Women, Leadership and Political Participation: The Success and Challenges. at National and Sub-National Levels

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1 Women, Leadership and Political Participation: The Success and Challenges at National and Sub-National Levels Background of the study Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC) is a local non-profit and non-political organization. It was admitted to the NGO Good Practice Programme (NGO-GPP) for its compliance with all standards in the Code of Ethical Principles and Minimum Standard for NGO in August Our mission is to promote gender equality as fundamental human rights, necessary for Cambodia s social, economic and political development. GADC works in cooperation with the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC) and members of civil society organizations to advocate for gender sensitive projects/programmes, national laws and policies formulation in Cambodia. The advocacy for gender sensitivities in laws and policies is related to GADC s emphasis on the need to shift from a focus on women s roles in development towards a consideration of gendered relations of power, including access to and control over resources, and decision-making by women and men. GADC serves as an intermediary in which information flows between the national and sub-national levels (including the grassroots). This intermediary role allows for local needs being responded by the government and national level policies are informed. By 2013, GADC and CPWP proposed a research study on Woman and Leadership in Political Participation which it will be the essential study for GADC and other agencies where are working with woman. This study will explore the successes and challenges of women in political participation at the local Level, sub-national Level, and National level, with provide recommendations and effective mechanisms to build capacity of woman and improve their performance to play in their leadership roles. Moreover, the finding of study will inform the policy makers and implementers to readjust the current practice by considering the potential of woman leaders and promote dialogue on the challenge of woman leader among policy maker, civil society and local NGOs. GADC and CPWP with technical support of external consultant and financial support from PYD and Oxfam GB in cooperation with Center for Population Studies (CPS) will carry out the study on Woman and Leadership in Political Participation. 1. Literature Review

2 Cambodia is the newly democratic country which has the 1 st Mandate of National Election in 1993 and the 1 st Mandate of Sub-national Election (Commue/Sangkat Election) in 2002 and Last year (2012), Cambodia became the 3 rd Mandate of Sub-National Election, this year (2013) the 5 th Mandate of National Electoral was on 28 July 2013, with 8 political parties involved in national election. Woman's participation in politics is a priority area to Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC) who is working to achieve the Cambodia Millennium Development Goals (CMDGs) goal 3, the Rectangular Strategy for Growth, Employment, Equity, and Efficiency, and the National Strategic Development Plan and Nary Rattanak III. Woman's participation in politics is significant increasing in National Level since 1993 to 2008, there was 6% of Woman National Assembly member in 1993, 11.5% in 1998, 19% in 2003 and 22% in 2008, with roughly an average of 6.84% every 5 years election term between 1993 and 2003, but in the 2008 election, which marked a progress of only 3% (MoWA 2008). However, number of woman s participation in politics has been achieved in women s representation in elected positions, both at the commune level and in the National Assembly while the Deputy Positions at the Provincial Governor tremendous progress in 17% with comparing to CMDG 2015 target only 15%. Moreover, COMFREL (2012) reported that the 3 rd Mandate of Sub-national election (Commune/ Sangkat Election) remarked that woman candidates increased 4.28%, from the 21.36% in the 2 nd mandate of 2007, but only 0.45% (501) women were selected as first rank. The number of elected female increase slightly, by 3.14% (376), from 14.64% (1,662) in 2007 to 17.79% (2,038) in 2012, even as the number of female commune/ Sangkat chiefs increasing by 1.68% (28) from 4.13% (67) in the 2 nd mandate to 5.81% (95) in the 3 rd mandate (COMFREL 2012). In the context, very few women are elected to the position of commune chief since 1 st Mandate of commune/sangkat election. In additional, CCHR (2013) Research Study showed that beside the directly election position called National and Sub-nation Election, Cambodia adopted other two systems indirectly elected position and appointed position (CCHR 2013, p. 30). First, the indirectly elected position, the Senate is the second legislative chamber at the national level and comprise of not more than half the number of representative in the National Assembly. A report of International Parliamentary Unions showed that female representation within the Senate has remained essentially the same since creation of the Senate in 1999, 13.11% (8 of 61 senators) in 1 st Mandate ( ), and 14.75% in 2 nd Mandate of (MoWA 2008). Also the Provincial and Municipal Councils is indirectly elected position as detailed in the Organic Law that provide for provincial and capital councils and for municipal, district and Khan councils, which hold both legislative and executive authority to promote democratic development and decentralization. In the case, only 9.89% (37 of 374 council seats) of woman currently hold in capital and provincial councils and 12.68% (363 of 2,861 council seats) in municipal, district and Khan Councils, resulting in an overall representation of 12.36% (MoWA).

3 Second, the Appointed Positions, Cambodia include the executive branch, the judiciary and provincial and municipal council that these positions have significant influence of government policies. The Executive branch position- ministers, secretaries and under secretaries of states are political appointment selected from the party lists after each election, and together comprise a large part of the executive branch of the RGC. Looking at the number of woman who appointed to the ministerial position has remained virtually unchanged for a decade from 7.14% (1998) to 7.4% (2008), and the number of female Secretary of States has only increase from 6% (1998) to 8.08% (2008), and the female representative with the position of Under Secretary of State has seen the greatest rate of progress by 13.12% from 3.93% (1998) to 15.12% (2008). Additionally, the Judiciary, judges and prosecutors are appointed, promoted, disciplined and dismissed by the Supreme Council of the Magistracy (SCM), which chaired by the King of Cambodia. Women have no progress but rather slightly declined in the proportion of prosecutor and judges such as 12.41% of female Judges were in 2006 compared to 11.35% in 2009, while 2.77% of female prosecutors are in 2006 compared 2.17% in 2009 (RGC 2011). Another, the Provincial and municipal councils who have been elected indirectly, comprised of a board of governor who represent the RGC and its ministries at the sub-national level. In the case, woman currently holds in the Deputy Governors of Capital and Province is 16.78% and Deputy of Municipalities, District, and Khan is 23.79% (MoWA) which actually exceed the CMDC target 3.14 (15% by 2015), but far from the Neary Rattanak target of 28% by What are key barriers to woman s participation in politics? There are four barriers such as: cultural and historical, socio-economic, institution, and political situation (CCHR, 2013). (1) The cultural and traditional influence on Cambodian s woman and man s behaviors which guide by Chbab (Chbab Pros & Chbab Srey) are moral code in verse form originally handed down through the generations orally, later to become a part of customary law. The code attaches certain statues and behavioral expectation to individuals and relationship within society. 47% of men and 51% of woman believe that woman and man have difference rights, including as regards business, decision-making, public office, social and sexual freedom, and freedom of movement, and 51% still do not have the rights or freedom to choose their partners (USAIDs 2010, p. 20). (2) Entrenched cultural expectations and stereotypes have had significant consequences on the socio-economic status of women in Cambodia. These consequences are apparent at all stage of a woman life, starting at a young age. Despite significant increases in enrollment at all levels of education, gender gap continues to grow, primarily because boys continue to be given priority for education at all income levels (MoWA 2008, p.2). The USAID Gender Assessment (2010, p.13) show that 45% of women agreed with the statement that it was better to educate a son than a daughter. In the group

4 discussion lead by CCHR (2013), 53 of 60 people indentified limited access to education as major barrier to woman entering politics. Moreover, woman in Cambodia are responsible for a disproportionate amount of work in their household, thus the time pursuer certain type of career, such as politics and business development. Statistics also show that despite 54% of women knowing about credit programs, only 15% have actually taken out a loan for business purposes, while 40% were taken out to pay for food or healthcare (GADC 2011). While lack of social assistance available for women further creates obstacles for women seeking to engage in politics. Most problematic is the lack of adequate and affordable childcare services in Cambodia, in both urban and rural areas, which not only prohibits women from undertaking additional activities outside of their primary incomeearning occupations but also creates additional burden on take care of children. (3) Gender-Base Discrimination is main challenging to woman in any institution; however, its prohibited in Article 45 of the Constitution and the Penal Code 2009 has penalized genderbase discrimination (Penal Code Law, 2009) which has addressed some concern of the gaps in the domestic legal framework that allow for prevalent discrimination against woman. While discrimination often stems from culture and traditional gender roles, the lack of protection with the law against gender-based discrimination entrenches these stereotypes in political institution. The USAID Gender Assessment (2010) noted that newly-elected women commune councilors reported they felt lonely and marginalized; lacked access to training opportunities; and were not respected by their male colleagues. Women felt they had to do more than men to prove their capabilities before they were accepted as competent leaders. In additionally, the ability of political parties to discriminate against women candidates is enhanced by the election system. The closed list system allows party leadership discretion over both the number and placement of female candidates on candidate lists, is a hindrance to women s political empowerment. (4) The political culture in Cambodia has a strong impact on woman s representation in politics. The nature of the political hierarchy in Cambodia requires a candidate to have any internal support such as contacts, financial resource and knowledge of the dynamic in order to be elected, and once in politics, and to be promoted (PyD, 2009, p. 42). Moreover, the relationship between the ruling party (Cambodia s People Party) and opposition parties are extremely challenging that have make it difficult for woman politicians to cross the party line and form support network of woman politicians at all level of politics. At the same time, many people, especially at the commune level, see politics in Cambodia as a dangerous business stemming from years of civil war and rampant political violence. As regards women, this is exacerbated by stereotypes of women as not brave enough to overcome these fears (CCHR 2012).

5 Furthermore, the Assessment on Lesson Learnt and Best Practices in Promoting Woman Participation and Representation in Cambodia 2010 by UNDP found similarity challenges such as: (1) women face persistence of cultural norms and attitudes which discriminate against women s role in public life, disparities in access to education, the burden of domestic responsibilities with a lack of financial and family support, a negative perception of politics deter women from standing for office, and the lack of practical support measures to create a level playing field for women, such as childcare facilities compounds women s marginalization from political life; (2) Structural bias in electoral and political party processes limits women s political participation. The electoral law lacks specific measures to redress discrimination and advance women s participation, while the electoral system gives political parties a dominant gatekeeper role; (3) Capacity constraints are limitations in confidence and skills among women candidates and office holders, including in planning and implementation of service provision; (4) The limitation of expertise exists among NGOs to work on woman s empowerment in provincial or district level while strong and large NGOs able to work in Phnom Penh; (5) A lack of voices at different level and on key issues is apparent that woman representative in the National Assembly level have limited possibilities for engaging publicly on the key issues due to the wider political environment; (6) Women are empowered and making decisions across a range of issues, there is a pattern of some women representatives working largely on gender issues, and not enjoying control over budget resources on equal terms with men.