REPORT on the FIRST EDITION of the INTERNATIONAL FORUM ON PEACE AND SECURITY IN AFRICA

Transcription

1 REPORT on the FIRST EDITION of the INTERNATIONAL FORUM ON PEACE AND SECURITY IN AFRICA Dakar, Senegal december 2014

2 FRS Paris, May 2015 First International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa December 2014 Dakar, Senegal

3 REPORT on the FIRST EDITION on the INTERNATIONAL FORUM ON PEACE AND SECURITY IN AFRICA Dakar, Senegal december 2014

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5 CONTENTS FOREWORD by Mankeur Ndiaye 5 A WORD FROM Jean-Yves le drian 7 PrEface 9 FORUM PROGRAMME 13 OPENING CEREMONY 21 SUMMARY OF THE PLENARY SESSIONS 33 First plenary session 34 Peace and security in Africa; shared threats and common visions, African solutions and international responsess Second plenary session 37 Crisis management: For a common vision of threats Third plenary session 41 Better anticipation, better prevention THEME WORKSHOPS 45 Session I Crisis management: For a common vision of threats 49 Workshop 1: Fighting terrorism and preventing radicalisation Workshop 2: Maritime security and safety Workshop 3: What response to health crises? Workshop 4: Territory and borders Workshop 5: The threat of trafficking: Dissemination of weapons and organised crime Session II What response to crises? 61 Workshop 6: African solutions Workshop 7: United Nations/African Union: What synergies? Workshop 8: Financing and perpetuating military efforts to respond to crises Workshop 9: Military responses, civilian responses to crises Workshop 10: Security environment and economic development CLOSING PANEL 75 What priorities to strengthen peace and security in Africa? Summary of the workshop sessions 76 Debate 104 conclusion BY macky sall 120 LAST WORD from Cheikh Tidiane Gadio 123 THE 2014 DAKAR FORUM Partners 125 Organisers 133 Dakar in the press 135 Dakar online 138 List of participants 141

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7 FOREWORD by Mankeur Ndiaye Mankeur Ndiaye Minister of Foreign Affairs and Senegalese Abroad Peace and security are today a key priority for Africa. The new strategic situation that Africa is facing today calls for intellectual and political mobilisation able to meet the challenges our countries have to meet to better guarantee their development and consolidation of their democracies. Our countries, our regional organisations and the African Union are fully aware of the seriousness and importance of these challenges and are actively involved in preparing and implementing appropriate responses. Peace and security are at the heart of the African political agenda. When President Macky Sall offered, during the Elysee Summit on Peace and Security in Africa in December 2013, to organise the first informal International Forum on this key issue, he intended to give a new dimension to this necessary mobilisation on the part of Africans and their partners. 5

8 Creating an open space for reflection and discussion, bringing together all the stakeholders concerned by security in Africa, stimulating and developing African strategic thinking with a view to enriching the action of African leaders and institutions featured among the ambitions of this innovative initiative. The first International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa was held in the Senegalese capital on the 15 th and 16 th of December The approach of President Macky Sall was understood and his call was heard. The unanimous opinion of the very many participants from all over the world was that the first edition of the Dakar Forum was a genuine success. The most sensitive and complex issues were discussed frankly and at length: terrorism and the fight against radicalisation, organised crime, crisis management, renovation of security systems, African responsibilities and those of international partners, difficulties to be overcome to enable Africans to legitimately and effectively plan their own role... The African mobilisation that Senegal wanted to foster was encouraged and supported by France and by other international partners involved in organising the Forum. It must continue and grow. At the end of the first Forum, President Macky Sall made a commitment, as stated in his closing address: Our tasks are both urgent and complex, but I hope that through the various proposals and ideas expressed, the Dakar Forum will have contributed to the emergence of a collective awareness of the need to work together to establish the sustainable foundations of our common strategy faced with common threats. I therefore wish, taking into account the success of this first edition, to establish the Dakar Forum as an annual platform of consultation on the challenges of our time. I therefore announce that there will be another edition next year We will therefore meet again in Dakar for the second edition of the International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa. I wish to extend my sincere thanks to all those who contributed to the success of this event. 6

9 a word from jean-yves le drian Jean-Yves Le Drian, Minister of Defence, France As many others, I have for a long time believed that most of the challenges of the 21 st century, in particular those related to security, will be played out in Africa. My experience over the last few years as the French Defence Minister has confirmed this belief. In fact, the security of the African continent has never been as central as today on the agenda of the international community. Africa however lacked a meeting place comparable to those that have existed for many years on other continents, an informal forum enabling government representatives, military officers, but also researchers and business leaders, to share their vision and analyses and to contribute to the elaboration of common solutions. 7

10 That is why France strongly supported this initiative when the idea was launched during the Elysée Summit for Peace and Security in Africa in December Thanks to the determination of Senegal and to the personal involvement of President Macky Sall, the initiative materialised. The First Dakar Forum on peace and security in Africa was held on the 14 th and 15 th of December 2014 and the success encountered even exceeded our expectations for a first edition. I would also like to pay tribute to the significant contribution of the African Union to the success of this Forum, as a central actor of crisis management in Africa. The support of private stakeholders and of international partners like Japan and the Netherlands was also decisive. Thank you all. The organisation of this event marked an additional phase in Africa tackling its own security challenges and in the creation of a genuine African defence and security community. It illustrated the mobilisation of the continent to develop a common vision not only of threats, but also of responses. Through the turnout (over 300 participants, some forty countries including 30 African States) but also the level of the participants (four serving Heads of State and a former Head of State for the closing panel), the quality of participation in this first Forum was noteworthy. I would also like to mention the richness, the freedom of expression and the dynamic nature of the discussions on challenges as crucial as terrorism, piracy, health safety and coordination of international aid. All these dimensions contributed to making the Dakar Forum one of the major international events of the year For France, this Forum represented a unique opportunity to broaden the partnership we have developed with Africa, of which Operation Barkhane, following on from Operation Serval, is one of the most concrete illustrations. France will continue to offer Africa its support to help the continent ensure its own security, support creation and implementation of national capabilities and encourage regional cooperation. I am convinced that the Dakar Forum has the potential to become the strategic thinking tool Africa needs, alongside the efforts made by the African Union and African sub-regional organisations. In that respect, I was delighted to hear the announcement made by President Macky Sall concerning the organisation of another edition in Once again, France will be present to support this event and to reinforce our collective mobilisation in favour of security in Africa. 8

11 preface Cheikh Tidiane Gadio Former Minister, President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy President of the Dakar International Forum on peace and security in Africa Camille Grand Director of the Foundation for Strategic Research Vice-President of the Dakar International Forum on peace and security in Africa A strategic dialogue on peace and security in Africa The first Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa was organised from the 14 th to 16 th of December Launched by Senegal with the support of France during the Elysée Summit a year earlier, this initiative led by two think tanks (Pan-African Institute of Strategy and Foundation for Strategic Research, with the support of the strategy and risk-management consulting firm CEIS) made it possible to bring together over 300 participants from 47 African countries and many more for two days of intense discussions between civilian officials and high-ranking military officers (including 4 Heads of State and 32 Ministers), representatives of international and regional organisations and civil society. The Dakar Forum also offered a rare opportunity to bring together a community of leaders and experts on peace and security issues from 30 African countries, a dozen international organisations and high-level contributions outside Africa including the United States, China, Japan, the Netherlands, Germany, Spain, Norway and Switzerland, but also many leaders and experts from civil society (think tanks, universities, NGOs, press and business), for an informal, very frank and direct dialogue. Publishing the proceedings of the first edition of the Forum makes it possible to outline the first lessons learned. 9

12 First of all, and in great part thanks to the efforts of the African Union, the Forum provided the opportunity for a genuine informal strategic dialogue allowing stakeholders, starting with Africans themselves, from all the regions and sub-regions of the continent, to freely compare their views and to share opinions on risks and threats facing the continent and on regional and international solutions. It thus contributed to the emergence of a shared strategic culture, making it possible to learn lessons from current or past crises. Secondly, it made it possible to realise to what extent major security challenges deserve to go beyond subregional approaches to allow enhanced understanding and development of shared solutions. The challenges of terrorism and radicalism are not specific to the Sahel-Saharan strip but affect the north-east of Nigeria and the Horn of Africa to the same extent. Similarly, the issue of maritime security, for a long time considered to be specific to the Indian Ocean, has become an issue that affects the Gulf of Guinea to the same extent, if not more. The same applies to health crises such as the Ebola epidemic, which cannot be solved like crises that affect one or just a few States. Even when the discussions revealed different analyses, as was the case for the Libyan crisis, they allowed increased understanding of the positions and concerns of each of the stakeholders. Finally, the Forum showed how useful it could be to foster dialogue between key stakeholders such as the African Union, the United Nations, the European Union or regional communities, African States and international partners involved in crisis management. Since none of these stakeholders are able to meet security-related challenges alone, close cooperation on the responsibilities of each stakeholder is now more, than ever before necessary. Similarly, the input of experts from think tanks, NGOs or the business sector sometimes led civilian and military leaders of States and international organisations to rethink their analyses or approaches. The organisers wish to extend their sincere thanks to President Macky Sall and to the Senegalese authorities, to the African Union as well as to the French Ministry of Defence and Jean-Yves Le Drian. Their presence and unfailing commitment allowed the Dakar Forum to be created and to meet an exceptional success for a first edition. Their support as well as that of the Japanese and Dutch governments, the African Development Bank, the Open Society Foundations, the High Council for Strategic Research and Training (CSFRS) and many companies thus made it possible to hold a first regional conference at this level in Africa, comparable to other great international events such as the Munich Conference, the Shangri-La Dialogue or the Halifax Forum. At a time when Africa is experiencing unprecedented growth and includes some of the most dynamic economies in the world, a common response to security-related threats is essential. The commitment expressed by President Macky Sall to organise another edition of the Dakar Forum, in addition to the enthusiastic reactions of many participants hailing from very different horizons, showed that the stakeholders want to continue the dialogue started here. 10

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15 forum programme Sunday 14 december 2014 Radisson Blu Hotel Monday 15 déecember 2014 King Fahd Hotel Tuesday 16 december 2014 King Fahd Hotel

16 Sunday 14 december 2014 Radisson Blu Hotel From 7:00 pm Welcome cocktail for all participants offered by the African private sector Welcome address by Augustin Tine, Minister of the Armed Forces, on behalf of the Senegalese authorities Address by Strive Massiyiwa, Founder and President of Econet Wireless and Pierre Goudiaby, Engineer and Architect, Atepa Technologies Musical performance: Ismaël Lô From 08:30 am Monday 15 december 2014 King Fahd Hotel Accueil des participants 09:30 10:30 Opening ceremony Address by Smaïl Chergui, Commissioner for Peace and Security, African Union Address by Jean-Yves Le Drian, Minister of Defence, France Discours d ouverture de HEM Mahammed Boun Abdallah Dionne, Prime Minister of Senegal 10:30 12:30 First plenary session Peace and security in Africa: Shared threats and common visions, African solutions and international responses Chair: Augustin Tine, Minister of Armed Forces, Senegal Speakers: Olusegun Obasanjo, Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, president of the Obasanjo Foundation Amanda Dory, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (African Affairs), United States Hiroute Guebre Sellassie, Secretary-General s Special Envoy for the Sahel, United Nations Hervé Ladsous, Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, United Nations Zhong Jianhua, Special representative on African Affairs, China 12:30 1:30 pm Second plenary session Crisis management: For a common vision of threats 1:30 2:30 pm Lunch Co-chairs: Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, President, Pan-African Institute of Strategy and Camille Grand, Director, Foundation for Strategic Research Speakers: Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director, Institute for Security Studies Jean-Marie Guéhenno, President, International Crisis Group Haile Menkerios, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Sudan and South Sudan at the level of Under-Secretary- General, UN Special Representative to the African Union Général Mamadou Mansour Seck, former Chief of Defence Staff, Senegal 14

17 2:30 6:30 pm Workshops Crisis management: For a common vision of threats 2:30-4:15 pm Workshop 1 Fighting terrorism and preventing radicalisation Moderator: Saïd Djinnit, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Great Lakes Region, United Nations Speakers: Francesco Madeira, Special Representative of the Chairperson of the Commission in charge of Counter-Terrorism, African Union Chen Weixiong, Deputy Executive Director, Counter-Terrorism Committee, United Nations Bakary Sambé, Head of the Observatory on Religious Radicalism, Gaston-Berger University, Senegal Mohamed Salah Omar, Analyst, Sahan Research Contributors: Ahmed Rufai Abubakar, Director of Political Affairs, Office for West Africa, United Nations Mohamed Benhamou, President, Moroccan Centre for Strategic Studies Général Grégoire de Saint Quentin, Special Operations Commander, France Gilles Yabi, political analyst and economist, Director Wathi Workshop 2 Maritime security and safety Moderator: Pierre Moukoko Mbonjo, Minister for External Relations, Cameroon Speakers: Stanislas Baba, Head of the Lomé Summit on Maritime Security, former Minister, Togo Patricia Adam, Chairperson of the Committee on National Defence and Armed Forces, National Parliament, France Capitaine de Vaisseau Amadou Sow, maritime security expert, Senegal Contributors: Barthélémy Blédé, Senior Researcher, Institute for Security Studies Pierre de Saqui de Sannes, Institutional Advisor, CMA-CGM Matt Houngnikpo, Deputy to the National Security Advisor, Cote d Ivoire Workshop 3 What response to health crises? Moderator: Naby Youssouf Bangoura, Minister of State, Secretary General of the Presidency, Guinea Conakry Speakers: Awa Marie Coll Seck, Minister of Health of Senegal, former director of UNAIDS and Roll back Malaria, United Nations Christophe Martin, Director of Operations, International Committee of the Red Cross Stéphane Doyon, Regional Director, Doctors without Borders Contributors: Vincent Foucher, Analyst, International Crisis Group Johnny A. Mc Clain, Liberian Ambassador to Senegal 4:45 6:30 pm Workshop 4 Territories and borders Moderator: Ahmedou Ould Abdallah, President of the Centre for Strategy and Security in the Sahel Sahara, former Minister, Mauritania Speakers: Mohamed Anacko, President of the Adagez Region, Niger Aicha Belco Maiga, Member of Parliament for the Tessalit Region, Mali Hatem Ben Salem, Former Education Minister, Tunisia Contributors: Tiébilé Dramé, Co-Facilitator of the Ouagadougou Inter-Malian agreements, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mali Michel Foucher, Geographer and diplomat, European Company for Intelligence Strategy Général Christophe Gomart, Military Intelligence Director, France Workshop 5 The threat of trafficking: Dissemination of weapons and organised crime Moderator: Raymond Gilpin, Dean of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University, United States Speakers: Idrissa Ba, West Africa Commission on Drug Policy, Open Society Initiative for West Africa Pierre Lapaque, Regional representative, Office on Drugs and Crime, United Nations Frank O. Okyere, Researcher, Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping and Training Centre Contributors: Nadia Gacem, Research attachée, National Institute for Global Strategy Studies, Algeria Louis Gautier, Secretary General for National Security and Defence, France Babacar Diallo, Director General, Centre for Strategic and Diplmatic Studies 7:30 pm Dinner cocktail Residence de France, by invitation, shuttles depart at 6:45 pm from the King Fahd Palace Hotel 15

18 Tuesday 16 december 2014 King Fahd Hotel 9:00 am 1:00 pm Workshops What responses to crises? 9:00 10:45 am Workshop 6 African solutions Moderator: Jakkie Cilliers, Director, Institute for Security Studies Speakers: Général Katumba Wamala, Chief of Defence Staff, Uganda Général Cyrille Ndayirukiye, Diplomatic Advisor, former head of the EASF, former Defence Minister, Burundi Ambassadeur Martin Uhomoibhi, Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Nigeria Contributor: Amandine Gnanguênon, Researcher Workshop 7 United Nations / African Union: What synergies Chair: Smaïl Chergui, Commissioner for Peace and Security, African Union Speakers: Haile Menkerios, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Sudan and South Sudan, Special Representative to the African Union, UN Special Representative to the African Union Général Martin Agwai, Former Force Commander of UNAMID Général Silas Ntirugirwa, Force Commander of the African Union Mission in Somalia, AMISOM Elisabeth Guigou, Chairperson of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, French Parliament, former Minister, France Contributor: Comfort Ero, Directrice du programme Afrique, International Crisis Group Workshop 8 Financing and perpetuating military efforts to respond to crises Chair: Olusegun Obasanjo, Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, president of the Obasanjo Foundation Speakers: Charles Richard Mondjo, National Defence Minister, Congo Hervé Ladsous, Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, United Nations Koen Vervaeke, Director for the Horn of Africa, East and Southern Africa and the Indian Ocean, European External Action Service, European Union Tsutomu Imura, Japanese International Cooperation Agency Contributor: Ambassadeur Mark Sawers, Australian Ambassador to Ethiopia and the African Union 11:15 1:00 pm Workshop 9 Military responses, civilian responses to crises Chair: Général Lamine Cissé, President, West Africa Partners, Former Minister of the Interior, Senegal Speakers: Jean-Marie Guéhenno, President, International Crisis Group Général Babacar Gaye, Special Representative of the Secretary General for the Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic, United Nations Nureldin Satti, Director of the National Library of Sudan Contributors: Daniel Bekele, Africa Director, Human Rights Watch Landing Savané, Vice-President, Pan-African Institute of Strategy Michel Roussin, Vice President, MEDEF international, Former Minister Workshop 10 Security environment and economic development Chair: Youssouf Ouedraogo, Advisor to the President, African Development Bank, former Prime Minister, Burkina Faso Speakers: Abdoulie Janneh, Executive Director, liaison with governments and institutions in Africa, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, Former Under-Secretary-General and Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa, United Nations Michel Reveyrand de Menthon, Special Representative for the Sahel, European Union Abdoulaye Biotchané, Beninese economist, former President of the West African Development Bank Abderazzak Zouari, Minister of Regional Development, Tunisia Contributors: Molefi Asanté, Professor Emeritus, Department of African American Studies, Temple University Said Moufti, Research Director, Royal Institute for Strategic Studies, Morocco Moussa Seck, Vice-president, Pan-African Institute of Strategy Louis Pichot de Champfleury, Ponticelli Freres Group 16

19 1:30 2:30 pm Lunch 2:30 4:15 pm Third plenary session Better anticipation, better prevention debate on prevention and lessons learned from recent crises Chair: Mankeur Ndiaye, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Senegalese Abroad Speakers: Mohamed Chambas, Special Representative of the Secretary General, Head of the United Nations Regional Office for West Africa Reda Getachew, Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia Adama Dieng, UN Secretary-General s Special Advisor for the Prevention of Genocide Ambassadeur Takashi Kitahara, Japanese Ambassador to Senegal Alioune Sall, Director of the African Futures Institute 4:30 6:30 pm Closing panel What priorities to strengthen peace and security in Africa? Chair: HEM Macky Sall, President of the Republic of Senegal Speakers: HEM Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, President of the Republic of Mali HEM Idriss Déby, President of the Republic of Chad HEM Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania Olusegun Obasanjo, Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President of the Obasanjo Foundation Peter Maurer, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross Jean Yves Le Drian, Minister of Defence, France Moderator: Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy 6:30 pm Closing address by HEM Macky Sall, President of the Republic of Senegal Closing cocktail of the Forum 17

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23 Opening Ceremony Monday 15 december 2014

24 Smaïl Chergui Commissioner for Peace and Security of the African Union My first words will of course go to the President, the Government and the people of Senegal for their warm welcome and the excellent conditions made available to us for our forum in this beautiful city of Dakar. Allow me first and foremost, in the name of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, and in my own name, to thank the authorities of Senegal for allowing the creation of this forum as discussed in the Final Declaration at the Elysée Summit, held just a year ago at the kind invitation of President Hollande. You will remember that in the said Declaration, the Heads of State and Government, I quote also took note of the proposal to organise, in 2014 in Senegal, an informal forum on security in Africa liaising with international partners and the African Union (AU), in order to reflect more broadly on the commitments made during the Summit The organisation of this Forum in Dakar offers the opportunity to analyse the achievements and challenges related to peace and security on our continent, where, despite the efforts of our leaders and of the AU, with the support of the international community, armed conflicts and sometimes complex crises continue to be a source of concern. This is therefore the place to reassert the determination of our Heads of State and Government to succeed in preventing, managing and solving conflict and crisis situations sustainably in order to place Africa on a path to development, so that, as the cradle of humanity, Africa becomes the driving force of growth for the world economy. 22

25 As you know, the Constitutive Act of the AU, in its principles and objectives, enshrined the preservation of peace and security in its Member States as a priority. The NEPAD, with President Macky Sall presiding our economic programme adopted in 2001, while renewing the commitment of leaders to strive for accelerated growth on the continent, first recognises that any efforts to that end would be in vain without a good policy for prevention, management and resolution of conflicts, in a context of respect for human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law. By adopting the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council (PSC), our leaders have given the AU an African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) whose political and institutional components constitute appropriate responses to the multifaceted challenges facing Africa in its efforts to promote peace, security and stability. The Panel of the Wise, the Continental Early Warning System, the African Standby Force (ASF), the AF Border Programme, the Post-Conflict reconstruction and development framework as well as other common African instruments to fight terrorism and arms proliferation, represent tools made available to the AU Peace and Security Council to allow it to fulfil its mandate of promoting peace, security and stability on the continent, in close cooperation with international partners, in particular the United Nations. More recently still, learning lessons from the situation in Mali where armed terrorist and criminal groups threatened the very existence of one of the Member States of the Union, our Heads of State and Government, based on a voluntary contribution system, decided to create the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) while awaiting the complete operationalisation of the ASF. I am pleased to inform you that we have just successfully conducted the staff exercise in Tanzania. Effectively implementing these instruments while facing the many threats to peace and security, remains a major challenge for our continent. In that regard, we should mention the major constraint related to financing the APSA, in particular AU-led peace support operations as, under the obligation of the principle of non-indifference, the AU cannot stay passive in light of the distress of African populations confronted with crises and conflicts. This is the demanding doctrine that defines the deployment of our peace support missions despite the limited human, logistic and financial resources at our disposal, and sometimes even the high level of risk. The deployment of AMIS in the Darfur region, AMISOM in Somalia, AFISMA in Mali and more recently AFISCA in the CAR bear witness to this pro-active approach based on our efforts to find African solutions to African problems. I am pleased to note that, with creative momentum, innovative ad hoc arrangements have surfaced, particularly in the framework of Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter fixing the framework for cooperation between the United Nations and Regional Organisations, for peacekeeping and international security. 23

26 I would here like to pay tribute to the important role played by the European Union s African Peace Facility, a crucial instrument for financing peacekeeping operations of the African Union on the continent. The idea, Ladies and Gentlemen, is to ensure foreseeable, flexible and sustainable funding in the framework of an increasingly fruitful partnership based on jointly-defined priorities. There is no need to remind the stakeholders that African States must, as far as they are concerned, cover their part in this financing effort. And the next summit of the Union at the end of January 2015 will examine a report issued by the Finance Ministers on innovative finance. Faced with constant changes in the security environment and with global threats with which we are confronted, quick adaptation, creativity and flexibility are major assets in the framework of partnerships against new threats and in particular terrorism and organised cross-border crime, radicalisation and violent extremism. While, because of geographical constraints we are perfectly aware of, terrorists are able to move freely across the borders of the Sahel-Saharan region, then, to fight them, we need to reconsider the strictly national paradigms that define our approach to security. That is the full meaning of the Nouakchott Process on the enhancement of security cooperation and operationalisation of the APSA in the Sahel-Saharan region, initiated by the AU since March In the same frame of mind, it also launched the regional Initiative for the elimination of the Lord s Resistance Army. Just as we were doing in Somalia where AMISOM is waging a victorious war against Al-Shabab. It is this type of partnership that the PSC wishes to promote as illustrated in its statement following the meeting at the Summit on terrorism and violent extremism held in Nairobi on September, 2nd 2014, particularly in the face of the atrocities and odious attacks that the Boko Haram group is continuing to commit in the North of Nigeria and in neighbouring countries. It is also through partnership that we will be able to win the toughest battle: prevention of conflicts and crises. The experience of these recent years allows us to recall that prevention is less costly than cure and that prevention is more effective when it is undertaken jointly with our partners. That is the strategic objective which will be the focus of our cooperation with regional communities. In that respect, the idea is to learn the lessons of the recent past, to respect the prerogatives of each partner and to make the best use of each partner s respective comparative advantages, in the framework of a good distribution of the different tasks. I can only mention the recent situation in Burkina Faso which calls for better understanding of the relevant provisions of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Respect for the rule of law and for fundamental freedoms makes a significant contribution to prevention of crises and conflicts. In that regard, the reflection initiated by the AU has made it possible to differentiate the right of the people to rise peacefully against attempts to deny them their desire for the rule of law on the one hand, and anti-constitutional changes which are condemned and sanctioned by AU instruments on the other. Allow me to pay tribute to the excellent coordination between the ECOWAS, the AU and the United Nations in management of this crisis. 24

27 During the Elysée Summit, the heads of State and Government congratulated the AU for the annual organisation of a top-level event for promotion of peace, security and stability in Africa and encouraged the AU to reinforce this Forum, including by drawing inspiration from relevant international initiatives. On the different themes included in the agenda of the workshops and plenary sessions, the Dakar Forum, which is intended to be a major moment of fruitful exchange on our common quest to prevent, manage and solve conflicts on the continent, calls for creativity and innovation to contribute to this ongoing effort through other initiatives. In that regard, I would like to emphasise the need to be fully in line with the letter and spirit of the Elysée Declaration. This Forum aims to monitor the commitments made in Paris. Its purpose is not to replace or duplicate the initiatives of the AU. It is in that spirit that the AU supported the organisation of this Forum. Finally, I would like to assure you that that AU is willing to make the most of the recommendations that the Forum will make, in order to fulfil its mandate to promote peace and security on the continent. I wish you much success in your work and thank you for your attention. 25

28 Jean-Yves Le Drian, Defence Minister of the French Republic Just a year ago, on December 7 th 2013, the conclusions of the Elysée Summit emphasised the commitment of African States to take charge of security on their own continent. To support this empowerment dynamic, Senegal made a specific commitment that day to host an informal forum on peace and security in Africa. At that time, the Forum was only a wonderful idea, but I was struck by the immediate support in favour of this proposal. A year later, here we are together in Dakar, in accordance with a commitment that has never failed. I wish to emphasise how pleased I am to see this project materialise. I wish to pay tribute to President Macky Sall and to the Senegalese government. They have led this project with the determination and tenacity needed to make it a success. I also pay tribute to Minister Tidiane Gadio, to the Pan-African Institute of Strategy he leads, as well as to the Foundation for Strategic Research. Together, over the last year, they have travelled throughout Africa and the world to imagine and prepare this Forum. I believe that this Forum will contribute as a new block, which was still missing, to the edifice of the African Peace and Security Architecture. This Forum falls within the scope of a dual movement that France has undertaken to support, reinforcing African capabilities, on the one hand, and African empowerment regarding the security challenges of the African continent, on the other. 26

29 After two years and some twenty trips to Africa, I am personally convinced that African empowerment is not, as some might like to say, a mere slogan or stance. It is a reality. Today, the leading players on security issues in Africa are African States, African armies and African organisations. In all African crises, the voice of the African Union (AU) is heard. In all peacekeeping operations deployed in Africa, I observe that African contingents are providing most of the human resources. African soldiers have also made great sacrifices for the cause of peacekeeping. I am thinking of the sacrifices made by the AU Mission in Somalia, AMISOM. More recently, I am thinking of the losses suffered by the contingents sent by Chad, Niger, Senegal and Burkina-Faso to Mali. I take this opportunity to pay them a solemn and well-deserved tribute. France is also doing its part in this effort, and unfortunately, in the sacrifices made as well. In 2014, French soldiers lost their lives in the Sahel region and in the Central African Republic. I also want to pay tribute to them as their sacrifice illustrates the strength of our commitment alongside African nations. One year after the Elysée Summit, I wish to repeat the message conveyed by the French President. France will meet its commitments. France will continue to support the movement towards African empowerment for its own security. But the challenge of this Forum is to go way beyond the first milestones. In my view, we have two major challenges ahead of us. The first is to amplify our collective effort in favour of Africa. In that regard, I am pleased that today s Forum has brought together, in this room, all the key partners of the African continent. I pay a special tribute to our European friends, and particularly to our Dutch, American, Chinese and Japanese friends as I have no doubt that they will make a decisive contribution to this Forum. There is no lack of partners for Africa. But we need to work together in the same direction, with the same understanding of challenges, threats and responses we need to provide. This means that we have to be willing to speak out, tell the truth and think outside the box. My view is that this is the very meaning and ambition of this Forum. The second challenge of this Forum is to make cooperation the rule and no longer the exception. The lessons learned from Operations Serval and Sangaris, but also from our commitments in UN and European missions in Africa are simple: a strictly national management of security-related challenges is today an illusion. The terrorist threat knows no borders. On the contrary, it thrives on the absence or permeability of borders, and prospers thanks to the fragile nature of cross-border spaces. The South of Libya is the most dramatic example today. A few months ago, I gave a warning of the risk that this zone could become the new convergence and resourcing point for terrorist groups. 27

30 This concern has unfortunately become a reality and the situation in the South of Libya is today a source of destabilisation for the Sahel as a whole. I can unfortunately mention another example, that of the threat of Boko Haram. Today, the issue is no longer to define Boko Haram as a national or regional problem. The barbaric attacks in the north of Cameroon have, alas, already answered the question. The urgent issue we need to address is to identify how we can implement factors for a regional, concerted and coordinated response to the unprecedented threat represented by the Boko Haram movement. I would also mention maritime piracy, rife in the Gulf of Aden in recent years and which is now a serious handicap to the economy of the Gulf of Guinea. This criminality has no nationality, no territory, no borders. On the contrary, it aims to do away with any such constraints. In this context, how could a single country, with its own limited resources, effectively curb this phenomenon? We will also talk about health crises, in particular the spread of the Ebola virus which is today a challenge not only for Africa as a whole but also for the entire international community. Faced with these challenges, which may appear to be insurmountable when combined, I would however like to share my optimism with you as this Forum opens. During my many travels throughout Africa, I have observed one thing: faced with threats, it is the approach of partnership, cooperation and assistance which is gradually gaining ground everywhere. In the Sahel, I have observed implementation of an unprecedented cooperation dynamic. Through Operation Barkhane, we have implemented a framework for this movement to grow and to be expressed through concrete developments. Faced with Boko Haram and in accordance with the line identified by the Paris Summit, unprecedented cooperation is implemented in the framework of the Lake Chad Basin Community. In the Gulf of Guinea, the Yaoundé Summit plotted a course and I observe, there again, that the tools for regional cooperation are gradually being implemented. In fact, the timing of the Dakar Forum is ideal. It is held at a time when these positive African dynamics need to be upheld, confirmed and supported by their partners. It is held at a time when Africa and its partners need to speak the language of truth. Finally, it is held at a time when we also need to think of the future, to prepare it together. That is why I am really counting on the presence of the many strategic thinkers who have come to Dakar to contribute through their critical assessment but also, I hope, their forward-looking vision of the challenges of the future. For all these reasons, I am pleased to make my personal contribution to this Forum and to take part in the discussions. In conclusion, I would like, once again, to thank the Senegalese authorities for the welcome they have given us today. Thank you. 28

31 HEM Mahammed Boun Dionne, Prime Minister of the Republic of Senegal To begin my address, I would like to convey the greetings of His Excellency Mr Macky Sall, the Senegalese President, who extends his best wishes for the success of our work. Allow me also to wish you a warm welcome to Senegal and to appreciate your participation both in number and in quality, which shows the interest you have in Africa, in particular in the fight our continent is waging to meet the security-related challenges of our time. The International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa, that I have the honour and great pleasure of opening this morning, marks the end of a long consultation and coordination process. Since it offered to host this Forum during the Elysée Summit held in Paris on December 6 th and 7 th 2013, Senegal has worked with the French Government, the Commission of the African Union (UA) and national and international partners whose selfless dedication deserves our congratulations. The ambition of our country is to encourage broader reflection based on the commitments made in Paris. This meeting in Dakar is intended to be a platform for exchange and dialogue on strategic issues related to defence, security and peace in Africa. In this process, over a two-day period bringing together officials, experts, academics and civil society, the idea is more specifically to federate as many views and opinions as possible and to have open discussions on all current issues, in order to better understand today s security-related challenges and focus on structuring solutions for lasting peace in Africa. 29

32 By hosting this Forum, Senegal once again gives proof of its attachment to the ideals of peace enshrined in particular in the United Nations Charter as well as the Constitutive Act of the African Union. The same values are the foundation of its Constitution. Senegal also intends, as it always has, to make its contribution to the efforts for the development of our continent. More than ever before, Senegal is aware that taking security-related challenges in Africa into consideration is a prerequisite for any socio-economic growth process calling for mobilisation of all those involved to prevent the most negative scenarios from becoming reality. In this context, we need an uncompromising audit of the situation and ambitious strategies in order to develop new solutions geared to reverse the disquieting trends of our time. The situation on the continent is a great source of concern, in light of the new crises that mark the everyday lives of States faced with international terrorism and related phenomena, favoured by permeability of borders, circulation of arms, weakness of institutions and lack of democratic commitment. These dominant factors have taken centre stage pushing inter-state crises to the background, despite the fact that they remain topical issues. Challenges linked to consolidating peace have been compounded by aggravated climate issues and pandemic diseases with the recent appearance of the Ebola virus in West Africa, not to mention the socio-political and socio-economic crises, as well as poverty. Although these challenges are a source of concern, they are not surprising as, since the 1990s which marked the end of the Cold War and the advent of a new era dominated by globalisation, some twenty major crises have arisen in as many African countries. The specificity resides in the marked presence of asymmetrical conflicts mainly characterised by terrorism in the Western, Central, Eastern and Northern parts of Africa, without forgetting the other hotbeds of unrest. At the same time, similar phenomena have appeared elsewhere, with the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant which threatens international peace and security, as the terrorist groups in Africa do. Which illustrates, if any illustration were necessary, that terrorism must be fought everywhere with the same commitment on the part of the international community. That is why attempted responses, both at the political and at the military level, to which Senegal is actively contributing, are being made to reverse this curve, through the continuous efforts of African organisations such as the AU, in particular through the Peace and Security Council and the African Peace and Security Architecture. But also thanks to the initiatives of the States concerned which are taken with the support of the international community. 30

33 Pooling our efforts has made it possible to curb the progress of terrorism in Mali. This very positive information gives us hope. It shows us the importance of working together. It also shows that fear must be on the side of those who promote terrorism and related phenomena. However, additional efforts need to be made faced with the scope and persistence of today s challenges. Hence the need to think about the best way to consolidate what we have achieved, to fill gaps, to exchange best practices, to reinforce the capabilities of stakeholders, in the name of the solidarity which the international community must express to meet the global challenges such as those Africa is confronted with at this time. The idea is also to ensure that our actions are part of a holistic and sustainable approach. The best cure for crises in Africa is undoubtedly to prevent them by acting on their deep-rooted causes which are, in particular, related to poverty, hunger, social inequality, poor governance, human rights violations, difficulties linked to expression of political power, impunity and a feeling of marginalization which favours cultural or irredentist isolationism. Fortunately, the various workshops and sub-points you will be addressing will provide opportunities to encourage in-depth thinking on all these challenges. In that respect, I am pleased to observe that all the concerns I have just mentioned make up the backbone of the Dakar Forum, which will focus on essential issues such as a look back at management of current crises and prospects likely to fine-tune current responses during our two days of discussion. In conclusion, I would like to emphasise the importance we should grant, during our work, to the issue of financing the different strategies that will be proposed. I have no doubt that the diversity of profiles and skills represented here, and your discussions which will take place according to the Chatham House rules, as well as your valuable contributions, will help us reach the objectives set for this Forum. I wish you all every success in your work and declare the International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa open. Thank you for your kind attention. 31

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35 SUMMARIES OF THE PLENARY SESSIONS

36 Monday 15 december 2014 First plenary session Peace and security in Africa: shared threats and common visions, African solutions and International responses SPEAKERS Augustin Tine, Minister of Armed Forces of the Republic of Senegal, Olusegun Obasanjo, Former President of the Federation Republic of Nigeria, President of the Obasanjo Foundation, Amanda Dory, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (African Affairs), United States Hiroute Guebre Sellassie, Secretary-General s Special Envoy for the Sahel, United Nations Hervé Ladsous, Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, United Nations Zhong Jianhua, Special Representative on African Affairs, China Hiroute Guebre Sellassie One of the conditions for success of our actions is regional empowerment. This means that the different stakeholders working for Africa must support the efforts of the region to strengthen the capabilities of States to ensure their security and development. We must, as soon as possible, focus on reinforcing and using existing structures and mechanisms in the countries concerned and support regional cooperation. For regional empowerment to meet challenges Today, some of the most crucial problems in Africa are cross-border in nature (organised crime, illegal trafficking, violent extremism, pandemic diseases and climate change) and cannot be solved at the national level. To deal with these issues, the continent needs strong synergies. Africans must be the starting point of this dynamic, in particular through the African Union (UA) whose Constitutive Act in fact took these common threats into account and established peace and security as basic prerequisites allowing the intervention of the organisation in the internal affairs of its Member States. Moreover, the peace and security architectures of the AU have made significant progress with the improvement of regional Standby Forces, reinforcing its Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises and its ability to mobilise the troops necessary to support peacekeeping operations. 34

37 Olesung Obasanjo Talking about Africa s solution: African leaders should not leave Africa alone to deal with its problems but allow Africa to be the spearhead of finding solutions and working with our partners, our friends, so that we will be at the vanguard. Although the problems have international implications or application outside or beyond Africa, the problems have their origins on the African continent and they must be resolved through solutions that are of African origins and that take the reality of Africa into consideration. And of course, we must be seen, as Africans, to be one. Amanda Dory President Obama emphasized during the August African Leader Summit that the US is committed to strengthening our partnership with the people of Africa. The Department of Defense supports the overall US strategy toward Africa by empowering African partners to take a greater role in security, so as to reinforce economic and political vitality. The AU must however succeed in achieving greater cohesion in order to target a more foreseeable framework to support and implement quick and effective African responses to unexpected situations. To support these initiatives, regional cooperation and empowerment must be consolidated by encouraging the States in the region to adopt the structural reforms needed to create conditions conducive to implementation of all these strategies. Threats shared by all Africans Regional empowerment is all the more necessary as the situation in the Sahel has constantly deteriorated over the last months. The main causes are the expansion of increasingly structured terrorist groups and the arrival of fighters and weapons from Libya in particular. The region is more systematically confronted with non-state opponents (in particular Jihadist groups) who increasingly cross borders and create asymmetrical threats. Today, this represents a danger not only for the region, but for the stability of the entire continent and even beyond. The necessary support of the international community It is therefore essential that the different stakeholders working for Africa support the efforts of Africans. In light of the interconnected and crossborder nature of all the crises in Africa, the implications of security problems in Africa extend way beyond the continent, which calls for a global solution and involves support to AU efforts from the international community and international partners. The United Nations (UN) Integrated Strategy for the Sahel in 2013 adopted this approach and proposes to undertake simultaneous actions (some of which are underway) in the areas of governance, security and resilience, based on a regional approach (calling for reinforced cooperation with the AU and the regional organisations) and in partnership with the other stakeholders present in the territory. With respect to peacekeeping operations, cooperation between regional organisations and outside partners increasingly show a shared political commitment, in particular between the AU and the UN, whether for joint operations (operations referred to as hybrid in Darfur and Sudan), regional organisation missions managed with the involvement or support of the 35

38 Zhong Jianhua China has pledged to support and contribute to the peace and security of this continent, and we are fully aware that without peace, development cannot be sustainable either. But at the same time, we acknowledge that we are newcomers in this field. We need to learn from our partners, we need to work together with our partners. Hervé Ladsous At a time when the African Union is focusing on the next fifty years of its existence with Agenda 2063 as you know, I believe that more than ever before, reinforcing the institutional framework for response to crisis situations and the peace and security architecture remains a priority. And I wish to repeat here, solemnly, to what extent we are committed, with our African partners, to achieving greater foreseeability, stability and sustainability for our crisis response mechanisms. UN (such as AMISOM in Somalia), or the strategies chosen for Operations Serval, Barkhane and Sangaris (several parties involved and a phase-based system). Not to mention the support of international partners such as the European Union (EUFOR in the Central African Republic) or China (in Somalia, Mali, Sudan, South Sudan and in the Democratic Republic of Congo). The Ebola crisis tackled by a group of stakeholders also made it possible to emphasise the positive role of developing partnership capabilities, strengthening relationships and implementing cooperation with a view to reaching a common objective. The support of Senegal through the creation of a humanitarian corridor allowed the UN, its Member States (the United States through the Unified Assistance or USAID operation, China, etc.), and other partners (WHO, Doctors without Borders) to define logistic measures to fight the epidemic. For a common and global approach to crisis prevention The primary cause of most of the conflicts in Africa is underdevelopment. Poverty, exclusion and social injustice are to be found in many locations on the continent. Today, it is commonly accepted that security can be ensured only if human, social and societal needs of populations are met. The idea is therefore to give priority to a comprehensive approach including issues of governance, development and security, to guarantee sustainable stability in the countries and communities of the Sahel. Find the verbatim report of the plenary sessions on 36

39 Monday 15 december 2014 Second plenary session Crisis management: for a common vision of threats SPEAKERS Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director, Institute for Security Studies Jean-Marie Guéhenno, President, International Crisis Group Haile Menkerios, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General with the African Union and for Sudan and South Sudan, UN Special Representative to the African Union Général Mamadou Mansour Seck, Former Chief of Defence Staff, Army General, Senegal Transformation of the nature of conflicts Today s conflicts are not so much conventional inter-state conflicts, but non-state conflicts, armed groups fighting each other within the same country. Fighting is often focused on election results (which raises a new issue in terms of intervention choices in the event of popular uprisings as a reaction to an unpopular government) and on control of scarce natural resources (water and pastureland). This situation is all the more complex as political and criminal agendas are dangerously interlinked. Conflicts first and foremost are of an asymmetrical nature which combines conventional and nonconventional methods. The weapons of terrorism involve surprise, first and foremost. Moreover, people are terrorised in much greater numbers today, as victims of the impact of information and communication. 37

40 In addition to their asymmetrical nature, conflicts are increasingly difficult to anticipate. In fact, many conflicts are at the crossroads between the global and personal levels, and it is difficult to identify where the connection takes place. Due to the rapid circulation of information and persons, conflicts move and strike by surprise. This means that we need to be ready to react quickly. Jakkie Cilliers In sub-saharan Africa, the major reason for instability is the governance deficit that we have. If a government controls its territory, it has control over its borders: Its violence and instability are much lower. Violence will remain a feature of Africa s future trajectory. It is not possible to argue that we must have peace before we can have development. Development and violence are unfortunately, to a large degree, connected. Haile Menkerios Lack of governance as the main cause of conflict means that the state has been itself inadequate to provide security for its people. And therefore, when the state becomes the source of insecurity, or when reactions to the state by its people really create insecurity, then you ve got a major problem We also observe a transformation of the strategic environment due to increased mobility of armed groups and difficulties in controlling borders despite the fact that they are the first factor of sovereignty. It is no longer possible to shut away a conflict in the well-defined framework of a State. Conflicts know no borders. They are now of a cross-border nature, as a result of globalisation. Through manipulation of very local problems by cross-border movements, local issues take on a global dimension, which is more ambitious and more dangerous. A governance deficit Violence occurs due to the fragile nature of States, which are not ready to respond to the scope of transformation of the threat. Historically, we have over the last decades observed a reduced number of victims of instability, violence and conflicts. The areas that are hit the hardest are Africa, followed by the Middle East. The reasons for instability in these areas are, however, different. While democracy deficit is one of the greatest sources of instability in the Middle East, the issue in African countries is the governance deficit, in particular in Sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, violence has increased in Africa since 2010, without however reaching the level of the period before 1989, after which a sharp decrease was witnessed. The regions that most suffer from violence are located in East Africa (Horn of Africa), while the less affected regions are in Southern Africa. 38

41 Jean-Marie Guéhenno If we want to manage these crises, we really need to be able to combine local, regional, national and global approaches. Local because many of these conflicts, many of the threats we have to face, start at a very local level. National, because it is the feeling of a national community that will give the energy and the political commitment to act. Regional, because these conflicts know no borders and because national responses are very often insufficient. And global because the nature of threats must lead us to mobilise all our resources. Youth as a source of instability but also of hope The governance deficit is not the only source of instability in Africa, where the median age is 19. Youth is a factor of instability: a continent with a young population is subject to more violence than a continent with an older population. Despite that, youth is also a source of vitality, hope and growth potential. The challenge is to ensure that young people receive a good education which allows them to find jobs on a dynamic job market and that they feel represented by the elites who govern. Find the verbatim report of the plenary sessions on 39

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43 Tuesday 16 december 2014 third plenary session Better anticipation, better prevention SPEAKERs Mankeur Ndiaye, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Senegalese Abroad Mohamed Chambas, Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General Reda Getachew, Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia Takashi Kitahara, Japanese Ambassador to Senegal Adama Dieng, UN Secretary-General s Special Advisor for the Prevention of Genocide Alioune Sall, Director of the African Futures Institute An accurate analysis of the situation An accurate evaluation of political and economic realities in the field makes it possible to better prevent threats. Given that we are aware of the sources of threats, we should be able to identify them by implementing harmonised strategic monitoring, sustainable information collection and processing systems. This must be supported by sharing information in real time. Prevention through reform of public policies There are many threats to good governance. There are several ways to make up for governance deficits. Through the involvement of the majority of the population, the political system can avoid conflicts linked to disenchantment of the population with respect to the system, by giving access to more direct participation mechanisms and to social services to reduce poverty. 41

44 Takashi Kitahara Here in North Africa and in the Sahel, the major turning point for us was undoubtedly the taking of hostages at In Amenas in Algeria, which led to the death of ten Japanese citizens. Japan then realised the importance of reinforcing international cooperation in the fight against terrorism and in building peace and security on the continent. Adama Dieng We need to move from words to action. Because our prevention work needs the support and commitment o f everyone and in particular of States which are responsible for the protection of their populations. Today, no State can hide behind the principle of sovereignty to silently kill its populations. The State must ensure that the population as a whole participates in the political life of the nation in order to limit frustrations. The response to the expectations of the population, which are reinforced as their claims have an impact, depends on the economic context. When the economic context is unfavourable, the State is no longer able to respond to such demands, which gives rise to a risk of revolt among the population. In order to prevent terrorist risks, an empowerment process can be implemented by developing the most underprivileged regions and outlying fringes to put an end to the frustrations of those who are marginalised. The lack of infrastructures and development projects leads populations, in particular young people, to be sensitive to the arguments of armed groups. They then turn against the advantages that the privileged have. This is no longer the case when they themselves have the same infrastructures. For example, a reform of health systems would make it possible to avoid health crises, as is the case today with Ebola. The spread of this type of crisis makes economic structures more fragile and jeopardises economic growth. The principle of responsibility to protect The principle of non-indifference encourages States to manage their diversity by implementing mechanisms to prevent atrocity crimes (genocide crimes, crimes against humanity and war crimes), like the Tanzanian mechanism for appeasement of religious tensions between the Christian and Muslim communities. We also need to ensure that there is no discrimination based on race, culture or religion. The population as a player in its security Implementation of a security architecture would make it possible to tackle the diversity of threats. Through close relationships with the population, it is possible to detect its needs and to ensure that the population plays a role in its own security, by intelligence and prevention. 42

45 Mankeur Ndiaye Fighting terrorism presupposes different, adapted resources. It also requires us to completely change the way our armed forces, our police forces and our intelligence works. We are no longer in a conventional war situation with well-identified enemies Prevention through regional and international cooperation In addition to a security architecture at the national level, security architectures at the regional level (the African Standby Force in particular) should also be improved. They are not yet sufficiently equipped to prevent crises proactively and preventively and, for the time being, do not have genuine mechanisms allowing them to step in quickly. Regional cooperation is possible and necessary, like the cooperation implemented to tackle the issue of piracy: Three regional organisations, the Economic Community of Western African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the Gulf of Guinea Commission (GGC) have worked together since the Yaoundé Summit in 2013 to implement solutions to address the threat and prevent it from growing. Finally, given that elections are often high-risk moments for the stability of a country, it is necessary to better anticipate crises for better preparation of elections, using international mediation if necessary. It is crucial for elections to be transparent, credible, free and fair in order to be recognised by all citizens. Elections can be observed by training local observers and ensuring cooperation with organisations from local civil society. Moreover, international mediation between the different actors can be useful to support the reform process, in particular concerning the election system. The many elections to be held in Africa in the three years to come must be monitored very carefully. Find the verbatim report of the plenary sessions on 43

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47 theme workshops 2 sessions

48 Find the texts of discussion contributions on Introduction by Hugo Sada (frs) Peace and Security in Africa: New threats, new challenges Religious radicalism and security-related challenges in the Sahel B. Sambe In the Sahel and in West Africa, how can we escape the vicious circle of the terrorist threat and of uncontrolled militarisation O. A. Yabi Understanding interconnected conflicts in Libya and their impact on the Sahel I. El Amrani The terrorist threat in Africa: A strategic and political challenge J.-F. Daguzan Gulf of Guinea: What outcomes, more than one year after the Yaoundé Summit? B. Blédé Proliferation of weapons, trafficking and organised crime F. Okyere & K. Aning Cooperation between the African Union and regional economic communities: A challenge for operationalisation of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) A. Gnanguênon The UN and the AU on peace and security in Africa: Tension between minimalism and maximalism? S. A. Dersso A continental drift: Finding a solution to the African peacekeeping problem C. Ero Is the international crisis recovery strategy working in the Central African Republic (CAR)? M. Mérino Can the weakness of States be cured by force? J.-M. Guéhenno Towards a new international approach to crises and conflict management? The case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) G. Gerold Borders of Africa, African borders M. Foucher Edited by Fabienne Hara (FRS) 46

49 workshops Session I Crisis management: for a common vision of threats Workshop 1 Fighting terrorism and preventing radicalisation Workshop 2 Maritime security and safety Workshop 3 What response to health crises? Workshop 4 Territory and borders Workshop 5 The threat of trafficking: Dissemination of weapons and organised crime Session II What responses to crises? Workshop 6 African solutions Workshop 7 United Nations/African Union: What synergies? Workshop 8 Financing and perpetuating military efforts to respond to crises Workshop 9 Military responses, civilian responses to crises Workshop 10 Security environment and economic development 47

50 Session I Crisis management: for a common vision of threats Workshop 1 Fighting terrorism and preventing radicalisation Workshop 2 Maritime security and safety Workshop 3 What response to health crises? Workshop 4 Territory and borders Workshop 5 The threat of trafficking: Dissemination of weapons and organised crime

51 Session I Crisis management: for a common vision of threats Workshop 1 Fighting terrorism and preventing radicalisation Moderator: Saïd Djinnit Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Great Lakes Region, United Nations Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab, Ansar Dine... Terrorism in Africa has become a plague which threatens the security of the continent and has a direct and indirect impact on international security. Current terrorist movements, most of which are Jihadist, are increasingly threatening. Their military capabilities are noteworthy and they have gradually become destabilising entities able to challenge States for entire territories, with the aim of destroying States themselves. As a cross-border phenomenon that thrives, among other factors, on the inability of States to protect their borders, the danger is constantly growing. The new dimension gained over the last few years has mobilised the United Nations and the international community which have reinforced cooperation with Africa, and Africans themselves as they seek to play their part in the fight against this new threat. But what form should this fight against terrorism take? What responsibility for an African State? Should a State focus on a military response or, on the contrary, pay more attention to the social dimension of religious radicalisation, as the seed of the phenomenon? What can local stakeholders contribute to prevention strategies, which are necessary to address this issue in the long term? The need for a multidimensional response: Military and social Sub-Saharan Africa is today facing a constantly expanding terrorist phenomenon, with a swiftly changing nature. A new generation of terrorists is rising. They are younger, better trained, better equipped and more radical. This is in addition to an expansion phenomenon, with a reinforced globalisation logic and movement of fighters as well as use of new communication technologies. This has led France, under a UN mandate, to conduct a military intervention in Mali with Operation Serval at the beginning of 2013, followed by Operation Barkhane launched in August 2014 in various countries in the Sahel. Although this intervention was unanimously welcomed by African States as a necessary step to curb the progress of armed groups, it was insufficient, in particular to break the dynamics of extension and recruitment of Jihadists throughout the region who are, moreover, increasingly seeking links with other groups focused on common strategies (Al-Shabaab in Somalia - AQIM in North Mali). Today, African States but also the French Government support the idea that military strategies should be included in a multidimensional approach, which combines security-related aspects with economic, institutional and social aspects, with an emphasis on prevention. Total violence against civilians in Africa, by perpetrator, Source: ACLED The State and the region at the heart of the security system Lack of good governance in regional institutions, but also and above all in individual States, must be taken into account. The success of outside interventions such as the French intervention must be praised, but the very fact that they are necessary emphasises their insufficiency. It is essential for the States concerned to be at the heart of security strategies. Given that violent groups prosper and grow in peripheral zones deserted by the State, the State must be able to guarantee control of its regions, in particular those located near borders. This is all the more important given that violent extremist groups are generally rooted in grey areas where there is a lack of State presence and seek to remove and replace the State to develop their own structures. 49

52 Given that this is a cross-border phenomenon, it is essential to develop improved joint management of security-related challenges by the countries in the region. A long time ago, the African continent became aware of the terrorist phenomenon but although regional and national instruments do exist, it is necessary to assess their effectiveness and to develop them. Prevention before cure: A need for a new social focus by African States The lack of involvement of States in the social area has played a significant role in religious radicalisation of a very young population (more than half of Africans are younger than 25) struggling with social misery as victims of a seemingly never-ending economic crisis. This context offers a fertile breeding ground for the ideas of Salafist/Jihadist preachers often present in the sphere of influence of the Gulf States. They are involved in the social area often deserted by the State, through NGOs and associations, as channels disseminating a fundamentalist interpretation of Islam. Military intervention is necessary to give States time to reclaim the social area (in particular through social work). Policies to tackle radicalisation have not kept up with developments in radical groups. States must also have a better grasp of the importance of religious dynamics in this phenomenon. Brotherhood Islam was for a long time considered as an established safeguard against extremist deviation. But since the 1970s there is an alternative education system (Koranic schools and universities) which escapes the control of the State and spreads the roots of religious violence. Today, African public authorities must focus more clearly on the issue of education. Prevention supported by local stakeholders The notion of terrorism does not necessarily help to understand the political and ideological dimensions of violent extremist movements, which are increasingly complex. To fight them, we also need to understand their local rooting, the connections to corrupt and mafia networks, but also the ambiguous links with the agendas of certain States in the sub-region or elsewhere. Because there cannot be any terrorism without local connections, in particular with the different trafficking networks (drugs, hostages, etc.). Only local stakeholders are able to provide such information. With an effective framework, local stakeholders can guarantee sustainable success against the rise of terrorism and more broadly against the multiple forms of insecurity. Women, for example, can make a contribution. Although they are specific targets and/or potential new recruits, they can also be active advocates and strive to fight terrorism (as the bring back our girls initiative in Nigeria). Number of deaths due to political violence, Source: American Security Project, data taken from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, 50

53 Session I Workshop 2 Maritime Security and Safety Moderator: Pierre Moukoko Mbonjo Minister for External Relations, Cameroon Despite a slight improvement, the Gulf of Guinea remains a piracy hotbed in Africa. With thirty-three attacks in the last quarter of 2014 versus ten in the Gulf of Aden, Somalia and the Red Sea, the Gulf of Guinea is the area most affected by this phenomenon. Not to mention other illegal activities in the area, in particular illegal fishing and unlawful trafficking in oil, drugs, weapons, human beings and migrants. The 2013 Edition of the Yaoundé Summit provided the opportunity to identify potential responses to these issues. The stakeholders present stated their commitment to take charge of their own security, and measures were taken to achieve that goal. But what are those measures and what progress have we made with implementation? What challenges, in particular related to effective cooperation and financing, do we still have to meet? And what lessons can we learn from the experience of countries by the Indian Ocean (including Somalia) who had to tackle the same issues before entering a calmer phase during the last few years? What progress have we made since the Yaoundé Summit? The institutional and legal framework to fight maritime insecurity in Africa has existed since the beginning of the decade at the international level through resolutions 2018 (2011) and 2039 (2012) of the United Nations Security Council. At the regional level, we have seen a more committed and forward-looking approach by African countries. The African Union adopted the Africa Integrated Maritime Strategy by 2050 (2012). The Yaoundé Summit of June 24th and 25th 2013 on maritime safety and security also offered the opportunity for African countries to show political commitment in favour of maritime safety and security. In addition to the statements made by Heads of State, a Code of Conduct was established and a Memorandum of Understanding between the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the Gulf of Guinea Commission (GGC) was adopted. This led to the creation of the Central Africa Regional Centre for Maritime Security (CRESMAC) based in Pointe Noire and of the Inter-regional Coordination Centre (ICC) in Yaoundé. The challenge of financing But despite this significant progress, there are great challenges to be met to reach the security objectives in the geographical areas concerned. The architecture of maritime security is not yet complete and the future implementation of other organisations, such as the Regional Maritime Security Centre of West Africa (CRESMAO) and all the planned Multinational Coordination Centres (MCC), is not yet complete. This is partly due to difficulties in financing projects. Equipping all these structures with material resources remains a major concern for the stakeholders involved, who are counting on contributions from the international community and from external partners, but also from regional partners. However, some States could mobilise greater budgetary and human resources to establish their maritime security and safety capabilities. The countries that appear to be key players, given that they are the most affected by the phenomenon (such as those around the Gulf of Guinea, for example), are also invited to address this issue. The challenge of cooperation and coordination It is today recognised that the African continent must play the lead role in the fight against maritime insecurity and that no country in the region can overcome this problem alone. In order to efficiently address security-related challenges, cooperation between the stakeholders concerned and the structures involved at the regional level is indispensable. In the long run, at the regional level, state and non-state actors who have missions at sea will have to work in synergy to achieve their objectives, around a single authority tasked with coordinating the action of the State at sea while not creating obstacles to the prerogatives of each stakeholder involved. Some countries have already successfully adopted a maritime strategy designed around this type of authority. This cooperation is necessary in all fields, including the field of intelligence. This approach could, among other aspects, contribute to identifying criminals and principals who organise criminal acts in the maritime industry. For that purpose, it appears necessary for States around the Gulf of Guinea to begin to mobilise the police and judicial resources needed to create an efficient interregional network to fight impunity in maritime crime. What lessons can we learn from the Somalian experience? What lessons can we learn from those parts of the world in the process of overcoming maritime insecurity issues? Although the example of the Indian Ocean, which shows an improvement in the last few years, appears to be positive, it cannot be easily transposed in West and Central Africa where institutions function and where attacks take place in waters under national sovereignty or jurisdiction. 51

54 The Indian Ocean case is more related to the success of foreign interventions, in particular in the Gulf of Aden, East of Somalia and in the Red Sea. On the other hand, the example of countries around the Strait of Malacca (in Asia), who have organised their efforts and taken the necessary measures (in particular development of reinforced regional cooperation which has partly allowed those countries to address the issue of financing) and where the risk of piracy has been stable for a few years now, could inspire the States around the Gulf of Guinea. Therefore, although noteworthy progress has been made by African countries and regional institutions who have addressed the issue of maritime security and safety (in particular in the framework of Yaoundé), there are still challenges to be met. The 2014 Dakar Forum provided an opportunity for the stakeholders present to express their desire to see suggestions concerning cooperation and coordination, financing and availability of significant resources considered as a roadmap for hands-on action to be taken before the next edition. Main routes for maritime movement and acts of piracy and armed theft, Source: UNITAR-UNOSAT

55 Session I Workshop 3 What responses to health crises? Moderator: Naby Youssouf Bangoura Minister of State, Secretary-General of the Presidency, Guinea Conakry On September 18 th 2014, by means of resolution 2177, the United Nations Security Council referred to Ebola as a threat to international peace and security. This decision asserted that despite an apparent lull, the crisis situation caused by the pandemic disease in Africa and elsewhere in the world is by no means under control. On November 21 st 2014, the World Health Organisation (WHO) reported 5459 deaths due to the haemorrhagic fever out of a total of people infected by the virus, while stating that these figures were certainly underestimated. The phenomenon, which mainly affected Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone, rapidly spread to other African countries such as Mali. As this is a cross-border issue, the scale of the crisis is today regional, with an expansion potential beyond the intervention capabilities of States. However, it is essential that the countries of the continent find African solutions to this African problem. This will necessarily call for implementation of a shared vision of risks and solutions, supported by strong synergy among all the stakeholders concerned, appropriate funding, but also preparation of strategic planning at all decision-making levels. But how can we breathe life into this African response? What lessons can we learn from the example of Guinea who has provided the first steps of a response to the spread of the disease? What role should non-state stakeholders and the international community play, in particular related to funding? African solutions to African problems: Centralisation and accountability of States Management of the health crisis with which African countries are today confronted encourages African empowerment in the fight against pandemic diseases. It is moreover noteworthy that the African Union very soon developed a solidarity-based approach with respect to the countries affected and worked to avoid those countries being ostracised. However, many African governments still have the reflex of turning to their former partners in the North to ask for their assistance and cooperation, rather than asking their neighbours. The cross-border phenomenon of Ebola and its geographical scope have however made it possible to become aware of the shared threat and of the need to find African solutions. This involves fostering greater synergy among all African stakeholders (not only South-South cooperation as is still often the case) to promote a common vision giving rise to common solutions. To do so, the avenue explored is cross-border cooperation through a body geared to deal with the challenges of the future. This structure would be an efficient and rationalised coordination mechanism able to deal with emergency situations, but should also be an entity in its own right, with an emphasis on research, for example. In West Africa, there is a health organisation (in the framework of the ECOWAS) but its missions are still linked to guiding and defining health policies. However, centralised cooperation of this type appears to be the most relevant response to deal with the crises affecting the continent. African States faced with their responsibilities This cooperation must be supported by greater accountability of African States in response to crises, but above all in prevention of crises. The state of governance in Africa has significant impact on the aggravation of health crises, although some countries like Senegal have a health system with everything that implies in terms of organisational capabilities and quality of human resources. Management of health crises requires a focus on the capacity of States to respond early and to step in before problems get out of control. In the case of Senegal, the swift response and availability of a plan before the first case appeared explain the convincing results of the intervention of the health authorities in the country. The case of Guinea or the importance of strategic planning The experience of Guinea has emphasised the importance of strategic planning expressed as operational plans, with the objective of controlling situations related to current trends in the short term, to respond to crises once they occur. It took Guinea twenty months, after the pandemic disease was established, to observe confirmation of a clinical situation showing reduction of the disease. As from March 2013, Guinea reported 2292 declared cases of which 734 were cured, although 62% of those who fell ill died. The response from public health authorities checked the spread of the fever in the different local Prefectures concerned, to the extent that in November 2014, ten of the thirty-three Prefectures have not reported any declared cases. 53

56 A diversity of stakeholders to support a strategy The improvement of the situation in Guinea is also the result of an intervention which involved several stakeholders, namely the health services and the neighbouring countries, in particular Senegal, by means of a humanitarian corridor opened to convey aid (mainly from abroad) to the three countries hardest hit by the epidemic (Guinea, Sierra Leone and Liberia) in September But also thanks to the NGOs and international humanitarian organisations, including in particular the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which proved its capacity to step in with specialised resources and to work with local support structures. Sources of funding necessarily from abroad? Finally, the issue of funding, a recurring problem in the implementation of strategies in Africa, must be considered. African countries have trouble complying with the standards advocated by the WHO concerning the percentage of the national budget to be allocated to public health (15%). Grants depend mainly on international mobilisation, which can represent an obstacle to swiftness and quality of response. In this case, the international community waited for the crisis to reach unbearable dimensions before taking initiatives to step in. Moreover, the efficiency of funding to fight health crises can be challenged when one sometimes observes that there is nothing available on the spot, to the extent that one wonders what is done with the funding provided, although the example of the humanitarian corridor in Senegal puts that issue in a somewhat different perspective. Moreover, some commitments made by backers to affected countries are not always followed by action when it comes to actually collecting the amounts promised. Breakdown of Ebola cases per week in Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Mali (4 th week of the year 2015) Source: ECDC - Data from the reports of the Ministries of Health (suspected, likely and confirmed cases) 54

57 Session I Workshop 4 Territories and borders Moderator: Ahmedou Ould Abdallah President of the Centre for Strategy and Security for the Sahel Sahara, Former Minister, Mauritania The issue of controlling territories and borders in West Africa more specifically affects the States in the Sahel-Saharan strip (Mali, Niger, Chad and Mauritania) and those in the Maghreb (Algeria, Libya). There are multiple responses which must be illustrated at various levels: National, regional and local. How can the presence of the State be reinforced in low-population density areas and how can borders be made secure? How can populations located in peripheral regions be protected? How can we respond to geostrategic developments in the North-African and Sahel regions and innovate in cross-border cooperation? Confronting militarised terrorist groups seeking to establish a territory At the national level, the unanimous observation is that the State is absent in the northern regions of the Sahel countries. At best, it is present in a single city and associated services are insufficient or provided intermittently. Of course, the huge area to be covered, the dispersion of populated locations and the lack of infrastructures (roads, health, education, broadband internet access) impose specific constraints in these peripheral regions located far away from capital cities. Only if we address social needs and seek sustainable peace agreements as well, in those areas in a state of political crisis, can we restore or establish the presence of the State. The onus is on the State to ensure the essential functions falling to the State: Control of border limits, security of populations in peripheral regions and of movement, basic services (justice, education, health, roads, digital access), building border cities. This is the only response to militarised radical groups using violent terrorist-type tactics and seeking to establish a territory while keeping the flexibility and mobility afforded by cross-border networks and alliances. Excessive use of the term terrorism does not make it possible to design a global response to the challenges involved in these peripheral regions. New reference areas At the regional level, it is important to broaden the reference area and to think in terms of representation extended to the Maghreb - Sahara - Sahel region as a whole. Maghreb States (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya) have discovered that their own south is strategic, in the same way as the north of the Sahel States. 55 This new representation (in particular in chanceries) could serve as a basis to promote the idea of a common destiny leading to coordinated regional policies which are indispensable in such large geographical regions. This presupposes a change in the relationships between the two major stakeholders in the Maghreb, in order to breathe life, at least, into the Arab Maghreb Union (given that the non-maghreb situation comes at a high cost) and to implement formats of the CEN-SAD type which are sorely lacking and which are really needed at this point. This would also imply that Libya achieves a more stable situation to the North and in its relation between populations along the coastline in the north and those in the peripheral regions in the south. The need for cross-border cooperation at the local level At the local level, the development of cross-border cooperation in the local interest and with a regional scope would make it possible to cater to expectations of local populations, to turn them away from subversive temptations from the outside and to avoid frustrations. The key lever for stabilisation is the involvement of local populations. Of course, two parties need to be involved to control border crossings. The borders of Africa have become African borders. The challenges are related more to controlling territory than to identifying borders: strategic African thinking on this major issue must be expressed and the African Union Border Programme must contribute and should be generalised in the States of Western Africa. Borders are related to the State, which cannot exist without linear limits. For the population, in times of peace, a border is first and foremost a resource, before being a constraint. Cross-border activities prosper along borders which are already regulated: Burkina Faso-Mali, Mali-Mauritania-Senegal, Mali- Côte d Ivoire, Nigeria-Niger. The relationships between people living on the banks of rivers and lakes (Senegal, Niger) work along similar lines. On the contrary, border segments subject to tension block normal relationships at the local level (Chad-Sudan, Chad-CAR). Local and regional security is crucial not only in relations between States but also at the local level. Although operations Serval and Barkhane have made it possible to remove foreign terrorists from the region and in doing so to create conditions for a return of the State, national tension factors persist and the fundamental mission of the State is therefore by no means over.. In this era of integration, there is no justification for borders being sources of conflict. They should in fact be factors of peace and exchange between the populations of the different countries concerned. N Faly Sanoh, Director of the freedom of movement department of the ECOWAS

58 Session I Workshop 5 The Threat Of Trafficking: Dissemination Of Weapons And Organised Crime Moderator: Raymond Gilpin, Dean of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University, United States In a constantly changing global context involving risks in many forms, Africa has become one of the international hubs for organised crime, in particular in West Africa and in the Sahel region. Taking advantage of the weakness of the rule of law, political instability (increasing numbers of coups d état) and severe poverty in several countries, groups of traffickers organised in networks increasingly undertake unlawful activities, most often in poorly administered border regions and in endemic crisis zones. Today, the criminal economy has become global due to the extension and globalisation of networks, and this trafficking has increased constantly over the years. What are the consequences of this trafficking? What are the difficulties encountered by African States to deal with these issues? Illegal trafficking in many forms, a source of social and economic insecurity and instability Illegal trafficking operations exist in many forms (trafficking in drugs, arms, human beings, money laundering, trafficking in mining products, maritime banditry/piracy, cybercrime, etc.) with constantly evolving characteristics. Today, they are globalised, multidimensional and very often linked to organised crime. Today, drug trafficking cannot be separated from crime, and drug consumption gives rise to issues that go way beyond the question of public health. This trafficking gives rise to destabilising insecurity for African States: competition between criminal groups for access to trafficking routes and consumption territories, increased violence, increasing the workload of judicial bodies that are already overworked, increased corruption, occurrence of major pandemic issues, etc. The link between illegal trafficking and organised crime should be emphasised, whether with respect to drugs, firearms, counterfeit medication, smuggling cigarettes or ivory, trafficking in human beings. All this trafficking is characterised by interconnected networks and transversal crimes. Moreover, this trafficking is made easier in Africa by the following factors: Significant corruption. Along with weakness of local police and judicial institutions, illegal trafficking is an evident factor of vulnerability to corruption, The culture of impunity. In this case, fragile institutions and persistence of authoritarian powers are obstacles to good governance and to the rule of law, The fact that the continent is a crossroads between two key organised crime routes (South America/Europe and South-East Asia/Europe). These illegal activities are today major challenges for the security and stability of the societies they affect and the situation has constantly deteriorated over several years. These trafficking operations represent significant economic losses for the States concerned (various forms of economic destruction, loss of growth percentage points, corruption...), thereby increasing poverty. The action taken by national authorities in Africa against this trafficking is still too small in scale and too occasional. In fact, certain political elites benefit directly or indirectly from these illegal activities (corruption, economic resources, political resources, social pact...). The fight against organised crime linked to such trafficking operations is extremely complex. It must be multidimensional and also calls for synergy between national stakeholders and international stakeholders, which few States are able to implement alone, in particular due to a lack of financial resources. Trafficking increasingly linked to terrorist networks The issue of trafficking is more often than not linked to the issue of security and terrorist networks as they see many advantages in such trafficking (financial resources and human resources). More and more terrorist groups therefore have links with criminal organisations. Drug trafficking represents great economic importance for several Jihadist movements in the Sahel. Geographical, economic and sometimes even political convergence points bring together traffickers and some terrorist groups. It is however difficult to assess the scope of the connection between terrorism and illegal trafficking.. Lack of coordinated response Although African States have recognised the potential threat to their sovereignty represented by illegal trafficking and organised crime, the measures needed to tackle these issues are still insufficient: lack of evaluation of current policies to tackle these issues, organisational weakness of certain international programmes to fight organised crime, lack of training and equipment for security forces who need to deal with risks in many forms although over the last few years the international community has developed a set of legal tools and strategies to fight illegal trafficking. 56

59 As far as the African continent is concerned, however, these tools could be more effective if they were properly implemented. In fact, the appropriate response to various types of trafficking is today undermined by a lack of coordination between services and departments, whether at the national, regional or international level. A multisector approach The fight to tackle illegal trafficking threats cannot be summarised only in the security dimension without also looking at prevention of conflicts, governance and development. The multifactor dimension of cross-border crime suggests a multisector approach, making it possible to include both security-related aspects and dimensions linked to development. The first concrete ideas were expressed by the speakers: Harmonising existing strategies (in the case of the Sahel region, there are as many as five initiatives today), Reinforcing the justice sector, in particular by harmonising laws and the efficiency of responses under criminal law, and improving international legal assistance, Reinforcing resources to fight corruption, Improving management of intelligence services and fostering cooperation between them at the regional and international levels, Adapting training and capacities of security forces to risks in many forms, Ensuring that the issue of financing the fight against illegal trafficking is on the international agenda.. Seizures of illegal weapons and direction of trafficking in West Africa ( ) Source: 2013 Report, UNODC 57

60 58

61 59 REPORT on the FIRST INTERNATIONAL FORUM on PEACE AND SECURITY IN AFRICA

62 Session II What responses to crises? Workshop 6 African Solutions Workshop 7 United Nations/African Union: What synergies? Workshop 8 Financing and perpetuating military efforts to respond to crisess Workshop 9 Military responses, civilian responses to crises Workshop 10 Security environment and economic development 60

63 Session II What responses to crises? Workshop 6 African Solutions Moderator: Jakkie Cilliers Director of the Institute for Security Studies Face aux crises qui touchent le continent africain, il s avère nécessaire de mener une réflexion autour des réponses africaines. Si la notion de solutions africaines aux problèmes africains n est pas nouvelle en soi, son contenu reste encore à définir. S agit-il de donner la primauté aux États africains en termes politiques, stratégiques ou opérationnels? Quels instruments peuvent traduire de manière opérationnelle ce discours? Quelles sont leurs sources de fragilité? African tools for African solutions which are jeopardised by their structure After an initial 5-year postponement, the African Standby Force (ASF) is supposed to be ready for deployment in each of the regions (West, East, Centre, North, South) in The evolution and nature of recent armed conflicts, in particular in Sudan, Mali and the Central African Republic has not, however, allowed heads of State to prepare this new milestone in optimal conditions. This situation has revealed both the hope and the scepticism shown by the stakeholders involved in this project. In 2013, the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) was proposed as a transitional and short-term mechanism to mitigate the shortcomings of the ASF, making it possible to provide an immediate response and prevent escalation of conflicts. This is based on a contribution by volunteer African States whose commitment depends significantly on their national interests. In 2014, twelve countries contributed to diverse degrees (Angola, Algeria, Burkina, Chad, Niger, Rwanda, Sudan, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda), but the list is still open. In order to address emergency situations, genuine solidarity and a greater commitment on the part of African States are necessary. The issue of financing is key, emphasising the need for African States to have the means to achieve their ambitions. Given the complex nature of threats, we never have enough financial resources. That being said, co-financing or contributions from States based on their gross domestic product (GDP) are proposals that we should consider. Other mechanisms in the African peace and security architecture (APSA) should be explored, in particular early warning systems at continental and regional level, although we have not yet been able to implement them. Similarly, it is necessary to identify the groups we can talk to as well as their political agenda, in the framework of mediation and negotiation processes. What political commitment? At the end of the day, defining the notion of African solutions comes down, once again, to clarifying the issue of political commitment. Should management of peace and security be left to a few States, with the risks of political manipulation and regional and continental hegemony that implies? Given that many political and operational obstacles prevented the implementation of a rapid deployment capacity (RDC) within the ASF, is there not a risk that the ACIRC could be confronted with the same challenges, bearing in mind that the contributors are the same States and their national armed forces? One of the recurring issues is in fact organising the work between these tools during the period of increased presence of the ACIRC and operationalisation of the ASF. Given the trans-regional dimension of threats (piracy, terrorism, crime, etc.), security mechanisms that are defined geographically, i.e. following the borders of States belonging to a single regional organisation, need to be rethought to be efficient. Each State is nonetheless tempted to choose the action framework that is the most profitable politically and economically, whether the African Union (AU), an interregional cooperation - of the ECOWAS, ECCAS type in the Gulf of Guinea - or ad hoc coalitions which inspired the ACIRC proposal. 61

64 A sound African strategy, with the support of the international community In terms of peace and security on the continent, the AU should be more involved to allow African stakeholders to be at the forefront, with the support of the international community. Applying African solutions does not mean leaving Africa alone to solve problems with causes and consequences beyond the continent. It is essential for African States to define a common strategy with clearly identified objectives that partners can rely on. This makes it possible to choose the best option together, to take preventive action, meaning by managing a conflict in the short term without creating a breeding ground conducive to future crises. African Union peacekeeping Peace and Security Structure Structures of the Organisation ASF Capabilities New Partnership for Africa s Development Panel of the Wise Common African Defence and Security Policy Peace and Security Council (PSC) Continental Early Warning System Common African Defence and Security Presidential Policy mandate African Standby Force African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) UN Partner agencies NGOs RECs Regions AU Commission Planning REC/Region Planning Elements PSOD Monitors ML Mission Military personnel Standby brigades Rapid deployment Military liaison officers Military observers Civilian police Advisors Police (PSC and FC) Gendarmerie Provide capabilities to the PSOD WASF Observers Advisors (PSC and FC) NASF CASF SASF EASF Rule of law Civil Administration Humanitarian affairs Good governance Advisors Source: African Union 62

65 Session II Workshop 7 United nations / african union: what synergies? Moderator: Smaïl Chergui Commissioner for Peace and Security, African Union UNAMID in Darfur, AMISOM in Somalia, MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of Congo, all these responses to security crises on the continent show an increased cooperation dynamic between the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU). This also shows an increased commitment on the part of the regional organisation to be more involved in its own security while seeking balance with the institutions of the international structure. But what synergy should be fostered between the two entities? What challenges will they have to meet? What role can be played by other international players in managing African security crises? What partnership between the United Nations and the African Union? Africa as a player in its own security? The relationship between the UN and the AU has evolved very positively over the last few years and can today be described as privileged. The international organisation today benefits from long-standing experience in management of African crises (which represent 78 % of Security Council resolutions) and the situation has changed slowly over time, making this partnership almost permanent and no longer occasional as it used to be in the past. This is shown by the significant representation of the UN with the AU. At the same time, Africa intends to become a player in its own security, in its own right. Over the years, a practice has gradually emerged within the international organisation to delegate management of crises to African countries themselves. This is due to greater familiarity with the region and to the ability to respond swiftly to a number of local threats. The UN keeps the dimensions of crises that call for longer-term management. Today African countries are more dynamic and, while emphasising the importance of fostering increased cooperation, they do not hesitate to take charge of issues themselves without necessarily waiting for a delegation from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), given the diversity and the regional location of threats which concern these countries collectively. In fact, the UNSC would not, today, rule on an issue related to peace and security on the African continent without first receiving the input of AU decisions and opinions. A partnership to be developed: Challenges to be met However, despite the significant progress made in cooperation related to crisis management, development measures are needed to make UN/AU dialogue more efficient. The issue of capability deficits in operations remains a major problem, as shown by the difficulties encountered by the United Nations - African Union joint mission in Darfur (UNAMID): Support which is just barely sufficient, duplication in the chain of command and insufficient training and equipment of troops. Another challenge to be met is the difficulty to foster a common assessment of risks and threats to peace between the two organisations and their Member States. The national interests of Member States are not always sufficiently taken into account, despite the fact that they cannot be removed from the UN or from the AU evaluation and decision-making process.. African personnel in uniform for UN and AU missions, Source: The Japanese National Institute for Defence Studies Moreover, this lack of concertation can also be observed between the international organisation and the AU. In order to improve the situation, one of the solutions we can consider is building a strategic thinking mechanism within the regional organisation working closely with the UN and making it possible to achieve better anticipation and thereby prevent emergence of dangers. A mechanism to take into account the interregional dimension and nature of risks and threats related to globalisation allowing more horizontal dialogue channels, involving regional organisations and States. 63

66 A third point to be addressed concerns the conditions for transition of AU and UN activities to local stakeholders. We have little work and feedback to date on this sensitive issue despite the fact that it remains extremely relevant to take action at the very root of the problem. The current review process of the Brahimi report on peacekeeping operations should make it possible to redefine concrete foundations for the UN-AU partnership. The commission tasked with examining this matter includes three African representatives and this work should offer a good opportunity to ensure that the voice of Africa is clearly heard in New York. What role for other partners in crisis management? The EU, a privileged partner Although UN-AU cooperation is constantly improving, it should be completed using the resources and capabilities of other partners to ensure that the voice of Africa is better heard within the international community. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the AU is constantly developing as both have observed that there is a joint interest in managing crises and threats (terrorism-crime) affecting both Africa and Europe. The key support role of the EU appears clearly in its contributions to AU operations (1.5 billion Euros for AMISOM, the AU mission in Somalia), to support and training activities for standby brigades and local missions in States at risk (EUTM, EU-NAVFOR ATALANTA). Euro-African dialogue has therefore led to the activation of regional strategies on the part of the EU to contribute to enhanced awareness in Europe of the importance of helping Africa. France has strived to do this although there is still progress to be made. This type of partnership can however be successful only if African countries foster implementation of the rule of law, the best possible tool for prevention of conflicts. Other forms of cooperation should be developed, in particular with Asia, to fine-tune cooperation between major international partners and the AU. At the level of civil society, the role and advice of women, in the context of demographic trends on the continent, should be taken into account and encouraged. Better coordination for better prevention At the heart of the logics related to all these forms of cooperation with the AU, there is a desire for anticipation and prevention of crises and conflicts. In the long term, the idea is to ensure better and very practical coordination of the good intentions of all the parties involved, with special attention devoted to the resources and capabilities that each party is able to provide. Peacekeeping operations in Africa (October 2014) Source: The Japanese National Institute for Defence Studies 64

67 Session II Workshop 8 Financing and perpetuating military efforts to respond to crises Moderator: Olusegun Obasanjo, Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President of the Obasanjo Foundation With the increased number and intensity of acts of terrorism and of conflicts of all types (trafficking in goods, trafficking in human beings, etc.), crisis management is now, more than ever, a key concern for Africans and their partners. To find an effective response, it appears necessary to foster synergies between three main focal points: Military, development and humanitarian issues. But this crisis management, to be relevant, calls for sustainable financing, which can make it possible to implementation a structural response over time. What are the financing issues African countries have to face today? How can we perpetuate military efforts to respond to crises? A need to rethink interoperability of projected forces The cost of supporting troops projected in the framework of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations is very high. It reached 8 billion dollars in 2014 for Africa alone. The European Union (EU) invested 1.2 billion Euros in peacekeeping operations in Africa since 2004, Burundi and Somalia being the two major expenditure items. Moreover, Japan is the leading contributor to peacekeeping operations in Africa, although Japanese cooperation is not always very visible. At a time when the EU is confronted with financing constraints, in particular concerning allocation of funds for purchase of military equipment, and when certain member states of the UN refuse that contributions be used to pay for African Union peacekeeping operations, the African Union (AU) is today compelled to find innovative solutions. There are alternatives to overcome financing difficulties, in particular for bilateral assistance. Aid can be logistic and material and not directly financial. The United States, for example, recently sent 250 vehicles using their own resources to an African theatre. But this configuration is neither sustainable nor systematic during an operation, nor can it be reproduced in another theatre. The issue of financing sometimes results in force dimensions being based on the available funding. The effectiveness of projection is therefore hypothetical even before the force is deployed. Top 25 armed forces in Africa, by budget Source: Data from Military Balance 2015 A necessary transformation 2014 defence budget in dollars (millions) Algeria $ 12,000 Egypt $ 5,450 Angola $ 6,850 Libya $ 4,660 South Africa $ 4,010 Morocco $ 3,860 Nigeria $ 2,250 Sudan $ 1,890 South Sudan $ 1,040 Kenya $ 1,040 Tunisia $ 911 Côte d Ivoire $ 812 Republic of Congo $ 720 Democratic Republic of Congo $ 456 Zambia $ 422 Cameroon $ 410 Namibia $ 410 Uganda $ 405 Tanzania $ 396 Ethiopia $ 375 Zimbabwe $ 368 Mali $ 365 Botswana $ 346 Ghana $ 277 Senegal $ 254 Security institutions have always been very present in African States. The forces were part of the colonial legacy and their major function was to protect inner circles of power. Their capabilities vary from one country to another. The armed forces (in their most conventional missions) are often spurned by the authorities in power, except in the framework of security of the regime. Consequently, armed forces have a limited capacity to protect territories and the related natural resources. The crucial issue of capabilities of African armed forces and of forces in the regional economic communities and in the AU is partly based only on military programming laws. It is not because a country is poor that it cannot plan development of its armed forces (missions, equipment...). It is also important to plan the development of defence and security structures. 65

68 Moreover, there is an issue of internal governance. How can budgets be allocated to armed forces when other essential public services are underfinanced? This issue is a source of internal instability and protest. Moreover, in post-crisis situations, populations do not trust their national armed forces. It is therefore important to make national defence budgets acceptable in order to create, even indirectly, a trust relationship between citizens and their armed forces. It is however important to be cautious and to ensure that increased presence of security issues does not lead to militarisation of African regimes with the support of international stakeholders. Finally, African support to the Standby Force from African States, an important challenge for the security of the continent, should be stronger. Boko Haram has increasingly negative consequences on the populations of neighbouring countries. October and November were marked by massive displacement of populations. For example, the government of Niger estimates that more than five thousand people fled the north of Nigeria since May 2013 to seek refuge in the region of Diffa in Niger. Military expenditure in Africa Expenditure in billions Evolution percentage Africa (50,2) North Africa 20, Sub-Saharan Africa (30,1) (): Unconfirmed estimate Source: SIPRI, Trends in World Military Expenditure, 2014 Gouvernance The issue of governance is a key challenge in all the conflicts on the continent. Efforts should also be made in this regard, in the form of a normative and political response at different levels: AU, regional economic communities and national level. From a normative viewpoint, many efforts have given rise to the implementation of the African Charter on Human and People s Rights, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, as well as the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR). Contributors to restoration of peace and security are also the first backers of development, which involves a risk of confusion and merger between the budgets of peacekeeping operations and those of development. It is therefore important to differentiate between these two types of budgets. Top 25 armed forces in Africa, in personnel numbers Active personnel Egypt Sudan Eritrea Morocco South Sudan Algeria Nigeria Ethiopia Democratic Republic of Congo Angola South Africa Uganda Côte d Ivoire Tunisia Rwanda Chad Kenya Zimbabwe Tanzania Cameroon Madagascar Burundi Senegal Ghana Namibie Source: Data from Military Balance

69 Session II Workshop 9 Military responses, civilian responses Moderator: Général Lamine Cissé President, West Africa Partners, former Minister of the Interior, Senegal Operation Serval followed by Operation Barkhane in the Sahel, peacekeeping missions of the African Union in particular in Somalia (AMISOM) - the responses to security crises in Africa appear to be military first and foremost. However, although offensive mandates have made it possible in the short term to control the spread of violence, this approach cannot in itself solve the disastrous situation of thousands of Africans. This is shown by the difficulties encountered in stabilising the zones concerned after interventions. What are the limits of this robust response? How can we combine security solutions and political measures in crisis recovery efforts in the medium- and long-term (in particular DDR - disarmament, demobilisation, reinsertion - and SSR - security sector reform)? And what role should civil society stakeholders play in this approach? The limits of a robust peacekeeping force The use of force is sometimes necessary in crisis recovery strategies, in particular when they involve fighting violent armed groups as is the case in Africa, but the issue of use of force is more complex than it appears. First of all, it must be limited. There can sometimes be marked reluctance on the part of certain members of the United Nations Security Council and on the part of countries who contribute troops to support adoption of offensive mandates in Africa. And when this is done, the robust approach is often viewed with reluctance by political authorities, which gives rise to hesitation or reluctance on the part of the forces deployed. Moreover, unity of command of operations is often compromised by a tendency on the part of many contingents to refer to or comply with instructions from their capitals rather than with the orders of force command. Not to mention the absolute requirement for the blue helmets deployed to ensure that human rights are respected in all situations, even the most violent. Secondly, the presence of an outside peacekeeping force referred to as robust can represent an alibi for national authorities to avoid meeting their responsibilities related to security. It is essential for international forces to develop strong partnerships with national defence and security forces which are impartial, professional and respect human rights. For a more political approach to crisis recovery strategies In fact, the military response should be considered as only one of the sequences making it possible to support a political process, as a guarantee of stability in the long term. The issue of use of force in grey situations - where the war is apparently over but where one cannot consider that peace is genuinely secured - is particularly important. In these zones, political action appears to be the most relevant response, given that it supports rebuilding of states not only to prevent radicalisation of populations, but also to deal with crisis situations effectively and autonomously. Establishing strong and sustainable institutions is an absolutely major challenge which must go beyond the mere issue of choice of leaders or support offered to charismatic personalities. How can we coordinate military, technical and political responses? We therefore need to succeed in combining political pressure and military action by using each with precaution. The use of force, which is necessary but must not jeopardise the political efforts made concomitantly, must focus on very targeted action. This presupposes strong intelligence capabilities, great mobility (which is increasingly indispensable to compensate insufficient numbers in peacekeeping forces) and a better grasp of the strategic implications of action taken at the tactical level. This approach should also be applied to disarmament, demobilisation and reinsertion (DDR) processes and to security sector reform (SSR) processes which today form an integral part of peace consolidation efforts after a conflict. They are often designed by the international community from a purely technical viewpoint whereas taking their political dimension into account is indispensable for success of these processes. As an example, DDR processes can succeed only if armed groups are certain that they will be safe if they accept to lay down their weapons. Regarding SSR, defence and security forces can be credible only if they reflect the trust the people place in the State to guarantee their security. More generally, the political dimension of crisis recovery or peace consolidation programmes must be considered to be just as important as the technical dimension. It would moreover be appropriate to focus, in the framework of reconstruction or peace consolidation processes, on a few key sectors, in particular by supporting coordination and intergovernmental mechanisms. 67

70 What role for civil society stakeholders? Conditions for implementation of missions with a political focus (training, state reconstruction, etc.) depend greatly on the perceptions of populations and national authorities. Additional efforts need to be made with respect to communication and education in order to allow populations and national authorities to better understand the mandates covering the intervention of international forces, in order, in particular, to avoid the excessive trust civilians sometimes have in military interventions (by clarifying the objectives of the intervention). This work is necessary to support African civil society in taking its own responsibility in the peace-keeping process in its residence area into consideration. It can play a major role in understanding the causes of conflicts, in particular by providing information on their cultural and social roots. This approach will also involve all the stakeholders concerned by the state reconstruction process. The idea is to develop a gradualist approach by starting with dialogue and negotiation with armed groups and then extending the circle to other stakeholders, in particular victims, so that armed groups do not have a monopoly on the political process. African civil society was for a long time passive or ostracised but is today increasingly active in seeking solutions to crises and conflicts. It has become a source of initiatives in the framework of a more inclusive management of security. The continent is currently in the process of placing citizens at the centre of security-related issues. But to act fully, it first needs to be able to intervene in the framework of harmonious relations between the civilian and military sectors, such as those developed in Guinea in the framework of the Civilian-Military Committee (CMC) in place since 2006 aimed at improving relations between the two entities, through awareness-raising and advice. 68

71 Session II Workshop 10 Security environment and economic development Moderator: Youssouf Ouedraogo Advisor to the President, African Development Bank, former Prime Minister, Burkina Faso In 2013, by adopting the objective not to bequeath the burden of conflicts to the next generation of Africans 1, the African Union (AU) undertook to act and support initiatives related to security, democratisation and development. These three areas appear to be closely interconnected and to be mutual prerequisites. Their interactions have an impact on the economy, society, the natural environment or political and social institutions. The new economic situation in Africa, with the continent benefiting from an average growth of 5.5% between 2003 and 2013, makes development the driving force of this triptych, not without distortions. In addition to economic drive concentrated in the west and east of the continent (with growth frequently above 6% during this period), economic development of Africa is based on assets which are also fragile. Fragile and unequal growth, which calls for fairer development First and foremost, this growth is supported by extraction of raw materials, to the detriment of manufacturing added value which has significantly declined since the 1990s. The share of exports in the primary sector is still high, taking into account the high international demand for such resources and the high level of known or to-be-discovered African reserves. But social and political instability, climate change and lack of infrastructures disturb exploitation of these resources. Several sectors, however, make it possible to diversify African economies, such as telecommunications, construction, transport or tourism. Moreover, the African continent is in a demographic transition phase which is a significant lever for change 2. The demographic dividend (increased share of the active population in the total population) could bring Africa high and stable economic growth over several decades. (1) Solemn declaration at the 50 th anniversary of the African Union, during the Golden Jubilee of the Union, see Assembly/AU/decl.3(XXI) (2) UNFPA, State of World Population The Power of 1.8 billion: Adolescents, Youth and the Transformation of the future, 2014, 136p. (3) See PSC/PR/BR.1(CCLXXIV) But this human potential cannot be realised without multi-sector investments and infrastructures, in particular in the fields of education, support to job creation or health. Finally, the economic emergence of the continent on a global scale, as shown by gradual inclusion of African economies in globalisation, or the increase of foreign investment, hides significant local inequalities. The main difference in growth concerns concentration of wealth in the circles of power, in economic elites or ethnic communities, raising, among others issues, the issue of sharing income from exploitation of natural resources. These inequalities are already a source of local and regional conflicts and instabilities. More fundamentally, poverty remains a major challenge in Africa, despite undeniable progress. The vulnerabilities of the economic emergence of Africa have given rise to significant social resentment which could increase in the future if economic development is not fairer. In addition to poverty and inequalities, marginalisation of populations, urbanisation without sufficient infrastructures, political mistrust and jobless youth will foster an increased number of episodes of infra-state violence. A better security approach for economic development Although balanced economic development is undeniably a vector for prevention and mitigation of local and inter-state conflicts, the reverse relationship is just as essential. In this regard, the Peace and Security Council of the AU observes that promotion of peace, security and stability is a prerequisite for sustainable development 3. The gradual rise of a middle class in Africa is accompanied by social demands for increased physical and legal security, and for protection of private property. These claims are related to those of investors and private businesses, for whom risks related to their staff, governance and contract amendments represent the main obstacle to their commitment on the African continent. Withdrawal of the State in certain geographical regions or economic sectors leaves space for criminal groups at various levels, whether in urban services (such as waste management in African megalopolises) or in illegal exploitation of natural resources in large parts of the territory of a country. This deficit of State presence supports a vicious cycle that thrives on insecurity, corruption, financing of armed groups or independence rebellions, drop in public revenue... 69

72 The need for legitimate and stable political institutions However, an excessively security-based approach also appears to be deficient and a potential source of conflicts. Security and military responses to unequal spatial development within a State do not solve tensions and, on the contrary, often lead to an additional degree of violence. They can also lead to regionalisation of issues which were internal up to that point. The future major infrastructures (dams, new irrigated areas, exploitation of hydrocarbons, pipelines or high-voltage lines) will be the focal point of interactions between development and security. Some provinces, left out of national development plans and considered to be peripheral regions by the central authorities, are generating new interest with discovery of their economic potential or with the presence of energy infrastructures. In these areas, land ownership issues will generate marked tensions between long-standing rights of use and sudden value-enhancement supported by speculation on land concerned by such projects. Faced with the dual dialectics of security through development and development as a prerequisite for security, the legitimacy and stability of political institutions, as the third dimension of the triptych, are clearly an impassable horizon. Shared economic growth, physical and legal security, coordination of responses to global challenges such as climate change, or even delivery of essential social services involve trade-offs and an institutional superiority that can be ensured only by the State and by strong decentralised public authorities. Without a structured State which is perceived to be legitimate by its citizens, no sustainable development is possible. Variation as a percentage of the active population (aged 15 to 64) from 2015 to 2050 Source: United Nations (2013), The state of world population 2014 UNFPA 70

73 71 REPORT on the FIRST INTERNATIONAL FORUM on PEACE AND SECURITY IN AFRICA

74 72

75 The closing panel Tuesday 16 december 2014

76 Summary of the workshop sessions Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy The Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa is now coming to an end, after two days of discussions and in-depth examination of security issues which are a source of great concern to us and which compel us to meet our responsibilities. During the Elysée Summit, you stated your intention to create this Forum, aware of the need to extend strategic dialogue among Africans themselves and between Africans and their friends throughout the world. The event held today and yesterday in Dakar welcomed 400 participants and 400 guests from 47 countries, including 30 African countries, as well as representatives from 12 international organisations. All the regions of our continent were represented. The strategic dialogue we were all hoping for indeed took place in Dakar and revealed genuine expertise. The discussions were serious and courteous, but genuinely frank and open. They showed that in this context, stakeholders and experts needed to share ideas and to listen to each other, and the participants showed that they were able to do precisely that. 74

77 Discussions focused on 10 key themes addressed in 10 thought-provoking and lively workshops, with 10 top-level workshop moderators whom we thank for contributing to this Forum. Here in Dakar, a process has begun, a community has come together. The process will continue and grow. Our discussions addressed the threats and the security landscape in Africa. Participants worked on different types of threats: armed and political conflicts, terrorism, piracy, organised crime and trafficking, threats to health safety. They agreed on the fact that these threats were shared, that they were increasing and that it was necessary to benefit from in-depth and shared understanding of these issues. During the discussion on terrorism, the key points identified were: 1) The new generation of terrorist groups is better armed, younger, more equipped with technology, but also more radical and, in particular, the groups appear to be interconnected (AQIM; Boko Haram; Al-Shabaab); 2) Although all the participants agreed that a military intervention can curb the influence and territorialisation of these groups, a clear consensus was reached on the need to identify social shortcomings and local conflicts in which Jihadism is rooted to be able to tackle terrorism effectively, and on the need for States to respond. It is also necessary to undertake a clear and urgent analysis in a context of rising religious extremism, a factor of destabilisation on the African continent. PERIPHERAL REGIONS ARE NO LONGER WHAT THEY USED TO BE. THEY ARE NOW BECOMING SIGNIFICANT POLITICAL, MILITARY AND COMMERCIAL CENTRES OF GRAVITY Another interesting point in the discussions was that peripheral regions are no longer what they used to be. They are now becoming significant political, military and commercial centres of gravity that we need to take into consideration. Moreover, in the Sahel, for example, we need to reason in terms of a regional Maghreb-Sahara-Sahel zone, a region with a common destiny. African stakeholders have clearly become aware of threats and have started mobilizing, but they have not yet implemented the principles and strategies that were agreed on. On the topic of piracy, for example, the issue is the difficulty to implement the maritime architecture and it is now crucial 75

78 to tackle the reasons for these difficulties encountered in regional cooperation. Regarding African solutions, the concept still needs to be clarified and it seems necessary to undertake an in-depth analysis of the African Peace and Security Architecture, and above all of obstacles and redundant initiatives. The projects which appear to be making the most progress involve coalitions of States with similar strategic interests, like certain sub-regional initiatives. To mention a positive development, the cooperation between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations appears to be moving forward, in particular in regards to the exchange and concertation process on the causes of security-related threats. This is a summary of what was said in the debates and discussions. All our problems may not be solved but at least they have been raised with great relevance and courage. We are aware of the fact that there are many challenges ahead. African political commitment, which is an absolute necessity, is now emerging. This political commitment must be the driving force for operationalisation of our projects; it must inspire a common and comprehensive vision of our future. To achieve this operationalisation and vision, the AU will continue to play a leadership role. One topic came up in all the discussions: The issue of prevention. Prevention is not yet sufficiently taken into account in our systems and policies. In the long term, we need to give strategic priority to structural prevention by reinforcing governance and the rule of law. Once we are able to identify a crisis situation, we must react in a swift and timely manner, collectively giving ourselves the means to impose political solutions that correspond to the principles of law and democracy. To achieve this, we absolutely need to pool our means and resources, by means of greater regional and continental integration. In this process, Africa also needs fruitful and innovative partnerships. Thank you for your kind attention. 76

79 Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz President of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania I would first and foremost like to express my sincere thanks to my brother His Excellency President Macky Sall and, through him, to the government and people of Senegal, for the warm welcome and generous hospitality they have given us since our arrival in the beautiful city of Dakar. I take this opportunity to express my satisfaction with the implementation of the proposal made by Heads of State and Government, during the Paris Summit held on December 6 th and 7 th 2013, to organise a Forum on Peace and Security in Africa in Dakar. Our African continent is confronted with major security challenges such as terrorism, armed rebellion, organised crime, trafficking in drugs, arms and human beings, piracy and the flow of illegal immigration. To meet these challenges that threaten our existence, peace and security in our countries and jeopardise growth on our continent, we must, as of now, define our priorities and coordinate our efforts. Today we have a better understanding of the forms and signs of insecurity phenomena and we have greater awareness of their causes. Our ability to tackle these issues has therefore increased. Security can be achieved and established only through collective efforts and common resources. That is why our main priority in Africa must be the creation of an upgradeable continental defence and security system able to put an end to the permanent dangers that threaten our countries. With that in mind, the African Union (AU) established efficient mechanisms in the framework of the African peace and security architecture. The AU is determined to guarantee implementation of the operational capabilities of the African Standby Force and to ensure its deployment capability by 2015, as well as the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises. 77

80 We also need to promote a development dynamic to foster strong and inclusive growth able to create enough jobs to reduce unemployment and enable increased participation of the youth in creation of wealth. With its natural and human resources, Africa must not remain a geographical consumption area. On the contrary, it must become a production region where added value is created. To reach that objective, our continent must develop a complementary approach and process raw materials here so that we do not continue to export millions of jobs that we need to create locally. In doing so, we will guarantee jobs for the youth, facilitate their access to the job market and effectively fight terrorism and trafficking. Promoting values of democracy and human rights effectively contributes to reinforcing peace and security and to fostering an environment of serenity and social peace. That is why it is our duty in Africa to continue to promote individual and collective freedoms, to support democratic practice and to enshrine the organisation of transparent elections. The responsibility to preserve peace and security lies not only with states but also with all the other stakeholders including civil society In Nouakchott, two days after the end of this Forum, the first Summit of States participating in the Nouakchott Process on enhancement of security cooperation and operationalisation of the African Peace and Security Architecture will take place. It will provide an opportunity to broaden our thinking with a view to implementing a framework for structured regional cooperation to meet the security-related challenges of our region. We are certain that our action, which is today supported by the contributions of expert groups, will be a source of inspiration in terms of reinforcing and consolidating peace and security in Africa. The responsibility to preserve peace and security lies not only with States but also with all the other stakeholders including civil society. We must all take this on with awareness, responsibility and commitment. Before I finish, I would like to congratulate my African colleagues for their commitment to greater peace and security on our continent and to thank our partners for their constant support, in particular France, who is present today at our side in many hotbeds of tension, to keep the peace and fight terrorism. I thank you, and may the peace, mercy and blessing of Allah be upon you. 78

81 Idriss Déby President of the Republic of Chad Allow me first and foremost to express to my brother Macky Sall, President of the Republic of Senegal, my sincere thanks for hosting the International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa in this wonderful capital city of Dakar. I would also like to congratulate the Senegalese people and government for their warm and kind welcome. Africa, our continent, is confronted with several challenges linked to under-development, diseases, armed conflicts, socio-economic and financial crises, poverty, climate change and food shortages... In addition to all these difficulties, we are confronted with terrorism, a contemporary phenomenon which is developing dangerously in different parts of Africa and which is connected to a more extensive network throughout the world, thereby threatening the very foundations of the existence of our States. This extremely disturbing and critical situation challenges us to take action to eradicate these problems in order to restore sustainable peace, stability and security in our respective regions. 79

82 Hence the great importance of this international Forum on reinforcement of peace and security in Africa. I wish to pay tribute to the efforts of France in the framework of its interventions in Mali, in the Sahel and in the Central African Republic. We should recognise that significant steps have been taken in the area of peace and security by our States and by our continental organisation, the African Union (AU). Remarkable efforts have been made to settle conflicts between States and sometimes within States themselves. Today, we observe another phenomenon: terrorism. This plague has no face and no nationality. No country is immune. It thrives on political and sociocultural frustrations, personal or collective identity-related claims, incorrect interpretation of religion and history, economic and social marginalisation, lack of prospects, unemployment and many other factors that contribute to radicalisation and violent extremism. We therefore need to fight this phenomenon with all the necessary discipline, failing which all the progress we have made would serve no purpose. This means that our States need to mobilise their resources and pool their efforts. Africa must therefore develop an accelerated, coordinated and solidarity-based approach. There cannot be national responses on the one hand and continental responses on the other. In order to establish active solidarity and to effectively fight the forces of evil on our continent, regional communities have laid the legal and institutional foundations which have led to the creation and implementation of prevention, defence and security mechanisms aimed at reacting swiftly to terrorist threats. Africa must develop an accelerated, coordinated and solidarity-based approach As we all know, no reform, no qualitative change can be undertaken without sacrifice, without a strong commitment to ensure that the individual interests of our States converge with those of our common organisation, the AU. An example of this is the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC), which has just completed an exercise and demonstration in October in Loango in the Congo. 80

83 This exercise forms an integral part of the general cycle of the continental exercise AMANI AFRICA II. The idea is to test the aptitude of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) to plan and conduct a rapid deployment capacity based on an AU mandate, following the concept of the African Standby Force and in an adapted FOMAC format. African states must rely on their own forces and build defence and security tools capable of tackling all threats. With this dynamic in mind, we plan to reactivate the Multinational Force in the Lake Chad Basin focusing on intelligence sharing, strict monitoring of our borders and reinforced military cooperation with our partners. To do so, African States must rely on their own forces and build defence and security tools capable of tackling all threats. Similarly, we consider that we need to encourage intercommunity and interreligious dialogue to ensure tolerance and peaceful cohabitation. In Chad, this approach has allowed us, through the creation of the national interreligious prayer day, to maintain national cohesion. Success of our development actions depends on our capacity to improve the business environment and allow the emergence of strong businesses as an essential lever for creation of wealth, jobs and the fight against poverty. It is only in this way that we will be able to protect youth and women, the two sections of the population most vulnerable to extremism. We are of course faced with an important and complex challenge. But this challenge is equal to our commitment and our determination to create all the conditions for fulfilment of youth and women on our continent. To finish, I would like to pay tribute to all our partners and to thank them, in particular France, the European Union and the United States of America, for their availability and support in strengthening peace and security in Africa. Thank you. 81

84 Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta President of the Republic of Mali Almost everything has already been said. No need to come back to what we all know. Our presence here as Malians serves as testimony. Testimony to what we are today and to what we could, alas, have become, without the intervention decision that I shall never cease to praise, as it was relevant and appropriate in all respects. A decision made on January 11th by President François Hollande, with a political courage that deserves our admiration, and that saved Mali. We are not the kind of people who forget easily, as we are aware that without that decision we would not be here among you today. I don t know where I would be and I can say the same of our people. The intervention saved us. At the gateway to Kona, it put a stop to an unthinkable claim, which appears to be rooted in ancient times, to enslave Mali, for purposes that we are still wondering about today. There is no need to discuss this issue longer, having seen what is happening today in Eastern Europe, in the Middle East, this new type of caliphate which is a source of concern, and rightly so. We need to understand that what is happening in the Sahel is not and cannot be restricted to a Malian or Sahel-based problem. 82

85 The issue here is peace in the world. It is the values we all believe in. It is our model of human civilisation. I dare say that it is difficult for me to consider those who advocate decapitation of innocent human beings as humans who share our values, our civilisation. This I want to say. And I am outraged, as a Muslim, to see that they dare take cover under the shield of Islam. What Islam? A religion of peace over the centuries, established as such. They have nothing to do with Islam. When they cut off hands in Tombouctou or Gao, when they forbade love, prevented human beings from loving each other, when simply wearing jeans was punished by flogging and listening to profane music was a sacrilege, when it came to any kind of music apart from the litanies they had chosen. It is difficult for me to continue to consider such people as humans. The issue here is peace in the world. it is the values we all believe in. it is our model of human civilisation. We are an old country with a civilisation dating back centuries, a country of humanism which prospered on the banks of the Niger river, which crossed continents at a time when Constantinople was the centre of the world. We had an Embassy in Constantinople and the chancery of the time was on a par with the Quai d Orsay today. I say this in all modesty. At that time, a surgeon from Tombouctou performed cataract surgery on an heir to the French throne. A city of brilliance, where all sciences were taught. With my own eyes, at the Tombouctou library, I saw a cross-section of an eye so precise that it appears to have been done with laser technology. All of this fell into the hands of people who have nothing to do with culture, and who almost destroyed everything. Without the vigilance of some of our Ulemas, who deserve our praise as they succeeded in protecting precious remains of our heritage, we would now have nothing left of this fabulous testimony to the civilisations of Islam. The project was to destroy, to leave nothing behind that could remind us what our country once was. And those values have nothing to do with us. They do not correspond to the expectations of our people. That is why I really want to say, with all the seriousness this issue deserves, that when it comes to terrorism, it is time for us to open our eyes. There are many who seek to mislead you. Sometimes we have to quote them, as some listen to them. We are not heartless. We are not bent on destroying anyone. That is not our style. That is not what we want to do. We are people of genuine human contact, a country that has lived in perfect interracial communion over the centuries, where you will find no species, no family, no group in a nomadic area that does not have a correspondent in the river area. 83

86 This is what Mali was, this is what Mali remains, and this, inch Allah, is what Mali will be in the future. A country of exchange, a country of conviviality, a country where people live together. Harmonious and balanced, it remains mutual. This is what mali was, this is what mali remains and this, inch allah, is what mali will be in the future I experienced great sadness on the first day back to school in September, when the national media provided footage of children going back to school nationwide, except in Kidal. I suffered as a Malian, I suffered as a human being, I suffered as the Head of State. I experienced this great sadness because the children of Kidal have a right to culture, they have a right to education. It is not normal that they should be deprived of these rights because of the behaviour of some. That is what it is. There has never been a will on the part of Mali to make anyone an outcast. That is not true, it is false. We are a country of human contact, a country of exchange. That is what my country has always been and what it will remain. And I beg our friends who have helped us so much to continue to do so, so that as brothers, more than brothers, parents, more than parents, we can strive to achieve the only task we need to focus on today: the development of Mali in favour of all its populations, from North to South. I said from the Telaza to Mossi countries, from the Atlantic to the Aïr. Do not see this as a form of imperialism, as I have just defined the borders of the former empire of Mali, 2500 km long and 1200 km wide, where provinces were trading partners. Niani was the imperial capital and please don t accuse me of imperialistic designs - I see Jean-Yves is looking at me - because a Keïta ruled at that time. No. But a country of communion. A country of communion, with the will to live in peace with those around us: human trade, political trade, economic trade. In those times already, we were part of the world economy - the world economy so dear to Jacques Attali - I tell you that we were all Malians. And I believe that today, still, this is our greatest, our most serious quest. Today, after everything we have gone through, we need to think about reforming our security sector, reinforcing our capacities to step in with material, equipment and training. Europe is helping us today. The European Union Training Mission in Mali (EUTM) is doing good work. Bilateral cooperation with France is also a source of support. But beyond that, at a regional level, we need cross-border cooperation, regional cooperation, sharing of information and intelligence, judicial cooperation between our States in a regular framework if possible, so that this remains a constant concern. 84

87 That is what we intend to do within the framework of the Nouakchott Process, where we will be tomorrow with our brother President Abdel Aziz, who will agree with me, and that is why we have considered it a good idea to create the G5. We all know my views on this. We will talk about this, and I think that we can extend it to some friendly countries. That is the point of the regional cooperation we want to encourage. And also, in the spirit of sharing, pooling of means and resources, I wish to pay tribute to the recent meeting of Foreign and Defence Ministers with their Chiefs of Staffs held in Niamey, bringing together all the countries contributing to the stabilisation of Mali. This was a promising meeting. We now need to think of improving our governance, in all sectors We now need to think of improving our governance, in all sectors, we need to promote social and economic rights. We need to involve women and young people in development programmes, in promoting justice. In that respect, I would like to say one thing. Some have said: IBK has turned his back on the law, IBK has contributed to releasing terrorists. I want to be clear. Very clear. This is not just because France has paid a high price in Mali. This is done in the interest of France, Niger and Mali, together. This was not done irresponsibly. A person who dares to abduct a peaceful French citizen in our country casts a slur on our honour and our duty of hospitality. One of our companions was killed. A person who kills a prison guard cannot ever be absolved. And in his position, I would have much preferred that he remain in prison. We know what we are doing and we know what we will be doing. This is not denial of justice. I think that no-one has the right to deprive a man of his freedom for some 3 years only because he was at a given place at a given time. And if we know how to receive, we should also know how to give. We will not come empty-handed Reinforcing the capabilities of our armed forces and security forces is not enough. Implementing the African Peace and Security Architecture with the operationalisation of the African Standby Force is a fine promise, but it is time to make it happen. We need to improve our early warning system; we need to reinforce security-related cooperation between our continent and bilateral and multilateral partners. And the assistance of the international community is needed to solve a key problem. I am very pleased that our Summit which ended yesterday in Abuja tackled it. The issue was raised by my brother Mahamadou Issoufou and by ourselves. 85

88 The Libyan issue: I continue to believe, dear Tidiane Gadio, dear experts, that as long as we have not solved the problem in the South of Libya, there will be no peace in our regions. There is an arsenal, a huge arsenal which is available, an armed force which was prepared, abundantly armed with the most sophisticated weapons intended for a counter-offensive if the supreme leader Gaddafi had had the opportunity. It remained, it has grown since, it is growing every day, as we know, and has now become a huge arms market with products sold to our countries. Operation Barkhane, and I congratulate you for this Jean-Yves, in agreement with the forces of Niger, managed to stop a convoy. Three tonnes of equipment intended for Mali. As I always say: one convoy stopped, but how many others continued without our knowledge? How many more could travel unhindered without the daily vigilance of Barkhane? The source is there, in the South of Libya. The international community needs to be convinced that there is unfinished work and that we are collateral victims. It s that simple. And we will continue to be collateral victims as long as no appropriate solution is found. I continue to believe that as long as we have not solved the problem in the south of libya, there will be no peace in our regions Finally, I think that judicial cooperation, fortunately, is working well between our countries. But I would really like to say that this Libyan issue is so important to me that Idriss, my brother, today at the Security Council, you have to help us with this. Your brother IBK, as you address me as such, implores you. Idriss, the Council must address this issue with relevance, firmness and seriousness. Our collective destiny is at stake! Thank you. 86

89 Olusegun Obasanjo Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President of the Obasanjo Foundation President Macky Sall, it is now my turn to extend my sincere thanks to you and your Government for organising this event following the Elysée Summit of last year. This forum is a promise kept and it has come at the right time given the situation we are confronted with in Africa, in particular in our region of Western Africa. Over the last two days, we have shared views, we have discussed issues and I wish to present my observations concerning the result of the different sessions. I would like to mention a few things I found very interesting during the discussions we have had over the last two days. Conflicts, insecurity: we have to take all of this into account. These things don t happen overnight, there are signs that a conflict is coming. We have tried to meet these challenges. Sometimes we succeed, sometimes we try to take action and we do not succeed.. 87

90 A typical example concerns our own region of Western Africa: We could have foreseen what was going to happen in Burkina Faso. There were warnings or signals. But did we do anything? I think we did. Did we succeed? Not as much as we would have liked. Why? I think this is a question that should be addressed not only by this Forum, but that the onus is also on you, as leaders, in your forums and summits, to find solutions so that this does not happen again. Historically speaking, why do conflicts arise? The African Union (AU), in its Constitutive Act, emphasised the importance of good governance and development. If we had these factors in appropriate proportions, then naturally we would have been able to avoid problems or at least to limit their negative impact. What we lack is indeed political will to implement. I also attach great importance to the architecture and institutions we already have. The Constitutive Act of the African Union takes all that into account. We have the New Partnership for Africa s Development (NEPAD), AU policies on culture, trafficking and drugs. All this was taken into account in the constitution of the AU. What we lack are not political programmes but the capacity to implement them. What we lack is indeed the political will to implement. And naturally, by this I mean appropriate implementation. Without that, we don t really know where all this is leading us. Having a good institution means that officers have the possibility to effectively fill gaps and insufficiencies. The architecture adopted by the AU for security was designed in terms of monitoring, early warning and in terms of the Panel of the Wise. All these elements which are in the Constitutive Act of the organisation were used. But if we don t use them properly, what should we do to be able to use these tools for positive purposes? Once we have done all that, then we need to deploy troops, namely our military forces. We will all ensure that our forces are well-trained and wellequipped, so that the Standby Force and the Rapid Force that we want to implement today become reality. The AU must ensure that it has sufficient resources and must have an approach based on the appropriate resources to address all security-related questions. Naturally, we need to ask our friends and partners for help in addressing these issues. Lack of peace and security in Africa means lack of peace and security in the world. So we need to wage a new war against terrorism which is defined, in our case, by a combination of tribality, religion and drugs, with political dimensions. 88

91 Youth unemployment is also an important factor. This is a breeding ground for recruitment of young people for participation in this type of activities. Young people have no work, they are deprived of everything, they are frustrated and in some cases they are angry. So what should we do? Can we afford to ignore the anger, frustration and unemployment of young people in our time? Sooner or later, we will no longer be able to control our youth. Allow me to get back to basics. Good governance, development, integration and collective action: this is what we need to ensure peace and security in Africa and, in the end, all over the world. To finish, I would like to thank the participants and say how much I appreciated the discussions. I would like to thank the Prime Minister again for the fine speech he made yesterday as well as you, Mr President, for your welcome and for the hospitality of the Senegalese Government and people. You, our leaders and the Heads of State here today, you are our hope, you cannot abandon us. 89

92 Jean-Yves Le Drian Minister of Defence, French Republic For this closing session, my first words will be words of congratulations. A year ago, with President Macky Sall, we expressed the idea - some may even say the slightly crazy idea - of creating this Forum. One year later we have succeeded. Perhaps even beyond our initial hopes and expectations. For two days, I attended discussions that impressed me not only with their quality but also with their freedom of tone and expression. It is precisely in that spirit that we imagined this Forum: A place bringing people together, a place of open exchange without preconceived ideas. I therefore wish to congratulate the Senegalese authorities for giving impetus to this project as their contribution was clearly decisive. I would also like to share with you the three main lessons I learned from our discussions. First of all, a simple idea which should be emphasised: security is first and foremost built at a State level. This may seem obvious, but we sometimes tend to forget it, as partners of Africa. To build a strong regional architecture, you need strong foundations. 90

93 To put it differently, there cannot be strong African regional organisations without first having strong African States and strong African armed forces. This priority must of course be reflected in the sovereign decisions of African governments. But it must also inspire the choices of Africa s partners: before we support the regional level, our responsibility as a partner or backer is to ensure that the first step, namely the national level, is covered. That is the meaning of the modernisation of our prepositioned force architecture in Africa, as I have implemented it over the last two years, the French forces in Senegal being the most concrete illustration. This system today allows us to step in on a one-off basis with a specific target, in each country of the ECOWAS region (Economic Community of West African States), at the request of the national authorities, to fill critical gaps or to consolidate the results achieved by national armed forces. Mission after mission, we are building national capabilities which, at the right time, will contribute to a regional dynamic. It is important to make sure that things are done in that order. I am pleased to observe that this approach is today also shared by the European Union (EU). Today, the most concrete expression of the EU in Africa are EUTM type missions which are contributing, in Somalia, Mali and in the future in the Central African Republic (CAR), to rebuilding the first level of the rule of law, meaning loyal, well-trained armed forces with the essential capabilities to conduct missions to serve a legitimate authority, under its control. Today the most concrete expression of the EU in Africa are eutm type missions which are contributing, in Somalia, Mali and in the future in the Central Cfrican Cepublic (car), to rebuilding the first level of the rule of law. We still have obstacles to overcome. If we all agree that security is a prerequisite for development, why not consider that the basic tools to allow a State to guarantee its own security - mobility, transmissions, uniforms, etc. - should be eligible for development aid? In concrete terms, I still do not understand why European funds can be used to finance equipment purchased for African policemen but not under any circumstances for African military personnel. This is a message that this Forum could convey: security comes at a price and it is a key investment for development. It is an illusion to draw a clear line between the two. Working together to convey this message in our dialogues between Europe and Africa and breaking down this artificial barrier between security and development could be one of the first positive outcomes. 91

94 The second idea I wish to emphasise is equally simple: there can be no sustainable security without cooperation. Over the last two days, we have discussed the major threats to security on the African continent: terrorism, organised crime, trafficking, piracy. None of these threats are restricted to the African continent - they can be observed in Sydney or in Peshawar - and they cannot be overcome by a single State, irrespective of its commitment and capabilities. We therefore need to work together to lay the conceptual and operational foundations of this collaborative security for Africa. For two days, we have discussed the challenges we are faced with at length. They are clear: dialogue, cooperation, shared management. Those are the only effective responses to common threats. This is no easy task, and we all know that the Jihadist threat in the Sahel thrived on the divisions and disagreements which, for too long, delayed the expression of a collective response. In that regard, this Forum has strengthened my optimism, as I have observed here an increased awareness that I have also seen during my travels on the ground. In the Sahel, with Operation Barkhane, we have implemented an action framework which is more In the sahel, with operation barkhane, we have implemented an action framework which is more than an operation to fight terrorism. barkhane is designed to be an accelerator of cooperation. than an operation to fight terrorism. Barkhane is designed to be an accelerator of cooperation. This is a new way to act together in a huge territory which, to enlighten my European friends here today, covers an area equivalent to the distance between Gibraltar and Moscow. I have observed that our commitment provides a remarkable vector to accelerate cooperation which is implemented among all the countries in the region. I am pleased to say that over the last two days, we have all encouraged this cooperation momentum, which is the only sustainable and decisive response to neutralise terrorist groups, but also to confront Boko Haram or to tackle maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. On this issue, I have no doubt that the work we have done during these two days will also allow us to prepare a strategic doctrine which is necessary for any military action. Operation Barkhane needed this backbone and I thank you for your contribution. 92

95 Faced with the unprecedented threat of Boko Haram, France also played its role during the Paris Summit by facilitating an essential dialogue between the countries impacted by the barbaric acts of this group. I have observed that this dynamic is taking on a new dimension in the framework of the Lake Chad Commission. I could also mention the example of the Gulf of Guinea given that work is in progress to establish a regional strategy. At the end of the day, I observe that this Forum has conveyed a clear message: solitary management of this forum has conveyed a clear message: solitary management of crises is a thing of the past. crises is a thing of the past. This dynamic is conveyed by Africa. We are here to support you. The third lesson learned from this Forum is that military action is indispensable but not enough in itself. Many speakers have praised the swift reaction of the French armed forces faced with the progression of the Jihadist threat in Mali, and I thank them for their kind words. It was also said that if we had not intervened in the CAR and if we had not accelerated our deployment, the country would have suffered mass killings comparable to the horrors experienced by other countries in central Africa. France is proud to have contributed to avoiding a terrible situation and to have managed to conduct two complex operations on very short notice. But reaction is not everything. From this experience, I am absolutely convinced that we need to focus on anticipation. Of course, Africa needs a rapid reaction capability. Thanks to the efforts of the AU, work has been done to implement this with the ACIRC, which is very good news. But Africa also needs a mechanism to anticipate crises, prevent them, understand them. If we do not have a shared vision of the threat, how can we organise an effective military response? If there is no common awareness of the urgent need to act, how can we hope that African armed forces will be ready? This is also one of the messages that this Forum could convey. Africa needs a place, a platform where discussions can take place and where a consensus is reached on the threats and challenges for the security of the continent, with the AU supporting the project. 93

96 This common vision cannot be built in the space of 48 hours, but will derive its existence and draw its strength from the dynamic that we have observed here and that will continue long after this Forum. The last point I wish to emphasise is that military action cannot achieve everything. This common vision cannot be built in the space of 48 hours, but will derive its existence and draw its strength from the dynamic that we have observed here and that will continue long after this forum. Due to my position, I am convinced that the military tool is a key factor to guarantee peace and stability. Overcoming a crisis is first and foremost achieved thanks to a credible military tool. But I am also aware that beyond the military tool, we need action that is not in the military domain but in the area of governance, development aid and economic growth. Sustainable security can be achieved only through a combination of these different factors. This, today, is the challenge in the North of Mali, but also in many other regions in Africa where military action must be supported by political dialogue and development. This is in fact the challenge we have met during this Forum: crossing approaches, comparing our different views and cultures to allow for a shared vision to emerge. This is now the approach we need to implement day after day in the field. Thank you. 94

97 Peter Maurer President of the International Committee of the Red Cross Just a remark to begin: it is a great honour for me to be here as a representative of civil society, the representative of a movement which is today one of the largest organised movements in the world, the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement (RCRC), and therefore to be able not only to participate in this very interesting Forum but also in this final panel. As the representative of a humanitarian organisation, I feel a certain reluctance to express myself on priorities to reinforce peace and security in Africa, as these are extremely political concepts while humanitarian action is intended to be neutral, impartial and independent. That is what it is and what it should be, and that is what it must remain. We do, however, consider humanitarian action as a contribution to the stability of societies, prior and concomitant to political and military action. By allowing individuals and societies to rebuild, establish renewed social ties and regain a form of stability at a time when they are suffering the impact of conflicts, health crises and natural disasters. Humanitarian action can contribute to a more ambitious concept of peace and security although it must remain non-political. 95

98 When we talk about priorities for peace and security in Africa, our focus is necessarily on insecurity, on conflicts. But I think that it is important to bear in mind that despite that, the African continent has achieved very positive developments over the last few years: significant economic growth, the emergence of a large African middle class, stronger African and national governance, increased regional cooperation. As a humanitarian stakeholder, it is obvious and logical that we refer to the problems more than to these achievements in terms of construction. But they are important. We want our action to be focused on needs. This defines our priorities. It also explains that today, over 40% of our international operational budget is spent in Africa. The 10 major operations of the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC) in 2015 are taking place in 5 African countries: the Central African Republic, South Sudan, the DRC, Somalia and Mali. We are present in 30 African countries; this is therefore our priority for We are committed to international humanitarian law with all the stakeholders involved in conflicts, through activities aimed at protecting civilian populations, bringing families together again, protecting those who are deprived of freedom. We help the most vulnerable, those who are displaced within their own countries and refugees, populations subjected to violence and violation of their rights related to their most fundamental needs: access to water, to food, habitat, to health. If we have maintained this significant presence in Africa, it is because it is necessary; it has been for decades. We are confronted with major vulnerabilities in the long term, caused by dynamics of violence, poverty and underdevelopment. Today we know that development is an absolute prerequisite for stability, but violence destroys all development efforts. That is where the problem lies. We want our action to be focused on needs. this defines our priorities The reason we have increased the scale of our response is that we are today confronted with dynamics which reinforce the traditional and structural vulnerabilities we have attempted to tackle over the last decades. Conflicts are more frequent, more intense, more asymmetrical, more cross-border in nature and have a significant impact on a larger, more regional environment. The increasingly regional dimension of problems due to displaced populations has reached proportions that we have not observed since the Second World War. The global dimension of pandemic diseases such as Ebola, but also weaknesses in health systems and social systems prevent States from delivering even the most basic services to populations. 96

99 Growing extremism and increasingly complex violence dynamics - violence linked to conflicts, ethnic violence, criminal violence, sexual violence, urban violence - have led to the displacement of populations on a scale never or rarely encountered before, as I have said. The problem we have today is the huge gap between the legal framework approved by the states, the geneva conventions and reality. Finally, the transformation of conflicts due to strategic competition of powers, lack or weakness of political processes which would grant the necessary legitimacy to bring greater stability. The problem we have today is the huge gap between the legal framework approved by the States, the Geneva Conventions, the most ratified international instrument in the world, and reality where violence abounds and develops in increasing proportions. Due to these developments, the ICRC and other humanitarian organisations must increasingly focus short-term and individualised humanitarian action on a more fundamental transformation logic, through enhanced cooperation and partnership with local and national stakeholders, to boost their capacities. By strengthening networks and professional skills, we commit on the African continent to create links between Africans, from prison guards to hydraulic engineers, from health services to surgeons. It is important to offer Africans training so that they acquire the necessary skills. We support the strengthening of systems. This is today relevant in our actions with respect to Ebola, which we do not consider as mere medical acts, but as a short-term assistance action which is concomitantly within the scope of training and support for the health system. This is our duty. Finally, by including the short term in the long term, we see the necessity of abandoning the logic of short-term humanitarianism and the need to link the action of saving lives in times of crisis to the commitment that connects it to development efforts, once again without jeopardising neutrality, impartiality and independence. We have learned a great deal from the last 24 hours of discussions during the Forum. Through the very nature of the issues at hand, we have always adopted a medium and long-term perspective. 97

100 Allow me, therefore, to end my address with 5 proposals for action in 2015, which we consider to be important from a humanitarian point of view. We need to work together to offer humanitarian organisations greater access to the most vulnerable populations with a neutral, impartial and independent perspective. Secondly, we need to promote civilian and military cooperation, to work together during operations to ensure compliance with international humanitarian law. Also in training, so that national and international troops are familiar with and adhere to the rules for the conduct of operations. We need to work with the African Union, and we have started with the Commissioner, so that these training and pre-deployment efforts can be systematically included in the mandates of African troops, so that multinational troops can be aware of rules governing the conduct of hostilities. We have seen the devastating effect of violence on health systems. Ebola is only one of the effects. We need to join forces for zero tolerance to violent acts against health facilities, hospitals, humanitarian workers, doctors and nurses. And you can take an important step to reduce the level of conflict by ratifying the Arms Trade Treaty. Humanitarian action cannot solve political problems for which politicians are reponsable. Once again, it is a great honour for the ICRC to be here with you today. We are aware of the limits of humanitarian action. Humanitarian action cannot solve political problems for which politicians are responsible. But we play an important role in stability and peace upstream from the decisions you make and we are willing to meet our responsibility. Thank you. 98

101 HEM Macky Sall President of the Republic of Senegal I shall attempt to be brief in light of the valuable lessons learned this afternoon. The lively discussions over the last two days addressing peace and security in Africa show to what extent the approach to these concepts should be comprehensive. Not only in the identification of destabilisation factors, as they are numerous and varied, but also in terms of the multidimensional responses we have to find. Before we begin our discussions on the priorities to strengthen peace and security in Africa, I would like to briefly outline the type of threats we are facing today. Clearly, the type of threats has changed with conflicts between States phasing out. Today, we are confronted with threats that are more difficult to foresee, grasp and tackle. Whether international terrorism, arms and drugs trafficking, piracy, mine laying or hostage-taking, these threats are very often not clearly identifiable. They are part of social structures and live among us, so to speak, which of course makes it more difficult to find the appropriate responses. Suicide bombings in public locations are probably the best examples. 99

102 In the Sahel-Saharan zone in our closer environment, the immediate challenges remain linked to armed groups and to traffickings of all kinds which provide these groups with weapons and financial resources. On that level, President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta - I dare not say IBK, as I am younger than he is - has just mentioned the case of Southern Libya which is a very serious source of concern. And unfortunately, as he said, Libya is unfinished work. Those who started it should help us finish it. In addition to that, we undergo influences from Egypt, with the Muslim Brotherhood coming to this country in waves, and commerce linked to oil which is continuing and which is financing weapons. This is a genuine powder keg for the Sahel-Saharan zone and we need to deal with that appropriately. We should radically change our approach to perceived threats, with an emphasis on prevention and early warning to anticipate threats. Faced with all these dangers, what should our priorities be? First of all, I believe that our States and countries, with our partner institutions, together, should radically change our approach to the perception of threats, with an emphasis on prevention and early warning to anticipate threats. Which raises the issue of concertation and exchange of information, particularly within our borders, as we already do with Interpol for organised crime. Concerted action through surveillance, exchange of information and data collection, as preventive treatment for threats and suspicious activities, strikes us as essential. And we have seen with all those young Europeans - one could almost say Frenchmen - who leave their country for the Jihad, who travel through our countries, Mauritania, Senegal, and then end up in Turkey before going to Syria. This is clearly a global problem we need to address. Moreover, we need to work on the harmonisation of legislation and on enhanced cooperation in mutual legal assistance. I am thinking in particular of the issues related to extradition and to international arrest warrants. That is the spirit of resolution 2178 adopted in September by the Security Council on the fight against foreign terrorist fighters, adopting measures concerning, among other aspects, criminal law definition of offences concerning foreign terrorist fighters, to foster international cooperation in criminal matters. 100

103 Thirdly, we need to redefine the peacekeeping doctrine. The nature of threats to peace has changed significantly and responses to these threats should not be the same. And I mentioned the case of Mali, Northern Mali. Faced with heavily armed groups, whose ambition is nothing less than to take over States, conventional peacekeeping in the form of interposition after a cease-fire is no longer relevant. We need to change the rules of engagement of our forces. They are harassed in Kidal by daily mine-laying. We need to redefine the peacekeeping doctrine; we need to change the rules of engagement of our forces. We need to give ourselves the means not only to defend our forces, but to fight back whenever necessary. And no resources will be excessive if they allow the forces, the United Nations Blue Helmets, to be on the ground to fight rather than for interposition. We need to work on pooling resources in order to build Special Forces which are sufficiently well-equipped and trained to respond immediately to emergency situations while awaiting international mobilisation. To my mind, this is one of the pillars on which the African Union Peace and Security Architecture should rest. Finally, fourthly, we need to continue our action to foster education, training and inclusive development to protect our youth from the risks of marginalisation which is the root of all temptations. Those are a few introductory remarks I wanted to share with you before we come back to the topics of our discussions and I thank you for your kind attention. 101

104 Debate moderated by Cheikh Tidiane Gadio President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy Question Answer President Olusegun Obasanjo, is Africa able to finance its own security, its own peacekeeping and security operations? If so, how is this possible in practical terms? I was pleasantly surprised when the African Union (AU), through our leaders, appointed me president of a committee tasked with attempting to examine alternative sources of funding. The creation of the AU was merely intended to pay salaries; it does not have mechanisms to take charge of operations, peace and security projects or programmes. The AU has volunteers but without money, it cannot fundamentally prosper. What did it do? It tried to call upon the private sector. And there were about 40 million dollars. So they were immediately able to benefit from this amount. And their target is 1000 volunteers. I think that up to now, they have sent approximately 5000 volunteers. 102

105 What have we done at the level of my committee? We have tried to find alternatives. We have chosen three of the nine ideas that were submitted to us. Only three. First of all, a tax on airline tickets for international visitors travelling to Africa. We have also proposed hospitality taxes on hotel stays. And with these two ideas, the African Union was able to generate 5 million dollars. If the AU, in addition to its regular contributions, is able to produce several million dollars, it will also possibly be able to implement most of its programmes, including its security-related programmes. And as I said, the responsibility lies with our leaders first and foremost. And we must ensure that there is a political commitment to succeed. Thank you. 103

106 Question Answer President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, many have complained of the weakness of the conflict anticipation and prevention capability. In Mali, the time taken to organise the response of the African and international community allowed the forces of evil to commit many atrocities and to attack the cultural and religious heritage of Mali, which is a common heritage to all Africans and even to the whole world. How can we avoid such situations in the future? In short, are prevention and anticipation possible in Africa? This is a crucial issue. It cannot be avoided. Why are we unable to foresee and anticipate? In the Malian context, there were many alarms. There were many warnings. There were many attempts to draw our attention to the danger we were facing. I must say that there was a great deal of naivety in thinking that the supplementary elements of the Libyan army coming towards us were coming as friends. This was very damaging. They were welcomed in Northern Mali. We even sent a few ministers to welcome them. We later realised that their intentions were not peaceful, that they had not come to smoke the peace pipe, but to spread violence to the whole of Mali. I must say that many friendly countries, many neighbouring countries had warned us. President Aziz, who is beside me now, knows this very well, as he had even expressed some dissatisfaction at seeing things evolve dangerously, without any appropriate reaction on the Malian side. I am not going to relate the entire history of this difficult period. We have suffered, we have learned lessons. This is shown by the fact that we are now seeking pooling solutions, collective organisation of our security. But Jean-Yves Le Drian also said and knows this, as he followed the steps taken by our country to reform our national security systems. 104

107 We are currently reforming the Malian security system and armed forces, to make them able to respond to the multifaceted threats and challenges we have to face. And as we all understand, these threats are of a new type. When one expects to confront opposing forces in conventional combat, and when this is not the case, we have asymmetrical conflicts. Today, we realise that following the response of Barkhane, we no longer see columns crossing the Sahara. Now they use motorbikes. These motorbikes can be hidden behind dunes and come out when it is the right time for them to attack. This means that these terrorist elements are becoming increasingly intelligent; they change their technique and tactics whenever this is necessary. We also need to be mobile enough, proactive enough to evolve at the same time and to adapt our resources while anticipating what they could come up with next. But this is and remains difficult. Today, they go as far as to turn human beings into bombs. I was appalled when I found out that the young girls of Chibok, who moved the whole world, are today human bombs. How can we deal with such fanatics, such fanaticism? It s difficult. And that is why we need to call upon individual and collective intelligence. They must be put to good use so that we can also imagine how to prevent, how to anticipate issues to protect humanity from the challenges we are facing today. 105

108 Question Answer President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, there are some 13 Sahel strategies. How should Africa react, through the African Union or through regional initiatives, to play a leadership role in managing these security-related problems and set the pace with international partners? Mr President, could you use the example of the Nouakchott Process to explain your answer? First of all, I believe that Africa must indeed be able to shoulder responsibility itself to be able to regulate this terrorism problem. Because Africa is suffering. But Africa also needs outside help. We must take a good hard look at the situation. The terrorism we are facing is very diffuse in nature. It moves from one country to another and is safe only in regions where there is insecurity. That is how we should consider and describe terrorism. We must have zero tolerance for terrorism to begin with, given that in all countries where there are currently hotbeds of terrorism, this is always in a context of insecurity, political instability and poor governance. I would mention countries, you all know them, where in addition to hotbeds of tension, there is also sometimes complacency towards terrorism. Africa must therefore be able to shoulder responsibility to avoid lagging behind and to avoid sometimes very painful interventions. We have seen what happened in Libya, unfortunately, which subsequently caused huge collateral damage. There is indeed insecurity and instability in Libya. There was a foreign intervention. Unfortunately, Africa was not able to deal with this problem. Africa did not have the time, but Africa was not left alone to find a solution to this problem. And finally there was a foreign intervention which dealt with the problem only partially, with the consequences that we observe today: a country in a state of decay, with proliferation of great numbers of terrorist groups from all over the world, precisely because they have found insecurity there. 106

109 What has unfortunately impacted the countries of the Sahel, whether Niger, Mali, Northern Mali, is that this situation has deteriorated and is continuing to deteriorate, even extending to other countries such as Nigeria and even Cameroon. The response was unfortunately very slow, too slow even, which allowed the situation to deteriorate even further. Faced with this situation, there has been an African intervention and a French intervention which made it possible to stop the progress of terrorists who had almost succeeded in occupying the entire territory of Mali, our neighbour. But the situation remains. So faced with this situation, we need to attempt to organise our efforts in Africa, and that is what we are doing, in order to put in place the African Standby Force, allowing for a swift reaction. To be able to offer a timely response to these difficulties we are faced with and will continue to be faced with if we do not organise our efforts together. There is this terrorism phenomenon with which we are confronted and which we need to fight effectively, but we must not merely fight. We also need to take other support measures to avoid our youth joining this terrorism which is fatal for our country, for the future and for the development of our country. We must also seek mutual assistance with our partners to fight this phenomenon. But they must understand us, they must understand that insecurity in our country is sometimes partly due to underdevelopment, lack of development, and they must help us to effectively tackle all sorts of trafficking operations: drug trafficking, illegal migration Which provide contributions and support to terrorism. They must help us tackle hostage-taking and avoid any complacency towards hostage-takers. To avoid paying the ransoms that finance terrorism, that make it more violent, and that give terrorists even more resources to continue to exist and to take other hostages. We have unfortunately experienced this in the Sahel region, and we will also continue to experience this as long as we continue to encourage terrorism by paying ransoms. This we must understand. It is true that sometimes we must do everything we can to save human lives. A human life is priceless, but any human life saved by paying a ransom sometimes jeopardises dozens of other human lives and even undermines States, through financing, through equipment that they will be able to acquire afterwards, through the recruitment they will be able to achieve. We must understand this phenomenon and include it in our future strategy. 107

110 Question Answer Thank you Mr President. Would you like to say a few words about the Nouakchott Process, with the first Summit to be held in two days, I think? Yes, we have a Summit which has been prepared and which will take place in two days. In fact, there will be two summits, with the G5 summit as well. We are going to meet in Nouakchott to continue our work to implement our Nouakchott Process strategy. Question Answer Dear President Macky Sall, Africa has entrusted you with the New Partnership for Africa s Development (NEPAD). Your peers have paid tribute to your efforts to give new dynamics to this continental development strategy. In your opinion, can we imagine a security NEPAD, meaning a new partnership among Africans themselves and between Africa and its partners in the field of security and peace-building? Allow me first to express my gratitude to France for operation Serval followed by Sangaris and today Barkhane. I believe that France has genuinely played its role in this duty of solidarity to face new dangers. The NEPAD was an African plan designed by Africans for Africa and one of the founding fathers is here with us today, President Olusegun Obasanjo, who founded it with four of his African peers. The NEPAD is intended to be a programme to serve Africa in the field of economy, but it is today clear that there cannot be an economy without security. There can be no development without peace. That much is obvious. And peace and security in Africa are first and foremost the duty of States. And after that, of the international community. And I would like to use the parable of football here: if we want a highquality Africa Cup of Nations, as this will very soon be happening in Malabo, if the national teams are not high-level teams, the continental competition will be mediocre. 108

111 We will be meeting the next day for the G5 Summit to decide on the implementation of this institution and to start our work in the framework we have chosen for this organisation, with the essential objective of offering mutual assistance and pooling our efforts in order to develop our region and to effectively tackle, with much greater focus, all the phenomena we mentioned earlier: terrorism, drug trafficking, illegal immigration, illegal trafficking of all types. We cannot build a rapid reaction capability if we do not build competent national security teams in our regions and in our States. To do so, we have to break the ice because after independence, it is true that there were ethnic wars, there were many wrongs done in Africa under personal powers, to the extent that our countries were almost forbidden from obtaining equipment. There are no armies. We have been prevented from obtaining proper equipment. And what happened then? Tribal armies, presidential guards, for the sole purpose of defending a personal power. Today, with the difficulties we are facing, we can see that we are not equipped. It is unacceptable that 54 countries, 800 million inhabitants, cannot give themselves the resources to finance and train special forces, even just 50,000 men! That would be enough to protect Africa. 50,000 men in the special forces! 1000 to 2000 per country, with resources, combat helicopters, planes, some fighter aircraft... This is something the continent is able to do. Of course, with the African Union, we should give a mandate to countries through our regional organisations to obtain the minimum resources we need. Our friends in the West should also work on their end to accept to remove OECD barriers and to prepare equipment and training plans with us, to allow us to take our security into our own hands. That is what I wanted to say and that is what the security NEPAD could consist in. 109

112 Question Answer President Idriss Déby, since the founding fathers like Kwame Nkrumah, Cheikh Anta Diop and all the others, there has always been a dream of a collective defence system at the level of the African continent, of solidarity between African countries as President Sall has just explained. They even dreamed of an African army. Mr President, is it possible in Africa today to build regional forces, rapid reaction forces, based in a given country, operating under the same military command, the said command of course obeying concerted decisions of Heads of State? I would first like to give us a quick reminder of African history. After independence, as you said, there were less than thirty sovereign States. They considered it necessary to create a continental organisation, which led to the birth of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). This continental organisation fixed and determined a rather clear vision and objectives. In terms of objectives and vision, the purpose was to unify the continent, to fight for total decolonisation of the continent and also to put an end to the apartheid. Forty years later, we realised that the OAU had fulfilled those missions. We therefore needed to give a new vision to a new organisation on the continent, which led to the creation of the African Union. The African Union (AU) Treaty is available to everyone. What does it contain? It has a precise vision and objectives. Of course, we have given fundamental importance to security, but also to development, human rights, to all the universal values that we shared. In fact, even before we reached democracy, Africa was humanistic. It is in our culture, it is also in our traditions. Now, we are faced with our responsibilities, the NEPAD is designed to fight poverty, diseases and also all forms of poor governance and to establish the universal values of peace, democracy and good governance on our continent. If we look back today, we can say that although the OAU fulfilled its mission, the AU is today faced with new challenges: Terrorism, maritime piracy, but also armed bandits, drugs transported from Latin America to the United States and to other parts of the West through Africa. 110

113 African youth today is idle and is seeking well-being elsewhere given that it has lost hope in Africa. We need to realise that in 2014, in just one year,, over 3000 young Africans from regions South of the Sahara drowned on the way to Europe. Europe has built a wall on the banks of the Mediterranean. We are faced with our responsibilities and faced with history. Africa fought, the AU fought. There were many hotbeds of tension before and many of those were solved by African solutions implemented by Africans. It was after 2011 that began everything we see today as unrest in Africa. We all know that and as Africans, and you have said so, we observed a blatant violation of one of the important aspects included in the principle of the OAU and again included in the principle of the AU, namely the intangibility of territories inherited from colonisation. This is a sacred principle. Our European friends, our friends from the West, did not ask us for our opinion when they attacked Libya. Today people are dying. When they divided Sudan into two parts also. Now today, look at the hotbeds of tension in Africa. In Somalia, all we did was lead an international intervention which withdrew quickly. This led to unrest. The division of Sudan led to a civil war and millions of deaths, more deaths than during the fifty years of war between Sudanese. In the space of just two years! The destruction of Libya. My brother said that this was unfinished work. No, the work was finished. The objective sought was the assassination of Gaddafi and nothing else. So we can say that the work was finished. But there was no after-sales service! We should have supported Libyans for the birth of the new democratic Libya, the new Libya of peace and security. With Gaddafi dead, the job was done, all packed, let s go. And there you have it. Today, Libya has become a breeding ground for terrorism and for all bandits and criminals. Libyans are at a loss and do not know who to turn to. Native Libyans, not the foreigners coming from all sorts of countries. Mali is a direct consequence of the destruction and unrest in Libya. 111

114 Boko Haram is also one of the direct consequences of the destruction of Libya. Boko Haram in Cameroon is also a direct consequence of the destruction of Libya. Weapons are circulating in Africa South of the Sahara to the ocean, to the Equator, and these weapons are travelling even further. You all know and everyone is fully aware of the fact that Libya was one of the best armed countries in Africa, and perhaps even in the world, at the time of Gaddafi. Today, all those weapons are somewhere out there. My brother Ibrahim Boubakar Keïta, I will not say IBK again, told me earlier that the solution is in the hands of Africans. Mr President, my brother, the solution is not in our hands, the solution is in the hands of NATO. NATO created this unrest and must bring order back. This is simple! This is no joke, this is our life, Africa is in danger! The United Nations, who approved the operation, is also responsible. So no African army can go and destroy terrorism in Libya. I did not say the Libyan people. The Libyan people, irrespective of their origins and ideologies, can talk to each other to find a solution. But the real problem is how can we negotiate and talk with fundamentalists? It s impossible, no dialogue is possible. And they are the ones who are calling the shots in Libya today. Only NATO has the necessary resources, as they did to remove Gaddafi, to assassinate Gaddafi, to go and assassinate the terrorists also. If you want to kill a snake, kill the head, not the tail. If we want to solve problems in the Sahel, if we want to solve problems elsewhere South of the Sahara, we need to take care of Libya. The terrorists who are there should be killed. We must support them. We need to go with them. There are no other solutions. This is a problem in which we cannot waste time discussing different solutions. The solution is our friends in the West, Mister Minister, please forgive me, I am not speaking of you. The onus is on our friends in the West to find a solution for Libya, for the Libyan people and for Africa. You have asked me whether Africa is capable of having a rapid action force. This is a simple issue: Is there political commitment or not? If there is political commitment on the part of African leaders, then of course we can create a force, equip it, give it the resources it needs and make it available for the continent. But we must recognise one thing: our national armed forces today are not able to deal with current threats. They are small armed forces that originated at the time of decolonisation, as my brother said earlier. They are not well-trained and they are not well-equipped. So the armies we have cannot deal with new threats. It is important for African countries, irrespective of their size, to have at least two or three operational units with all the resources they need. 112

115 When people talk about development in Africa, they say: You do not need armed forces, you need development. But what development? There has been neither development nor armed forces. We have received help to train armed forces capable of moving and capable of meeting security-related challenges on our continent. I believe this is important. We cannot continually ask our friends, our partners, to help us: We are threatened, come and help us. But until when? Sixty years after independence. Regarding the threat in Mali, if France had not stepped in, what would the African situation be today? Do you think we would have been able to do something? No. We would have lost Africa. And today we would be in a situation of total despair. But France cannot be at our side all the time. France cannot continuously bring its children to Africa to be killed. France also has a national public opinion. Although Western powers have interests in Africa, they must of course also support us, but they must support us differently. Not by bringing children of the West to die in Africa. The onus is on us to design adapted, modern armies, able to tackle these situations, these different threats. I am certain that our partners, in particular our French friends, and the others, will help us regarding equipment. There is also another important factor, which is not part of the question. We talk about African security: a continent, 54 countries, one organisation, the AU, the only organisation. Sixty years after independence, Africa is not able to ensure that this single organisation can function. Do we lack resources in Africa? To the extent that we cannot ensure functioning of the Union? That we need to ask for help from outside? Where is the commitment of Africa? Do we lack resources? You say that this continent is rich in raw materials. But where is this wealth? This wealth, if it exists, needs to be made available to Africa for the continent to work. We cannot continue to be a burden to our partners. We want to leave this track and meet our responsibilities as sovereign countries and zones, sovereign men and women. Meet our responsibilities! The greatest responsibility falls to African leaders, but also to African civil society, African political parties and the people, our youth and women. Dear Ministers, it is therefore possible, if we have the political commitment, to create an army to serve the continent. An army, if we still have political commitment, can be under the sole command not of countries, but of the AU. You cannot create an army and then have to consult fifty Heads of State before you take action. Only the AU, and the AU alone, can define the need to use the army or not. 113

116 Question Answer Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, France is perceived as a privileged partner of Africa in many fields, including peace and security. How can we work together to convince our peers, the other powers of the world, the other partners, not to subcontract the security problems of Africa with France and to sometimes be content with minimum service? After the statements of the Heads of State, I will be much more modest and stay within my remit. I nevertheless have two sources of satisfaction after what I have just heard. The first is that Idriss Déby has just described a road map covering several years that I share and that is totally complementary to the words of President Macky Sall earlier. The second source of satisfaction is that after hearing the road map described by Idriss Déby, we know that these measures can be implemented because Chad currently holds the presidency of the United Nations Security Council. So the roadmap is ready and the executive authority is in place. Now, as my grandmother used to say, we just have to get on with it. But in any event, based on the observations we have just made, I am not going to provide a full answer to the question. Just a few remarks. Yes, the Libyan issue still lies ahead of us. I am not going to go through the whole story, the hypotheses imagined concerning the post-gaddafi era, and the things that did not happen. I merely observe reality as other speakers have done before me and the reality is that the Libyan issue still lies ahead of us. I will not say now how we should respond but it strikes me as a good thing that this concern is widely shared, and it is also a good thing that international opinion, the international community focus on this issue. 114

117 We need to identify our mode of action collectively. That is a necessity. The second observation is about partnership. I think I already mentioned this a few minutes ago. I have noted with interest that the European Union (EU) is now a stakeholder. This admittedly took time, but it is the case. Two years ago, who could have imagined that it would be an EU mission that would make a significant contribution to rebuilding the Malian national army, the army of national sovereignty? And now, as of two days ago, the same system is being implemented in the Central African Republic. So we have this partnership and I think that gradually events such as the one we are attending today will allow Europeans to take the issue of African security on board. One of the themes of this Forum was empowerment of Africans in African security issues. This theme has just been addressed by the President. Europeans also need to realise that the security of Europe also involves the security of Africa. And we have to focus on this dual culture. And initiatives such as those taken now are going in the right direction. I would like to make one last remark based on what President Macky Sall said. I believe that there are ways to ensure that African States can guarantee their own security because the status of African armies in their countries is currently changing. There was a time, and this was mentioned by other speakers, when there was no desire to develop armies as they were then, because they originated in colonial times, or they were the armies of specific clans, specific tribes. President Macky Sall quoted the expression tribal armies. We have now left that dimension behind us and are in a different phase involving both strong armed forces and regional cooperation within the African Union to ensure security for all. I think that this is the path we are on and I am really pleased about that. 115

118 Question Answer Mr Peter Maurer, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), some Ministers say that if the African and international communities had taken charge of the issue in Guinea in March, when there were just a dozen cases of infection by the Ebola virus, we would certainly not be where we are today. What can we do to strengthen the anticipation and rapid reaction capabilities of the African and international communities faced with major health and humanitarian crises? I think that throughout this Forum and this evening also, it has been very clear that there is a political commitment to focus on preventive action as well. As a pragmatic humanitarian, the ICRC, for a hundred and fifty years now, has focused more on finding swift responses to be able to react in times of crisis. It is entirely true that this quick mechanism system, which is in fact a simple system, could be developed when the first cases of Ebola were observed. Clearly the fact that there was no open communication on what we were observing on the spot prevented organisations, with all their rapid reaction capabilities, from implementing corresponding mechanisms. It has been said this evening, during this panel, that transparency regarding what is happening is inevitable if we want to find an appropriate response to humanitarian crises. 116

119 At the ICRC, for example, we have a rapid deployment mechanism which allows us, in the space of 24 hours, to deploy two or three rapid teams in the event of any crisis, anywhere in the world. This is not a huge task; many other organisations are able to do the same. But to do so, we need open information; we need to know where the crises are. And our greatest concern, as humanitarian stakeholders, is the huge difference between what is communicated, what is referred to as the major crises in the world, where we observe the real needs and, on the other hand, where the funding actually goes. In this triangle, there is still a lot of work to be done. It is not enough for the grandmother to say we just have to get on with it. There are things we need to discuss. Because our source of concern is this huge gap. We have seen this in Western Africa and in many other contexts. The money goes where the problems are not. And the problems are addressed at the wrong time. And therefore international and national response mechanisms are not in pace with real problems. 117

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121 119 REPORT on the FIRST INTERNATIONAL FORUM on PEACE AND SECURITY IN AFRICA

122 conclusion By hosting this International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa in Dakar, Senegal intended, in compliance with the recommendations and conclusions of the Elysée Summit, to contribute to our joint efforts to establish a concerted strategy to tackle long-standing or new threats beyond each of our borders. I wish to thank each of you for taking the time to travel to Dakar just a few days after honouring us with your presence at the 15th Francophonie Summit. I also thank France, represented today by its Defence Minister, as well as the Pan-African Institute of Strategy as the co-organiser of the FORUM, for the time and effort devoted to our event. I am grateful to all the other partners who were mentioned earlier, whose contributions supported the organisation of this Forum. Thank you, Ladies and Gentlemen, for accepting our invitation. HEM Macky Sall President of the Republic of Senegal Thanks to the quality of your contributions, we have once again observed the global nature of the challenges we are confronted with. These challenges, linked to preserving peace and security on the continent, are not only Afro-African problems. They are part of a broader perspective, an international perspective that calls for common and preventive thinking to anticipate the threats and define concerted means of action. 120

123 One can never say this enough. Without peace and security, Africa cannot find the stability it needs to achieve sustainable social and economic development. This self-evident notion is supported by a report on the place of Africa in the 21st century in which the World Bank emphasises the negative effects of conflicts on the sectors of its economy which are potentially the most dynamic. But conflicts in all forms and their consequences, first and foremost, penalise civilian populations due to loss of human life, exactions, looting and waves of refugees and displaced persons as a result. In addition to these dramatic problems, we have situations that penalise States and economies, caused by other instability factors such as maritime piracy, hostage-taking, arms and drug trafficking, human trafficking as well as health crises such as Ebola which is currently prevalent in certain countries of Western Africa. Ladies and Gentlemen, there has been a paradigm shift, both in the nature of threats and in their impact. That is why we also need to change our approach and methods. Clearly, conventional strategies no longer work. We need to innovate in terms of methods and action. In this regard, I am particularly pleased with the efforts already underway in the framework of the initiative for the peace and security architecture of the African Union, as well as the Nouakchott Process, with the Republic of Mauritania hosting the first summit on December 18th. I wish to congratulate you, President Aziz, for your unfailing commitment to conducting the Nouakchott Process. Despite that, and this needs to be stated unequivocally, despite its commitment, Africa alone cannot solve these threats, bearing in mind that our continent is neither the only target nor the only scope of expression. In all four corners of the globe, current events confirm this day after day. The onus is on us, as Africans, to meet our primary responsibility of peacekeeping, security and stability on our continent. This we must do. I believe that today political leadership has been asserted. During the next summit in Addis-Ababa, we need to engage all our colleagues so that this African decision is made and so that together, we can meet this responsibility which is our own. Together, with partner countries and institutions, we will find the most coherent and efficient responses to the threats that concern us all. In this regard, I again pay tribute to the commitment of France and of the European Union at our side. 121

124 Together, we must support empowerment efforts in Africa related to security challenges. Together, we must seek to strengthen our defence and security forces, in terms of training, readiness and equipment to allow them to tackle asymmetrical conflicts. Together, we must invest in prevention of conflicts and other threats to peace, by means of appropriate responses to development problems, through education and training for young people, promotion of the rule of law, exchange of information and collection of data, as shown by the meetings of heads of intelligence and security services of the Sahel-Saharan zone. Our tasks are both urgent and complex, but I hope that the different proposals and ideas fostered by the Dakar Forum will contribute to the emergence of a collective awareness of the need to work together to establish the sustainable foundations of our common strategy to tackle common threats. Taking into account the success of this first edition, I would therefore like the Dakar Forum to become an annual platform for concertation on the challenges of our time. May we meet again next year, Inch Allah. I now declare the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security closed! Thank you. 122

125 A final word Cheikh Tidiane Gadio President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy The aim of this Forum was to discuss issues, exchange views and express our truth. Of course, there is always a need for protocol, but the Heads of State present today accepted, in some cases, to manage the protocol differently and to speak to you from the heart. This is what they did. All the participants in this Forum, President Macky Sall and his government, wish to thank Japan for its contribution which has offered us extraordinary support and for its commitment to continue to work with us. There is also the huge support from several partners including France, the Netherlands, the European Union and the African Development Bank. Now I m in trouble because I ve started mentioning names. So for all those I haven t mentioned, please believe that I have mentioned you in my heart and that we are thinking of you. Thank you for everything you have done for us. Of course, the African Union is one of the leading supporters of this Forum. And of course I m not forgetting the essential partner of this Forum: the Republic of Senegal. 123

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127 Partners High patronage Under the aegis of the Government of the Republic of Senegal Organised in partnership with the African Union 125

128 Institutional partners SEM Ed KRONENBURG, Dutch Ambassador to France The Dakar Forum has focused on common security-related challenges between the African and European continents, with the belief that it is our responsibility and duty to tackle them together. The Forum has made it possible to broaden our strategic analysis and to foster and support the belief that an integrated and common approach is necessary. The Kingdom of the Netherlands, as a partner for peace, justice and development, was pleased to contribute to the success of the Dakar Forum. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is ready to support debates on topics of joint interest, calls upon the responsibility of all stakeholders worldwide (public and private) and asks everyone to make a contribution. From the Japanese people Takashi KITAHARA, Japanese Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal Peace and stability are the foundations of all development. Following the terrorist attack in In-Amenas in January 2013, the Government of Japan has established peace and stability as a top priority. During the Fifth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD V) held in Yokohama in June 2013, the Government announced a contribution of one billion dollars for projects in the Sahel linked to these two issues. But the threat is still present today. The Dakar Forum, as the ideal platform for security and stability on the African continent, took place in synergy and at the right time, giving Japan the opportunity to show its commitment. The success of the Forum is very promising and Japan will continue to be a proactive contributor to peace, in accordance with the commitment of our Prime Minister, H.E. Shinzo ABE. This year too, we will provide concrete support to the Forum. 126

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130 Corporate partners Michel ROUSSIN, former Minister, Advisor to the President of EDF The Senegalese initiative, supported by France, to organise the 1st International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa in Dakar in December 2014 was presented to the EDF Group as a totally novel forum for discussion and exchange between top-level decisionmakers directly involved in security-related issues in Africa. It was this ambition, combined with the reliability and expertise of the organisers that convinced us to associate our name with the event and to become one of the main sponsors. We can only observe that the results have exceeded our hopes. Through the diversity and quality of the participants selected, whether experts, Ministers or Heads of State, key business leaders, military personnel or high-ranking officials, the word Forum took on its full meaning through two particularly fruitful and well-organised days of work. The quality of the speakers selected made it possible to create opportunities for exchange of views where each participant was able to express opinions and freely compare views. Moreover, the unity of time and place allowed very positive professional contacts. Finally, the pitfall of a strictly political, diplomatic or economic meeting was avoided by reducing formal protocol and allowing free expression in workshops. This modern approach to a top-level international event undoubtedly favours the cohesion needed to understand the strategic challenges of the African continent. In any event, this type of forum will undoubtedly make a positive contribution to the economic emergence of the continent and we look forward to the next edition announced by President Macky Sall at the end of the 1 st edition. Thales is actively involved in Africa in the framework of all its activities - defence and security, aeronautics and transport - and is happy and proud to have participated actively in the first edition of the Dakar International Forum. Thanks to the quality of the views exchanged, the support of top-level political leaders and leading researchers and economic decision-makers from very diverse backgrounds, this new forum of exchange fully played its role. From the very start, the Dakar International Forum emerged as an ideal place to discuss major challenges for the region and beyond, whether related to protection of land and sea borders, the fight against terrorism or protection of natural resources. This forum is all the more important today given that Africa, as a major growth region at the global level, will continue to achieve significant development over the decades to come. In addition to the success of this first edition, we therefore hope that there will be many more fruitful editions of this event in the future, to serve collective programmes for peace, security and development. 128

131 Jean-Michel PALAGOS, Chief Executive Officer of DCII Major challenges call for a major event. The future of Africa is closely linked to the virtuous cycle of security and economic development. Today, the African continent is experiencing spectacular positive developments due to very promising economic momentum. However, persistent hotbeds of tension and terrorism involve a risk for this promising development and all the leaders of this great continent are aware of that. To meet all the current challenges it is absolutely necessary to develop autonomous African security capabilities with armed forces and security forces corresponding to the mission they are tasked with. These capabilities are based not only on deployment of appropriate equipment but also on the human resources recruited, trained and organised to make use of this equipment in accordance with appropriate concepts. This capability approach is that of Défense Conseil Interna tional (DCI), an operator tasked with transferring the know-how of the French armed forces, whose action falls strictly within the scope of the military cooperation objectives of the Ministry of Defence while remaining complementary to but separate from the action taken by the Directorate for Security and Defense Cooperation. By participating in the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa, DCI wanted to improve its perception of African security challenges and give itself the means to focus its action even more on the contribution of France and its armed forces to stability of the continent. This first edition of the Dakar Forum fully achieved its goal. We participated in top-level discussions which were both varied and open, alongside political and military decision-makers, but also civil society stakeholders directly involved in these security and defence challenges. These moments of exchange of views and open discussion are a great asset for those who want to understand and contribute to security on the African continent. That is why the Dakar Forum, from the very start, established itself as a major event, on a par with the challenge that Africa and its partners are able to meet. Didier TRUTT Chief Executive Officer Participation of the Imprimerie Nationale Group (French National Printing House) in the first edition of the Dakar Forum on Peace and Security in Africa was self-evident in light of the long-standing trust relationship between the Imprimerie Nationale Group and many African States. In addition to the warm welcome extended by our Senegalese hosts, I personally appreciated the quality of the discussions with different participants and the great trust shown by the many Government officials present during the two-day event. The Dakar Forum on Peace and Security in Africa clearly marked the advent of ambitious strategic thinking to serve the continent, at a time when we are all concerned with securityrelated challenges. In that regard, the Imprimerie Nationale Group, as a trusted partner for many States for production and design of secure identity documents, was honoured to be able to participate in this event as an industrial expert. I believe that this initiative, supported in particular by the Pan-African Institute of Strategy, has the potential to play a major role in peace and security on the continent. This initiative must continue in order to become a recurring and structuring event for African strategic thinking. In its field of expertise, the Imprimerie Nationale Group will not fail to be present at the side of the participating States to contribute to the success of the event. 129

132 Général Pierre de Saqui de Sannes CMA CGM Institutional Advisor Our participation in the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa provided the opportunity, as our Vice-President Rodolphe Saadé said, to show our attachment to this continent (see Jeune Afrique of 1 March 2015). But for us, it is also our duty to stay up to date on security problems on a continent where we have many port and land projects and investments and where our Group employs 1456 people including over 60 expatriates, in 62 offices in 44 countries. In Dakar, CMA CGM representatives: Had the pleasure of attending an event in Africa, in a community of friends from all four corners of the continent. We consider it essential to keep the geographical location in Africa to discuss the security-related problems of this part of the world. Similarly, the presence of non-french-speaking delegations gave a continental dimension to the forum and our opinion is that the efforts made in this regard must be maintained. Met and shared views with top-level African, French, European and UN officials in the field of security, at a time when the African continent is certainly experiencing one of the most dangerous periods of its history, from West to East, with Nigeria, the Sahel, Libya and Somalia. These discussions provided a great deal of information, feedback and advice which can help businesses make the right decisions related to staff security. This is a major priority even more so given that the context is particularly sensitive. Listened, during a top-level plenary session, to four serving Heads of State (Senegal, Mali, Chad and Mauritania) and a former Head of State (Nigeria), and the least we can say is that they totally did away with stereotyped political language. During this session, many among us realised the seriousness of current events in Africa and the commitment of leaders on the continent to fight to keep their freedom. This was a highlight of the seminar, marked by openness and honesty we have rarely seen elsewhere and there is no doubt that it will remain in the memories of all the participants. In conclusion, the forum was clearly a success and current events undeniably encourage our Group to help continue this initiative by participating in future editions. 130

133 Christophe REMY, Chairman of the Board of LH Aviation LH Aviation was a partner of the first edition of the Dakar International Forum, which marked an important step in awareness of security and defence challenges on the whole of the African continent. At a time when the Sub-Saharan region has suffered multiple terrorist attacks subsequent to the collapse of the Libyan regime, among other factors, at a time when the international community, France in particular, has committed itself alongside African forces to fight this plague that also threatens Europe, the statements of all the participants were marked by remarkable clear-sightedness and a strong sense of responsibility. The presence of Heads of State during the closing session of this first edition of the Forum also bears witness to the genuine interest leaders have in these challenges. All the conditions offered to participants, from hotel services to luncheons and dinners, via the quality of the organisation, were very impressive. This conference, which took place in excellent conditions, with a particularly comfortable and well-equipped auditorium and conference rooms, allowed our company to take part in top-quality discussions. In addition to participation of African troops on the ground, a unanimously praised commitment, we were able to insist on the importance for each sovereign State to control its air space with a defence and security perspective, but also to seek and ensure autonomy in obtaining information and intelligence. We hope that other editions of the Forum will make it possible to continue these fruitful discussions in Dakar. 131

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135 Organisers President Cheikh Tidiane GADIO, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Senegal, President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy. Vice-presidents Camille GRAND, Director of the Foundation for Strategic Research; Michel FOUCHER, Diplomatic Advisor to the CEIS President. Special advisors for the forum Fabienne HARA, Special Advisor for the Forum; Hugo SADA, Special Advisor for the Forum; Mapenda MBAYE, Civil Administrator, Expert tasked with territory and decentralisation, Expert at the Pan-African Institute of Strategy. Members Jean-François DAGUZAN, Deputy Director of the Foundation for Strategic Research; Olivier DARRASON, CEIS President; Alexandre HOUDAYER, Secretary-General of the Foundation for Strategic Research; Landing SAVANE, former Minister of State, Advisor to the President of the Republic of Senegal, Member of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy; Éric SCHMIDT, Special Advisor to the CIES President; Moussa SECK, Member of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy, President of the Pan African Agribusiness and Agroindustry Consortium (PanAAC) With the support of the French Ministry of Defence Cédric Lewandowski, French Defence Minister s Civilian and Military Cabinet Director Luis Vassy, Diplomatic Advisor to the Minister Franck Paris, European Affairs Advisor Hugo Richard, Deputy Chief of Staff Sacha Mandel, Communication Advisor Philippe Errera, Director-General for international relations and strategy. 133

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137 Dakar in the press Find the forum press review at: 135

138 Le Soleil.sn 17 December 2014 The times when Africans entrusted their security to other countries are now behind us. That is the strong commitment made by President Macky Sall and three other Heads of State yesterday at the end of the Forum on Peace and Security held from 14 to 16 December 2014 in Dakar. For the Head of State, guaranteeing the security of Africa has become the responsibility of Africans themselves. The first edition of the Forum on Peace and Security in Africa, organised in Dakar, was a great success, both due to its organisation and to the participation of top-level civilian and military experts as well as representatives of civil society. The President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy (IPS), Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, indicated that 400 participants from 47 countries including 30 African States had taken part in the event, as well as 12 organisations. Flawless organisation and thought-provoking themes that President Macky Sall did not fail to observe. Through the thoughts expressed and proposals made, I hope that the Dakar Forum has contributed to emergence of a collective awareness of the need to work together to build the foundations of our common strategy faced with common threats, said President Sall, while indicating that new editions of the Forum would be organised. Le Point.fr, 18 December 2014 The Dakar Forum on Peace and Security in Africa contributed to laying the foundations for African empowerment to tackle extremist and criminal threats to the continent. Le Matindz.net The Forum heading adopted by the Dakar event in no way reduces the importance and scope of the event. The 300 participants included Heads of State (Ibrahim Boubakar Keïta Mali Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz Mauritania), researchers, academics, military personnel and even representatives of the arms industry. RFI, 16 December 2014 Security in Africa: A full house at the Dakar Forum. The first edition of the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa opened yesterday in the Senegalese capital. It is a great success in terms of turnout and prestige, with over 350 participants including top-level officials from some forty countries. Organised on the initiative of France and Senegal, the purpose of this forum is to become an annual event and to contribute to creation of a security culture in Africa. The participants, representing both civil society and governments, expressed themselves freely, asking the specialised speakers questions or adding comments based on their experience. The workshops scheduled during the second day of the event will certainly generate the same turnout and interest. L Express, 16 December 2014 The first day of the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security offered an opportunity to defy a number of taboos. La Croix, 17 December 2014 We were expecting a meeting with little or no relevance, with a series of bland speeches unrelated to the real security issues in Africa [...]. But that was not the case. The International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa [...] provided an opportunity for some African Heads of State to call for a military intervention in Libya. Le Quotidien.sn, 17 December 2014 The Dakar International Forum was intended to be informal to give pride of place to open discussions. After 3 plenary sessions and 10 theme workshops, the participants discussed the African security architecture and the solutions to be implemented for greater stability. Prevention was on many occasions mentioned as the best safeguard. L As, 17 December 2014 The Dakar forum is an innovation and its perpetuation is salutary for the continent. Some 400 delegations attended the event, its theme workshops and its plenary sessions. The turnout and the clearly expressed positions showed the concern and even fear of Africans faced with the rise of terrorism. Le Figaro, 16 December 2014 Europe created its strategic forum a long time ago with the Munich Wehrkunde. Asia has its Shangri-La dialogue in Singapore. The same applies to Manama in Bahrain for the Middle East or Halifax in Canada for North America. Africans will meet again in Dakar next year, after the First Forum on Peace and Security in Africa held on Monday and Tuesday, an informal meeting bringing together some three hundred political and military figures as well as experts, organised by two think-tanks, the Pan-African Institute of Strategy and the Foundation for Strategic Research. The project was launched a year ago at the end of the Elysée Summit in December The African Heads of State present stated their intention to take charge of security on their own continent. France will continue to support this movement towards empowerment of Africa for its own security, said Jean-Yves Le Drian, who was personally closely involved in implementing the project. The purpose, as he said, it to create a common security culture. 136

139 RTS.sn, 16 December 2014 For a first attempt, this was a master stroke. That is the main lesson learned so far, before the end of this major event on peace and security issues in Africa. The aim of this forum is to become an annual event and to contribute to creating a security culture in Africa. Dakaractu, 17 December 2014 By hosting this International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa in Dakar, the intention of Senegal, in keeping with the recommendations of the conclusions of the Elysée Summit, was to contribute to our joint efforts to establish a concerted strategy to tackle long-standing or new threats beyond each of our borders. Jeune Afrique, 16 December 2014 We are delighted to observe the participant numbers and the quality of the political, military and academic personalities present. With 350 participants, the turnout greatly exceeded expectations. Participants were able to exchange views either during the workshops organised or during the constant bilateral sessions or informal meetings parallel to the forum. A security policy cannot be built without strategic thinking. This forum is intended to define a doctrine, explains a close collaborator of French Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian. Senegal and its President Macky Sall played a key role in organising the forum. Alongside the Senegalese, the significant participation of political leaders clearly shows the interest generated by the summit. DSI, February 2015 The Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa is intended to become a recurring event bringing together decision-makers able to address the crises specific to this continent. A source of satisfaction for this first edition: Over three hundred participants, including many Ministers and Chiefs of Staff, some fifty journalists and even a few Heads of State (the Presidents of Mali, Chad, Senegal and the former President of Nigeria) attended the event. Although we could sometimes note a lack of realism during the discussions, it is undeniable that such spontaneity and openness could not have been heard elsewhere. All the participants, whether political leaders, researchers, diplomats, military personnel or representatives of civil society, were able to express their doubts and expectations. Dakar has therefore established itself as a place of thinking and discussion which fully justifies the lobbying efforts made by the different partners of the event. Le Monde.fr, 16 December 2014 The Dakar Forum participants declared after two days of discussions that they wished to join forces to confront the problem of terrorism in Africa. Le Monde diplomatique, 1 st February 2015 Everyone knows that Africa is the strategic future of the world, except Africans themselves! deplores Mr Cheikh Tidiane Gadio, President of the Pan-African Institute of Strategy, main organiser of the International Forum on Peace and Security in Africa held in Dakar (Senegal) in mid-december. This informal meeting - the first of its kind in Africa - welcomed four hundred participants including military personnel, political leaders, researchers and journalists, along the lines of what is done in other regions of the world. La Voix du Nord, 15 December 2014 Ultimately, and that is the focus of this Forum organised by President Macky Sall, the security imperative must be considered as a priority by Africans. At the end of the day, this Forum is a very timely event a year after the summit in Paris: It is held at a time when this positive African dynamic needs to be enhanced, confirmed and supported by partners. La Marseillaise, 16 December 2014 The Dakar Forum is intended to become an annual event along the lines of the Munich Security Conference in Europe, Manama in the Middle East, Halifax in Canada and Shangri-La in Singapore, focused on geostrategic issues in South-East Asia. 20 minutes, 16 December 2014 Some 350 participants including several top-level officials from about forty countries, a good showing, with a full house. The very first edition of the Dakar international Forum on Peace and Security meets with success. The forum should in fact become an annual event. 137

140 Dakar online See all the documents, photos and videos from the forum on our website: 138