa, which is formed by 14 peoples with own characteristics), 5 in the Coast and 8 in the Amazon (Ministerio Coordinador de Patrimonio del Ecuador 2008: 10). And in Bolivia coexists 37 ethnic groups, divided into 34 "indigenous peoples" (name for lowland groups: Amazon, Llanos and Chaco) and 3 "native peoples" (for highland groups: Andes and Valleys, in which the Quechua, Aymara and Uro- Chipaya are located) (UNESCO 2000). The three Central-Andean countries were born as republics with indigenous majority, but with a small Creole elite who holds the political and economic power. Throughout various governments that succeeded in these countries, there were passed numerous laws and were promoted various initiatives towards indigenous majorities; however, the inherited social and cultural structures of the colony never changed. This is mainly due to the fact that, when Central-Andean countries and whole Latin America were born to independent life, they constituted republics, but not States and even less Nations

6 (Vergara, 2007: 49). The lack of State meant that our countries did not have "the set of institutions with the means to exercise legitimate coercion over a defined territory and its population, which is called society", whereas the State is the one that "monopolizes rulemaking within its territory through an organized government" (Banco Mundial, 1997: 22). As we can infer, this figure does not exist in the first decades of the republic, in which do not exist or are emerging State institutions; that means that there is no consolidated system that can efficiently carry out State basic or minimum functions (law and order, public health, defense, etc.). And if we add the long periods of anarchy in which Central-Andean countries had two, three or more governors at the same time, we can conclude that there was no government or institutions guaranteeing social welfare. In the twentieth century, during the first half, reforms were taken for the organization of the States. Besides organizing, different public entities were created -with their respective rules and institutions- for better logistics and performance of their functions. In the second half of the century, there were nationalist or "nationalpopular" processes in several countries in Latin America and particularly in Central-Andean countries: the most important were the Peruvian and Bolivian revolutionary processes. In Peru, in October 1968, there was a military coup that established the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces, also called Peruvian Revolution. This breakthrough in power began a process of profound social, political, economic and cultural changes that removed the Peruvian social structure, and that is why in Peru s contemporary republican history specialists speak of a "before" and "after" the revolution led by Gnrl. Juan Velasco Alvarado. A similar process, with its particular course, happened in Bolivia. Perhaps the two biggest differences with the Peruvian process are: 1 Bolivian process occurred 16 years before the Peruvian, and 2. it is true that the military were involved also in Bolivia, but who finally governed were civilians supported by popular sectors (peasants and laborers). Like the Peruvian revolution, the Bolivian drove deep reforms regarding the distribution of land to benefit the poor indigenous peasants, in the same way as other reforms for the benefit of the majority; however, as happened in Peru, due to various factors (corruption, leaders greed and deficiencies in projects) the revolutionary process in Bolivia was unfinished. "Historically, both Coastal and Andean peasant communities as Amazonian ethnic groups have established a tense but steady cultural, political and legal 'dialogue' with the colonial and republican State. It is important to mention that some researchers have highlighted this

7 dynamic, often crossed by silences, mutual misunderstandings or violent conflicts, but decisive in the transformation of the Peruvian historical scene." (Guevara Gil 2003: 14) This correct idea serves us to name and describe the type of relationships between Central-Andean States -critically denominated as "Creole Republics"- and indigenous/peasant communities throughout our history. However, since the last decades of the 20th century there were growing indigenous movements that, in Ecuador and Bolivia cases, have been protagonists and stakeholders of the social changes that are taking place in this century. Thus, in recent times, these relationships may be changing within the socalled current processes of "democratization", social change, "social inclusion" or "popular vindication" with progresses but still insufficient results- that aim to become our society in a fully inclusive and egalitarian one. III. Political and social news in the Central Andes: indigenous movements and progressive governments After the 90s and the beginning of a century marked by political, economic and social crises (with own country characteristics), this first decade and a half of the 21st century has meant a period of democratic stability (succession of governments elected by people and compliance of their presidential terms), although not without episodes of political and social unrest. Also, the new Central-Andean governments (except Peru) are aligned with the "leftist" or "progressive" wave (related to the so-called "Socialism of the 21st century") of governments elected in most South American countries. As it is mentioned one of the regional exceptions is Peru that, since the democratic transition in 2000, has had three right-wing governments (although with different characteristics each one). The current President of Peru Ollanta Humala ( ), was presented at the last election in an electoral platform of nationalist, leftist and progressive parties and organizations, and with a social and popular democratic government plan which proposed greater public involvement in economic activities, increased participation of the popular sectors and even a new Political Constitution, that made people and analysts think that Peru would join the group of leftist countries in the region (currently 7 of the 12 South American); however, after the socio-environmental conflict between the Government and the people and peasant communities in Cajamarca (region in the northern highlands of Peru) to impose a mining megaproject (copper mine of Conga) that Humala -during the election campaign- promised that would not run, the government changed its discourse towards the right-wing and the political and economic model (neo-liberal) of the previous presidents that he had criticized when he was candidate. However, it is important to note that the

8 current government approved the Law on Prior Consultation to Indigenous Peoples an important recognition of the collective rights of these peoples- and also is promoting a set of programs of social assistance for the most vulnerable sectors of the population (extreme poverty). The cases of Central-Andean neighbors of Peru are different. With the inauguration of Rafael Correa as President of the Republic of Ecuador in 2007, a new political, social, economic and cultural process that was called "Citizens' Revolution" began. This "Citizens' Revolution" implies reforms in different areas of society and change of the paradigm of "development" defended until then to implement a new one that in fact means welfare for individuals and harmony between communities in the country. As part of this process of change, in the year 2008 a Constituent Assembly was called for draft a new Constitution that reflects and helps to implement this new model of society and the new vision of development for it. Thus, it is stated in the preamble of the new Constitution that it is decided to "build a new form of peaceful coexistence in diversity and harmony with nature, to achieve the good life, sumak kawsay". Meanwhile, in Bolivia the strength and growth of the protest movement would be reflected with the prominence in the political national scene of Evo Morales, who started as a labor union and coca growers leader of the Chapare region (Cochabamba) and become a political leader of Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) (Movement towards Socialism). Morales ran for President of Bolivia for the first time in He achieved the second place with 20.9% and was not elected president, becoming an opponent of the right-wing policies undertaken by the government of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada. In 2005, participating for a second time in a presidency election, Morales wins in first round with over 50% of the votes. From the beginning of his mandate, Morales promised to rebuild the country and to encourage a democratic, popular and cultural revolution in which there is a real participation of the majorities, that would lead to an inclusion of indigenous majorities for decades postponed in the political system and thereby it would be searched to reform the structures of Bolivian society. For this, one of his promises as a candidate was the convening of a Constituent Assembly to redact the Carta Magna as the basis for the construction of the new Bolivia. Finally, in 2009 the new Political Constitution that recognizes the collective rights of indigenous peoples and proposes the coexistence of different nations within a single State (Plurinational State) was approved in Bolivia. Thus, the liberal representative democracy is transformed to incorporate other mechanisms and other theses that emphasize multiculturalism and political participation of nations. As with the government models, in relation to indigenous movements -and its organization and influence- there is also a Peruvian exception.

9 For example, Juan José García Miranda indicates that it does exist an indigenous movement in Peru, although fragmented: "(...) it has led to the fragmented development of the Peruvian indigenous movement, which is different from the indigenous movement in Bolivia and Ecuador, where ethnic-peasant organizations keep their autonomy and have concrete political proposals beyond the "economicismo oenegésico" (NGO economicism) in which the indigenous movement in Peru has stayed" (Escárzaga and Gutiérrez, 2005: 505). Otherwise, another specialist as Ramón Pajuelo believes that unlike Bolivia and Ecuador, "there are indeed no indigenous movements" in Peru, "which leads us to a discussion of the idea of movement: What are we calling indigenous movements as social movements? That is, indigenous movements are a type of social movements; therefore, a type of social conflict starring by a social sector, with a leadership, with a speech that manages to emphasize some of the areas of domination in a space of domination, being it regional or state, although it is primarily about a national state space. Those are social movements. And that is why there are indigenous movements which point out the ethnical-cultural domination, (...). That does not exist in Peru. What we rather have in recent years -especially since the democratic transition, (...), from 2001 until now- is the emergence of a series of protests and demonstrations, not social movements, which have changed little the political configuration of the country" (Málaga, 2008: 35). At the end, both authors are on the same direction and I subscribe what Pajuelo more convincingly affirms: in Peru there is no indigenous social movement, we are only in a time of demonstrations or isolated proposals, but not articulated in a coherent project and with higher purposes. In that sense, to talk of a real social movement we should be on the assumption that this could be originated in reaffirming a cultural project of resistance facing government institutions due to a reality considered unfair. As also shown by Castells, "the resistance can lead to projects that are adopted by the indigenous movements," but "only when such projects come out may be a structural transformation" and consequently "we only know whether the collective actions were actually subjects of the social change because of their impacts" (Castells, 2009: 394). Furthermore, it could be the lack of consolidation of the ideological and programmatic project of indigenous representative organizations as one of the main obstacles to achieve what Ecuador and Bolivia could and that we have seen in recent years in these two countries: their movements were configured as relevant actors in the political, social and cultural ethnical panoramas, having great influence in these areas. By contrast, in the case of the called Peruvian "movement", specifically the Amazonian indigenous who has its roots in the 70s, it has only got until today certain general basics towards the rights of the people they represent, in addition to a critique to the State for its absence and inaction in relation to its problems; however -beyond the rhetoric- it has not been able to

10 establish a full organization and national projection that integrates also Quechua and Aymara peoples with the Amazonians and that leads to a cultural-political project which ultimately originates the social structural change they are looking for. IV. New Development Paradigms in the Social Agendas of Central- Andean countries As was mentioned, since this century there are being developed political and social processes of vindication and social reform, which can be seen clearly in the Ecuadorian and Bolivian cases. In both cases, there have been proposed and promoted "new development paradigms" from the adoption of new Political Constitutions that have been the base for the preparation of new Development Plans. At the same time, the emergence and support to these "new development paradigms" is the product of a deep crisis in these countries -which unlike Peru, they caused the formation of a strong social and indigenous movement- that for the break of the previous system and for the establishment of the new base of the republic and society, call for constituent processes that finally approved a new vision of the State, Nation and Society based on principles of native communities, but that the "Creole Republics" -with their western hegemonic belief- never took into account: this is the so-called Buen Vivir / Vivir Bien ("Good Living"/"Living Well") or "Sumak Kawsay" (in Quechua / Kishwa) / "Suma Qamaña" (in Aymara). The Preamble to the Constitution of Bolivia of 2009 expressly declares: "(...) in the struggles for land and territory, and with the memory of our martyrs, we build a new State. A State based on respect and equality among all, with principles of sovereignty, dignity, complementarity, solidarity, harmony and equality in the distribution and redistribution of social product, where predominates the living well search; with respect to economic, social, legal, political and cultural diversity of the inhabitants of this land; collectively coexistence with access to water, labor, education, health and housing for all. " Furthermore, it is important to emphasize that -according to the first article of the Constitution- Bolivia becomes a "Plurinational State" that "is based on plurality and political, economic, legal, cultural and linguistic pluralism within the integration process of the country". And the eighth article, vindicate of indigenous values, establishes the principles on which the State and the Bolivian Society is supported:

11 "I. The State assumes and promotes as ethical-moral principles of plural society: ama qhilla, ama llulla, ama suwa (do not be lazy, do not be a lier nor to be a thief), suma qamaña (living well), ñandereko (harmonious life), teko kavi (good life), ivi maraei (land without harm) and qhapaj ñan (noble path or life). II. The State is based on the values of unity, equality, inclusion, dignity, liberty, solidarity, reciprocity, respect, complementarity, harmony, transparency, balance, equal opportunities, social and gender equity in participation, common good, responsibility, social justice, distribution and redistribution of social goods and products, to live well." In the case of the Ecuadorian Constitution of 2008 it has a whole title that signals and explains the new Development Regime to implement (Title VI) and the goals they plan to get through it. The following article is very enlightening about the new development model for Good Living: "Art The development regime is the organized, sustainable and dynamic set of the economic, political, socio-cultural, and environmental systems ensuring the realization of the good living, sumak kawsay. The State will plan the development of the country to ensure the exercise of the rights, the achievement of the development regime objectives and the principles enshrined in the Constitution. The planning will cause social and territorial equity, will promote coordination, and will be participatory, decentralized and transparent. The good living requires that individuals, communities, villages and nations effectively enjoy their rights and exercise responsibilities in the framework of multiculturalism, respect for diversity, and harmonious coexistence with nature." On the other hand, we found that in Title VII - Good Living Regime, is established a national system of inclusion and social equity (Chapter I) which guarantees, by the State, respect for the rights and freedoms of all the country citizens, without any exclusion or discrimination on any reason. Thus, through a complete protection of individuals and communities, it is seek to promote equity, solidarity and multiculturalism; in one sentence: "union in diversity". This system will ensure full citizenship rights in "the fields of education, health, social security, risk management, physical culture and sport, habitat and housing, culture, communication and information, free time enjoyment, science and technology, population, human security and transportation" (art. 340). Also, in the second chapter of the same title, we find principles related to the protection and defense of biodiversity and natural heritage; noting that "the State will guarantee a sustainable development model, environmentally balanced and respectful of cultural diversity, that conserves biodiversity and natural regeneration capacity of ecosystems, and ensures the needs satisfaction of present and future generations" (art. 395 inc. 1). Furthermore, the State undertakes to develop mechanisms to avoid any

12 environmental impact, to mitigate the effects of climate change, to guarantee access to water for all citizens, to protect the different ecosystems and living areas within their national territory and to promote sustainable development of its natural resources. All of this is related to what is stipulated in the articles 71 to 74 - Rights of Nature, which states that the Pacha Mama (Mother Earth), "where life is reproduced and realized, is entitled to fully respect its existence and the maintenance and regeneration of its vital cycles, structure, functions and evolutionary processes" (art. 71) as it has the "right of restoration" (art. 72) product of the resources extraction that generates. Finally, it is noted that "persons, communities, peoples and nationalities will be entitled to benefit from the environment and natural resources that allow them the good living. Environmental services will not be susceptible to appropriation; their production, provision, use and exploitation will be regulated by the State" (art. 74). The Peruvian case, as already mentioned, is different. The social agenda of the Peruvian government has a clear liberal base but with emphasis on the social development of vulnerable sections of society, so its development paradigm could be referred as "Human Development and Welfare" or "(Economic) Growth with social inclusion", which means keeping a developer State of private investment in the framework of a liberal (and export of raw materials) economy, but with a strong social investment to implement assistance programs for excluded social sectors. In that sense, the greatest progress in the recognition of collective rights is the referred to prior consultation, which is a required right since February 2nd 1995, date on which the Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent countries of the International Labour Organization (ILO) entered into force", but that had not been implemented (DAR 2012: 25). Although the Government changed the ideological and programmatic basis for which it was elected, it in its first month (august 2011), "due to the permanent monitoring of indigenous organizations and civil society", approved the Law of Right to Prior Consultation to Indigenous or Native Peoples (DAR 2012: 25). The approval process of this law began with the so-called "Baguazo" (socio-environmental conflict in June 2009), which confronted policemen and Awajún natives with the balance of 10 natives and 23 death policemen, plus a disappeared police and a dozen wounded on both fronts; produced this by the Awajún defence of their ancestral territories and their opposition to the extraction of hydrocarbons that could lead to the loss of their communities and culture, with further effect on their environment. In this way, it could be seen an indigenous- Amazonian movement represented in AIDESEP (Interethnic Association for Development of the Peruvian Jungle, in English), that under a well-established organization led the mobilization and proposed certain measures and dialogue to the Government to reach a solution. Finally, what seemed to become an integrated indigenous movement of national projection, as in Ecuador or Bolivia,

13 did not materialize, but there is no doubt of the importance of this organization and this fact in the context of the struggle for the vindication of indigenous peoples and their real inclusion in Peruvian society. V. Challenges for Social Cohesion in the Central Andes: towards the consolidation of new development paradigms and the challenges of (multi)national projects Historically there has been a constant in the States of the Central-Andean republics the inefficiency to include the popular political cultures to the national life; it was usual the exaltation of the European and 'mestizo' (mix-raced) as related to the progress and the constant underestimation of the indigenous who was seen as a poor, backward, uncivilized and helpless being; it was normal in politics the racist rhetoric and the project idea of exclusionary nation where only a few are considered citizens; it was almost null in the Central Andes the conception of true nations where Quechuas, Aymaras and Amazonian can develop and have the same opportunities as the creoles and mestizos. However, the ideas of 'plurality', 'inclusion' and 'participation', which may sound vague but that have an important background are essential for the formation of nationalstates in our region although now the new proposal is the formation of plurinational or multicultural states taking also into account that between 40 and 50% of the population of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia have indigenous origin. In that sense, in the 21th century, with the support of their Constitutions (whose models can be considered reformists - Bolivia and Ecuador- or liberals - Peru-) and reflected through their Development Plans, the countries of the Central-Andean region have outlined their own development paradigms: Living Well/Suma Qamaña (Bolivia), Good Living/Sumaq Kawsay (Ecuador) and Growth with Social Inclusion (Peru). Each paradigm or model has its nuances and particularities; however, they have common elements -due to historical, political, social, economic and cultural transverse similarities across all of the Andean sub region- that allow to make recommendations and proposals from a sub-regional vision towards a social cohesion in the Central Andes: - Beyond the different conceptions of development, it is common the objective of eliminating social breaches (poverty, exclusion and inequality), and the search for improving the citizens quality of life through an increased social investment. - Priority for the most vulnerable groups (children, elderly, women, indigenous, African-descendants, disabled) focusing efforts to be the first beneficiaries of social development. - Recognition of the cultural and ethnic diversity (indigenous nations and African-descendant peoples) and the ecological and biological diversity, whose protection and defense is essential for the development, welfare and sustenance of the people.

14 - Promotion of decentralization and regionalization as dynamic factors of subnational development and competitiveness. - Defense of the national sovereignties and promotion of the Andean, South American and Latin American-Caribbean integration. Because it is an innovative and original proposal with ancestral base, it is important to emphasize the philosophical basis of the Good Living (Sumaq Kawsay / Suma Qamaña) paradigm and how important it would be its consolidation in Ecuador and Bolivia and, why not, a subsequent diffusion and official promotion in Peru and other Latin American countries. The development model of Good Living consists in the harmony of the inner self, not only individual, but understood as a collective micro (family), that must also be in harmony with the collective macro (community) and the country as a whole. This harmony is not only a social level; but also is between man/woman and the nature. The Good Living is the ultimate objective of society, in which nature is subject of rights and the diversity and multiculturalism of the country are recognized. Decentralization is important to combat territorial disparities and to promote a more participatory system with prominence not only of the subnational governments but of the society and civil organizations. With this, we see that the objective is not a superfluous economic development but the Living Well through the guarantee of certain rights: water, healthy food, health, education; which during the privatization period became into merchandise. As noted by the National Plan of Good Living of Ecuador, the dominant concept of "development" has entered into a deep crisis, not only by the colonialist perspective from where it was built, but also by the poor results generated in the whole world", which is reflected through history that "has shown that changes in the operating life of societies are not mono-causal or in the same way, that economic growth does not necessarily imply development and that "underdevelopment" and "development" are two sides of the same coin". Therefore, "following the new pact of coexistence sealed in the Constitution of 2008, this Plan proposes a moratorium of the word development to include in the discussion the concept of Good Living ", which advocates a "sustainable development" involving "the respect for the historical and cultural diversity as a base to build up the necessary unity of peoples. It involves, as an essential element, the equal rights and opportunities among women and men of the communities, among peoples and nationalities, among boys, girls, youth and adults. It involves the unrestricted participation of citizens in the exercise of democracy" (In: Plan Nacional del Buen Vivir. Introducción. Un cambio de Paradigma). This new paradigm requires full participation and empowerment of society, which must not be dependent on or subject to the interests of the market or the State, but they will serve as support for the achievement of its objectives, and which will provide to it a vigorous social power. That is, under this new

15 model, society acquires autonomy and a new citizenship is driven that has freedom of initiative to make actions for the benefit of the collective. Additionally, one of the most important issues that the new Constitutions and Social Agendas propose, based on the new development paradigms, is the establishment of Plurinational or Pluricultural States. The Peruvian case is unique, but it is also undergoing a process of recognition of cultural diversity. What these vindications are looking for is to break the homogeneous character of the National-State and establish a new model that represents the diversity of society. (Degregori 2004) What is searched with this is a more free, fair and democratic society, with impetus on participation, promotion of decentralization and pride of the diversity, all of which is supported by principles that will lead the individual / group: 1. Towards unity in diversity; 2. Towards a human being who wants to live in society; 3. Towards equality, integration and social cohesion; 4. Towards the commitment of universal rights and empowerment of human skills; 5. Towards a harmonious relationship with nature; 6. Towards a solidarity, fraternal and cooperative coexistence; 7. Towards a liberating job and leisure; 8. Towards the reconstruction of the public domain; 9. Towards a representative, participatory and deliberative democracy; 10. Towards a democratic, pluralist and secular State. (In: Plan Nacional del Buen Vivir. Introducción. Principios) To sum up, democracy has as fundamental principles the equality and fraternity, and is our duty to create a "culture of peace" and of respect for pluralism, on the base of tolerance (Serrano, 1998), in order to live peacefully between individuals within a society. We do have differences, but they should be reason of proud, of identification or identity with the community and of complementarity between all fellow citizens or fellow country(wo)men. What we should promote is not to uniform, but to consolidate a unit that values and enhances our diversity: this is the only way to learn to respect our differences, to cohabit harmoniously between citizens and finally, consolidate our (pluri)national projects in formation into plurinational or multicultural cohesive societies.

16 Bibliography ANDERSON, Benedict Comunidades Imaginadas: Reflexiones sobre el origen y la difusión del nacionalismo. Verso, New York. BANCO MUNDIAL 1997 El Estado en un mundo en transformación. Informe sobre el Desarrollo Mundial. CASTELLS, Manuel 2009 El poder en la sociedad red (Cap. 1) y Reprogramando las redes de comunicación: movimientos sociales, política insurgente y el nuevo espacio público. En Comunicación y Poder. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. COMISIÓN ECONÓMICA PARA AMÉRICA LATINA Y EL CARIBE (CEPAL) 2007 Cohesión social: inclusión y sentido de pertenencia en América Latina y el Caribe. Santiago de Chile. DEGREGORI, Carlos Iván 2004 Perú: Identidad, nación y diversidad. < DERECHO AMBIENTE Y RECURSOS NATURALES (DAR) 2012 Informe Anual Transparencia en el Sector Forestal Peruano. Lima. ESCÁRZAGA, Fabiola y Raquel Gutiérrez (Coordinadoras) 2005 Movimiento indígena en América Latina: resistencia y proyecto alternativa. México: Gobierno del DF, Casa Juan Pablos, BUAP, UNAM y UACM. ESTADO PLURINACIONAL DE BOLIVIA 2009 Constitución del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia < via%20consitucion.pdf>

17 GAMBOA, Aída M., Mario R. Samamé y Paulo A. N. Montalván 2010 Democracia y reforma constitucional en Bolivia: reconocimiento de la diversidad cultural y formación de un Estado Plurinacional. En: Arte y Práctica, Boletín I (Revista de la Especialidad de Ciencia Política y Gobierno de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú). Lima. GUEVARA GIL, Jorge Armando 2003 La antropología del derecho en el Perú: balance y perspectivas ( ). Lima: Instituto Riva-Agüero (PUCP). LARSON, Brooke 2002 Indígenas, Élites y Estado en la Formación de las Repúblicas Andinas. Fondo Editorial PUCP-IEP, Lima. (Cap. 1, 5 y Conclusiones) LOMNÉ, Georges (Editor) 2014 De la política indígena, Perú y Bolivia. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Lima. MÁIZ, Ramón Nacionalismo y multiculturalismo. En: Arteta, Aurelio; García Guitián, Elena; y Máiz, Ramón (eds.). Teoría Política: poder, moral, democracia. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, MÁLAGA, Martín 2008 Pueblos indígenas y democracia intercultural: Un debate desde los países andinos. Cuzco: Comisión Europea, OXFAM, Centro Bartolomé de las Casas, CEBEM, IEE y GVC. MALLON, Florencia Campesino y Nación. La construcción de México y Perú postcoloniales. Ed. CIESAS, México, (Cap. 1, 9 y 10) MINISTERIO COORDINADOR DE PATRIMONIO DEL ECUADOR 2008 Nacionalidades y Pueblos Indígenas, y políticas Interculturales en Ecuador: Una mirada desde la inversión en Educación. Quito.

18 < los_indigenas_web(1).pdf> POZZI-ESCOT, Inés 1998 El Multilingüismo en el Perú. Cuzco: CBC, PROEIB. REPÚBLICA DEL ECUADOR 2008 Constitución de la República del Ecuador. < Plan Nacional para el Buen vivir < Vivir.pdf> SERRANO, Enrique Consenso y Conflicto. Schmitt, Arendt. Ediciones CEPCOM, México. UNESCO 2000 Pueblos Indígenas de Bolivia. < VARILLAS, Walter 2011 Cohesión Económica y Social en la Subregión Andina. Lima. VERGARA, Alberto 2007 Ni amnésicos, ni irracionales: Las elecciones peruanas de 2006 en perspectiva histórica. Solar, Lima.

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