Tunisia Country Review.

Transcription

1 2018 Country Review

2 Table of Contents Chapter 1 1 Country Overview 1 Country Overview 2 Key Data 4 Tunisia 5 Middle East 6 Chapter 2 8 Political Overview 8 History 9 Political Conditions 11 Political Risk Index 60 Political Stability 74 Freedom Rankings 89 Human Rights 101 Government Functions 104 Government Structure 107 Principal Government Officials 124 Leader Biography 126 Leader Biography 126 Foreign Relations 145 National Security 150 Defense Forces 156 Chapter Economic Overview 159 Economic Overview 160 Real GDP and GDP Per Capita 163 Nominal GDP and Components 166 Government Spending and Taxation 168 Money, Prices and Interest Rates 171 Trade and the Exchange Rate 173 The Balance of Payments 174 Energy Consumption and Production Standard Units 176 Energy Consumption and Production QUADS 180

3 World Energy Price Summary 185 CO2 Emissions 187 Agriculture Consumption and Production 189 World Agriculture Pricing Summary 197 Metals Consumption and Production 199 World Metals Pricing Summary 206 Economic Performance Index 209 Chapter Investment Overview 221 Foreign Investment Climate 222 Foreign Investment Index 227 Corruption Perceptions Index 240 Competitiveness Ranking 251 Taxation 260 Stock Market 261 Partner Links 261 Chapter Social Overview 263 People 264 Human Development Index 265 Life Satisfaction Index 269 Happy Planet Index 280 Status of Women 289 Global Gender Gap Index 292 Culture and Arts 302 Etiquette 303 Travel Information 304 Diseases/Health Data 313 Chapter Environmental Overview 319 Environmental Issues 320 Environmental Policy 321 Greenhouse Gas Ranking 322 Global Environmental Snapshot 333 Global Environmental Concepts 344 International Environmental Agreements and Associations 359

4 Appendices 383 Bibliography 384

5 Chapter 1 Country Overview Page 1 of 396 pages

6 Country Overview TUNISIA Tunisia is located in the center of North Africa, bordering the Mediterranean Sea, between Algeria and Libya. Arab Muslims from the Middle East gained control of most of North Africa in the seventh century, influencing the religion and overall culture of the region. Tunisia became part of the Turkish Ottoman Empire in the late 1500s, and was a French protectorate from 1881 until independence in The country's first president Bourguiba established a strict one-party state. He dominated the country for 31 years, insisting on an anti-islamic fundamentalist line while increasing his own powers to become a virtual dictator. He also established rights for women unmatched by any other Arab nation. In November 1987, President Bourguiba was removed from office and replaced by Zine al-abidine Ben Ali in a bloodless coup. Winning a fifth term in office in multi-party elections in 2009, President Ben Ali was in power from 1987 to Tunisia was a relatively stable and prosperous under the leadership of President Ben Ali, but progress toward full democracy has been slow. The citizens of Tunisia do not enjoy political freedom, with government imposing restrictions on freedom of association and speech. A popular uprising in Tunisia against unemployment, inflation, corruption and political repression by the government led to violent clashes, and a rising death toll in It was the makings of what would become known as Tunisia's "Jasmine Revolution" -- the event that sparked the socalled "Arab Spring" across the region of North Africa and the Middle East. Despite earlier promises of new leadership to come in three years, Tunisian President Ben Ali ultimately fled the country in mid-january 2011 leaving a mixture of hope and anxiety regarding the future of a country once viewed as one of the most stable in North Africa. Landmark democratic elections were held in the autumn of 2011, and resulted in victory for the main Islamist party, Ennahda. Two center-left parties, the Congress for the Republic and the Ettakatol, also performed well in the elections and gained representation. With Ennahda pledging to see Tunisia transformed into a secular, multi-party democracy, and making it clear that it would not advance a fundamentalist Islamist agenda, all eyes were on a possible coalition government. To that end, on Nov. 21, 2011, the three parties had signed a power-sharing deal. According to the Page 2 of 396 pages

7 deal, Moncef Marzouki of the Congress for the Republic party would become the president of the country, Hamadi Jebali of would become the prime minister, while Ettakatol's Mustapha Ben Jaafar would chair the Constituent Assembly. In December 2011, Marzouki officially began his role as the new president of Tunisia. The ensuing years, however, were beset by problems as hardline and fundamentalist Islamists attempted to derail the process of democratization. Of note, for example, was the introduction of unpopular religious laws. Youth, secularists, and liberals were particularly angered by what they perceived as the Islamic Ennahda party's tacit facilitation of this movement, which they viewed as contrary to the objectives of the 2011 Jasmine Revolution. Mass protests centered in Bardo Square ruled the day along with demands that the government step down from power. In 2014, all eyes were on fresh elections, which would include a direct presidential election for the first time. Optimism over Tunisia's political fate was tragically dimmed in 2013 when two anti- Islamist opposition figures were assassinated. These killings exacerbated the political divisions, spurring the eruption of another round of violent protests, and the call for a new revolution, as Tunisia plunged once again into a state of turmoil. It was clear that the promise of the "Jasmine Revolution" was yet to be realized; indeed, the road to political transformation would proving to be a long and difficult one. That being said, Tunisians were looking to the 2014 elections as the new pathway towards democratization. That pathway was facilitated by the election of a parliament dominated by a secularist party, Nidaa Toomes, and by the election of a secular president, Beji Caid Essebsi. Those election results, in conjunction with the ratification of the most progressive consitution ever seen in an Arab country, contributed to the new perception that Tunisia and its Jasmine Revolution were the ultimate success stories of the Arab Spring. But shadows remained on the political field, as Tunisia had the dubious distinction of being the home country of the majority of Islamist fighters associated with the notorious Jihadist terror group, Islamic State. A terror attack claimed by Islamic State at Tunsia's Bardo national museum in 2015 reminded the world that Tunisia's stability remained uncertain and it would yet have to fully confront the extremist threat emanating from its own terrain. Page 3 of 396 pages

8 Key Data Key Data Region: Africa Population: Climate: Languages: Currency: Holiday: Temperate in north with mild, rainy winters and hot, dry summers; desert in south. Arabic (official and one of the languages of commerce) French (commerce) 1 Tunisian dinar (TD$) = 1,000 millimes National Day is 20 March (1956), Republic Day is 25 July, Martyr's Day is 9 April Area Total: Area Land: Coast Line: 1148 Page 4 of 396 pages

9 Tunisia Country Map Page 5 of 396 pages

10 Middle East Regional Map Page 6 of 396 pages

11 Page 7 of 396 pages

12 Chapter 2 Political Overview Page 8 of 396 pages

13 History Recorded history in Tunisia begins with the arrival of the Phoenicians, who founded Carthage and other North African settlements in 814 B.C.E. In addition to North Africa, the Carthaginian Empire also encompassed parts of the Iberian Peninsula, Sicily and Sardinia. By the third century, competition ensued between Carthage and the expanding Roman Empire for regional hegemony. As a result, a series of wars, known as the Punic Wars, followed, and which eventually resulted in the defeat of Carthage and its occupation by Rome in 146 B.C.E. This territory then became known as Africa Vetus. The region grew dramatically as it was integrated into the vast Roman Empire, and became a major supplier of olive oil, wool and wheat. In the fifth century, the Vandals took advantage of the weakening empire and seized the territory. The Vandals occupied the land until 534 B.C.E., when the Romans were able to recapture it. The Romans maintained control until Arabs conquered the region in the seventh century. Modern Tunisians are the descendants of the indigenous Berber tribes that co-mingled with the Arabs who arrived in the region with the spread of Islam. A series of Arab dynasties, which included the Aghlabites, the Fatmids and the Zeirids, led by "beys," controlled the land known as "Ifrqiya" and moved the capital from Carthage to the holy city of Kairouan. Control of the region remained contested by several powers, including Sicily and Spain until Ottoman control was established in the early 1500s. By 1574, the Ottoman Empire was in firm control of the region. A period of peace and prosperity followed under the Hasayid dynasty, which ruled by the grace of the Ottomans. This economic prosperity was largely predicated upon piracy launched from the area known as the Barbary Coast. The prosperity of this region ended in 1815 when the United States Navy successfully attacked Tunis and ended this predatory behavior. The end of piracy brought economic decline to the area. The European powers, as part of their larger scramble for colonial possessions, competed for control despite nominal Ottoman rule. At first, the Ottoman Empire resisted European domination. The then ruler, Ahmad Bey, sought help in modernizing Tunisia's military and industry in this regard. Slavery was abolished, and in 1857 a civil rights charter was implemented. Page 9 of 396 pages

14 A constitution, the first in the Arab world, was created in Unfortunately, the reforms did not come without cost forcing taxes to be raised and thus spawning a revolt in By 1869, Tunisia was completely bankrupt and no reforms were capable of saving it. Thus, despite these modernizing reforms, it was ultimately impossible for Tunisia to resist European domination. France was victorious in asserting control and as a result, Tunisia began a 70-year period as a French protectorate with the Treaty of Kasser Said, also known as the Bardo Treaty. Although Tunisia technically remained a monarchy under French supervision, real authority was exercised by the French resident general. French influence spread throughout the country, especially among the educated youth. As a result of French education and indoctrination, a push for modernization was undertaken by young Western-educated Tunisians who wanted greater Tunisian participation in the government. Gradually, the movement became more nationalistic, and in 1920, the Destour Party was created. The Destour Party wanted the formation of a constitutional government with equal rights for Tunisians. The leader of the Destour Party was promptly arrested, but the movement was continued by the Tunisian monarch, Muhammad an-nasir. The monarch requested that the demands of the Destour Party be met, but French troops surrounded his palace and forced him to withdraw his request. The French employed stricter measures of control to suppress the nationalistic movement. In 1934, the Neo-Destour Party was formed by a more radical element of the Destour Party, headed by Habib Bourguiba. The movement gained an immense following but was suppressed with increased government control. In 1938 Bourguiba was arrested and the party dissolved. In 1939, Bourguiba and other Neo-Destour leaders were deported to France. During World War II, Tunisia was controlled by the Vichy French government, which eventually was controlled by Nazi Germany. Hitler released the Neo-Destour leaders in After the war, the French returned to Tunisia and reestablished control of the government promptly arresting the Tunisian "bey" as a Nazi collaborator. This served to further heighten nationalistic sentiment among Tunisians. Bourguiba escaped and began a campaign for independence from Egypt. By 1954, resistance to France had become violent, forcing France to begin negotiations regarding independence. In March 1956, a treaty was signed ending the protectorate and recognizing Tunisia as a sovereign, independent monarchy. Bourguiba became the first prime minister under the monarch, and served in this capacity until 1957, when the monarchy was overthrown and a republic was proclaimed with Bourguiba as president. Page 10 of 396 pages

15 Note on History: In certain entries, open source content from the State Department Background Notes and Country Guides have been used. A full listing of sources is available in the Bibliography. Political Conditions The Bourguiba Legacy Bourguiba implemented vast social, educational and legal reforms in the first years of his presidency. His policy of Westernization and secularization consequently reduced the role of religion in society, abolished religious schools and Islamic law courts, and banned polygamy. The regime repressed Islamic fundamentalism and established rights for women unmatched by any other Arab nation, making Tunisia one of the most liberal countries in the Arab world. The oneparty government granted Bourguiba presidency for life in A multiparty system was implemented in An alliance between the Destourian Socialist Party (formerly the Neo- Destour Party), the trade unions and the National Front, dominated the elections of 1981 and Subsequent elections were boycotted by all opposition parties until the elections of Bourguiba was deposed in a "constitutional coup" on Nov. 7, 1987, masterminded by his Prime Minister Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali who proclaimed Bourguiba unfit to rule. Almost immediately, Ben Ali implemented liberalizing reforms which enabled banned political newspapers to publish once again, and granted amnesty to more than 8000 prisoners jailed by the former government. The Destourian Socialist Party was renamed the Democratic Constitutional Rally, or RCD. The constitution was reformed to allow for a multi-party system and a five-year presidential term. This program of governmental reform has been referred to as "The Change." In the first elections of the post-bourguiba era, in April 1989, Ben Ali, with no opposition, won 99 percent of the vote. The RCD won all of the seats in the assembly with 80 percent of the vote. However, due to a strong showing by the radical Islamic faction, political repression increased. Since that time, the government has dealt firmly with Islamic elements within the country. In 1990, terrorist activities emerged in response to government endorsement of United Nations resolutions on Iraq, and about 100 people were arrested for attempting to create an Islamic state. Thousands of Iraq supporters and Islamic militants demonstrated in the months following the outbreak of the Gulf War, resulting in violent conflicts between the government and the pro-iraq demonstrators. During the most recent elections, despite the participation of numerous opposition parties, the Islamic al-nahda Party remains illegal and banned from participation. Tunisian Landscape Page 11 of 396 pages

16 Tunisia is a leader in the Arab world in the promotion of equal status for women under the law. A Personal Status Code was adopted shortly after independence in 1956, which, among other laws, prohibits polygamy. Rights of women and children were further enhanced by reforms in 1993 which included a provision to allow Tunisian women to transmit citizenship even if they are married to a foreigner and living abroad. The government has supported a successful family planning program that has reduced Tunisia's birth growth rate to 1.9 percent. Tunisian women enjoy more rights than in most other Arab countries and are also represented in the government. In November 1999, four women were appointed to ministerial posts, an increase from two in the previous term. In the parliamentary elections, women won 20 of the 182 seats, while there were 10 in the previous legislature. President Ben Ali, who is also chairman of the ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally, recommended that women should be given a fifth of the seats in municipal council elections. Trade unions have played a key role in Tunisia's history and politics since the struggle for independence. In 1952, the assassination of the Tunisian labor leader Ferhat Hached was a catalyst for the final push to oust the French. The General Union of Tunisian Workers, or UGTT, had a decisive political presence during the first two decades of the republic. Despite a recent drop in union membership from 400,000 to about 250,000, the UGTT continues to hold a prominent place in Tunisia's political and social life. The western-oriented and secular policies of Tunisia's first president, and the liberalizing reforms implemented by Ben Ali's governments, have aimed at creating a liberal political environment. Steps toward a more competitive political environment have been taken. Prior to the 1990 municipal elections, the government introduced modified proportional representation. However, the RCD Party continued to dominate the electoral process and political life, and opposition parties boycotted the elections in to protest. A bomb attack on an RCD Party headquarters in Tunis sparked a harsh government crackdown on the Islamist opposition. Thousands of al-nahda members and sympathizers were arrested for plotting to overthrow the president. In 1992, military trials were held in which 265 Islamists were convicted and sentenced to prison terms ranging from one year to life. The trials were marked by the defendants' allegations of widespread torture and abuse by security officers. Political Developments In 1994, opposition parties were elected to Tunisia's Chamber of Deputies for the first time, due to a new electoral code, which reserved 19 seats in the legislature for opposition candidates elected by proportional vote. In March 1994, President Ben Ali was re-elected to another five-year term, capturing 99.9 percent of the vote. Page 12 of 396 pages

17 In the legislative elections of 1994, the RCD, with 97.7 percent of the vote, won all of the 144 elected seats; the Social Democrat Movement wn 10; the Renovation Movement won four; the Unionist Democratic Union won three; and the People's Unity Party won two of the 19 seats reserved for the opposition parties. The RCD won all of the municipal council elections. In March 1999, Ben Ali announced that presidential elections would be held on Oct. 24, 1999, and supported a constitutional amendment that made it easier for opposition leaders to run for president. The amendment was passed in June 1999 and two opposition candidates, Mohamed Belhaj Amor of the People's Unity Party and Aberrahmane Tlili, general secretary of the Unionist Democratic Union, participated in the election. Following the 1999 elections, the president created a new ministry of human rights, ostensibly to improve governmental performance in this regard. Its first minister was Dali Jazi, an opposition leader who headed the Tunisian Human Rights League. The key ministries of the interior and defense were given to two close associates of the president. Although hundreds of political prisoners were freed in November 1999, up to 1,000 continued to be detained. Former political prisoners were under strict surveillance, and human rights defenders and their families, trade unionists and journalists, and government opponents were increasingly targeted. The country witnessed further restriction on freedom of association and expression, including the blocking of access to human rights organizations' web sites from Tunisia. Former President Bourguiba died on April 6, Since his disposal in 1987 he had been held in virtual house arrest in his hometown, Montasir, and was buried there on April 8. Despite having led Tunisia for 31 years, no official state funeral was held for him. The decision prompted widespread protests, and the funeral was attended by thousands of mourners, including President Chirac of France, Palestinian leader Yassir Arafat, Algerian President Bouteflika and President Saleh of Yemen. Local elections were held on May 28, Prior to these elections, several opposition parties attempted to unite in order to increase their strength at the polls. This undertaking proved difficult, however, as the diverse political ideologies and personalities of some of the opposition parties and their leaders proved incompatible. In the elections, a total of 4,128 representatives were chosen to the country's 257 municipal councils. Five opposition parties and independent candidates, totaling 339, ran in 64 districts. Participation among registered voters was 84 percent. The RCD won 3,885 seats, representing over 94 percent of the municipal council seats selected. The RCD was limited in the number of seats it was awarded by the terms of the election code which guaranteed 20 percent of the seats to opposition parties in districts where they ran provided they garner three percent of the total votes cast. Page 13 of 396 pages

18 Of the 243 seats awarded to non-rcd candidates, 176 were awarded to candidates of formal opposition parties while the remaining 67 seats went to independent candidates. These municipal elections were the first in which secret balloting was required and were proclaimed by the government to be evidence of an evolving and developing democracy in Tunisia. In late January 2001, Ben Ali reshuffled his government, appointing new heads to a dozen ministries. Most notably, former Minister of Human Rights Dali Jazi, was made minister of defense in the new government, which will be led by Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi, who has held the position since November Tunisia has endured much criticism for human rights abuses in the last few years. Claims of repression have not been limited to the Islamic opposition, but have been raised from all points of the political ideological spectrum. In April 2000, Human Rights Watch criticized the Tunisian government for shutting down an independent publishing house in Tunis that had become known as a center for Tunisian writers, artists and activists. The government acted after Tunisian restrictions on freedom of the press and the government's treatment of a prominent human rights activist and author were denounced in what was deemed an unauthorized gathering. Throughout 2001, international human rights organizations reported a significant worsening of the human rights situation. Several prominent journalists and human rights activists have been jailed and harassed. Political trials grossly violated minimum standards for fairness. A new law criminalizing torture was passed, but the definition of torture in the law does not correspond with the definition in the U.N. Convention Against Torture. Torture and ill treatment were reported to be used by security forces in Tunisia. The Ben Ali government is widely accused of interfering in the justice system. In July 2001 judge Mokhtar Yahyaoui wrote an open letter to President Ben Ali in which he criticized the complete absence of independence in the judiciary. Yahyaoui was immediately suspended, and was later due to appear before a disciplinary committee. In a move aimed at appeasing criticism, Ben Ali encouraged Tunisian journalists to be more critical. Most observers believe the president's remarks came to avoid more criticism from foreign press, and little substantial change in Tunisian media has taken place. Media continues to be controlled by the state, and media itself exercise a strong degree of self-censorship. More Tunisians are turning to foreign media for information. While dissenters have little access to Tunisian media, criticism is voiced and aired to Tunisia via satellite and radio programming from the Middle East and Europe. Several journalist, human rights activists and those expression political dissent have been harassed and even jailed for voicing criticism of the Tunisian government in foreign media broadcasts and interviews. On June 26, Sihem Ben Sedrine, an editor of an online magazine was arrested upon her return to Tunisia after having participated in a debate on human rights on a London-based satellite TV station. Ben Sedrine was released in mid-august after strong international protests of her arrest, but she expects to stand for trial later. The international press freedom watchdog Reporters without Borders, or RSF, held a two day sit-in in front of the Tunisian National Tourism Board in Page 14 of 396 pages

19 Paris to protest her arrest. The sit-in spurred a row between RSF and the Association of Tunisian Journalists, which suspended relations with RSF. In November 2001, former presidential advisor Kamel El Tayef was arrested after criticizing Tunisia's leadership and security leaders to the French newspaper, Le Monde. In February 2002, El Tayef was sentenced to one-year imprisonment for insulting an agent in the performance of his duties and the disclosure of illegal facts by way of press. In December 2001, a Tunisian judge, Mokhtar Yahyaoui, was dismissed for openly criticizing the lack of judicial independence. Criticism of Tunisia's human rights practice has not been well received with the regime. However, little action to improve the situation has been taken, and the regime is showing more signs of a development toward increased authoritarianism, and the personal domination of President Ben Ali in Tunisian politics. When Ben Ali seized power in November 1987, constitution was amended, and the length of the presidency reduced from lifetime to three five-year terms. However, in July 2001, the ruling party, RCD, urged Ben Ali to run for a fourth term, in violation of the constitution. Several opposition parties vehemently opposed the move. President Ben Ali announced in November 2001 that the government was introducing "a fundamental constitutional reform bill... paving the way for the Republic of tomorrow." On May 26, 2002, a referendum was held to constitutionally extend the presidential term; raise the presidential candidate's age limit from 70 limit to age 75; give the president immunity during and after his term; strengthen the grantee of human rights; protect privacy rights; amend the Electoral Code; introduce a bi-cameral parliament; and extend the powers of the Constitutional Council, as well as introduce a two-round presidential election. President Ben Ali reiterated in the first half of 2002 that the proposed constitutional changes would keep Tunisia firmly on the path to democracy. A bi-cameral parliament, called the Chamber of Advisors, and a two-round presidential election would enhance multi-party democracy, he asserted. The opposition argued the changes to the constitution would be the death of democracy and the birth of a dictatorship based on the fact that with the proposed changes to presidential terms and age limits, Ben Ali could be president for life. According to the Tunisian government, over 99 percent of the voters voted in favor of the referendum. Human and Civil Rights Throughout the latter part of 2002 and early 2003, human rights issues continued to dominate headlines in the country. In mid-june 2002, the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH) released its 2001 report, which expressed concern about the "deterioration" of human rights in the country, combined with what it said was the "deplorable" situation in its prisons. Page 15 of 396 pages

20 The report went on to say that 2001 went down as a year of the repression of human rights activists, marked by acts of violence, trials and "iniquitous sentences." It said "the press is not free and the journalists are muzzled," and described conditions in the country's prisons as "alarming," citing the death of nine inmates in 2001, "in unexplained circumstances." In late June 2002, Tunisian activist Zouhair Yahyaoui, founder and manager of TUNeZINE, an Internet site hostile to the government, was handed a 28-month jail sentence. The 34-year old computer scientist was arrested earlier in the month on charges of "spreading false information." Another case in particular drew global attention. In mid-july 2002, Human Rights Watch called for the immediate and unconditional release of detained Tunisian journalist, Hamma Hammami, saying he was "unjustly imprisoned for exercising his rights to peaceful political expression and activities." Hammami is the spokesperson of the Tunisian Communist Workers Party (Parti Communiste des ouvriers Tunisiens, PCOT), which the government had refused to legalize. The New York-based rights group demanded that the continuing harassment by police of Hammami's wife, outspoken human rights lawyer Radhia Nasraoui, and their daughters "must stop." On June 26, 2002, Nasraoui launched an open-ended hunger strike calling for the release of her husband and an end to police harassment of the family. The strike ended in early August in France, where Nasraoui was hospitalized. By the end of her 37-day strike, Nasraoui's doctors said that her immune system had deteriorated and she suffered from mineral deficiency. However, the dedicated lawyer and activist announced planned to create an association to combat torture. She also proposed that every February 2, the day of her husband's judgment and imprisonment, be observed as "day for the independence of the judiciary" in Tunisia. Arrests continued. On Aug. 19, 2002, Tunisian journalist Abdallah Zouari was sentenced to eight months in prison for failing to adhere to the conditions for his release barely three months after he was released from jail. Zouari, 46, worked for the Al Fajr weekly, owned by the banned Tunisian Islamic movement "Ennahdha" and was sentenced to 11 years' imprisonment in April 1991 by a military Court for "belonging to an illegal organization." Zouari had been released on June 6, but placed under house arrest in southern Tunisia. Politics and Policy Not all news in 2002 was unpleasant, however. There were indications of positive changes on the part of President Ben Ali. In early August, former Tunisian Prime Minister Mohamed Mzali, 77, returned to his native country following what he described as a "forced exile" of 15 years in Europe. Mzali attributed his return to the calm "national climate that President Ben Ali has put in place in Tunisia." Then, in September 2002, President Ben Ali reshuffled his cabinet, reducing the number of Page 16 of 396 pages

21 portfolios from 29 to 25. Ben Ali said his objective was to "instill more dynamism and efficiency in government operations." By October 2002, observers were touting the naming of Naziha Zarrouk as the Tunisian Ambassador to Lebanon as a signal of the increasing role of women in the country's diplomacy and decision-making process. Zarrouk, a former cabinet member, joined other women ambassadors that were at the time representing Tunisia in France, the Netherlands and Norway. She was the tenth Tunisian woman to be appointed as ambassador overseas since Another advance in Tunisia's diplomatic establishment was the naming of Saida Chtioui as Secretary of State (junior minister) of Foreign Affairs, in the cabinet reshuffle. Chtioui, a former ambassador to Switzerland, became one of six women cabinet members. Prior to the reshuffle, there were four. The increasing number of women in diplomacy and politics was part of a general policy aimed at widening the role of women in all branches of the decision-making process, according to government officials. The impact of such policies has been felt in the legislative branch, with the Tunisian parliament boasting the highest percentage of women members in the Arab world. By November 2002, President Ben Ali seemed to continue to challenge critics when he granted executive pardon to six opposition leaders on as the nation marked the 15th anniversary of his accession to power. Tunisian proletarian communist party (POCT) members Abdeljabbar Maddouri and Ammar Amroussia were among beneficiaries of the presidential clemency. POCT leader Hamma Hammami, convicted during the same trial, was conditionally freed in September "for health reasons" after his wife's aforementioned hunger strike. Also benefiting from the presidential pardon were Islamist journalist Abdallah Zouari (mentioned above) and Ahmed Laâmari, Fethi Karoud et Khaled Khaldi. The government also freed prominent opposition figure, Mohamed Moaâda, and recognized the party of Mustapha Ben Jaâfar, the democratic forum for labor and liberties (FDTL,) which had been operating semi-legally. Recent Developments The issue of human rights issues didn't appear to be dying down as 2003 began. In early January, authorities lifted a travel ban on Tunisian academic and rights activist Sadri Khiari that had been effective for two years. Khiari, who is a founding member of the Tunisian National Council on Freedoms (CNLT) had been barred several times from leaving the country to go France where he was due to defend a Ph.D thesis in political science at Paris VIII University. But then, on Jan. 24, 2003, seventeen Tunisian human rights activists in five European countries began a two-day hunger strike in "solidarity" with a journalist and an Islamist leader who are in Page 17 of 396 pages

22 prison in Tunisia: journalist and leading member of the Ennahda movement, Hammadi Jebali, and Zouhair Yahyaoui, founder of a dissident Internet site. As well, the organization Reporters Without Borders voiced its alarm over the deterioration in the state of Cyber-dissident Zouhair Yahyaoui. In March 2003, Human Rights Watch released another report -- this time alleging that lawyers in Tunisia were paying a high price for their growing human rights activism. The group reported on a series of recent measures that heighten pressure on lawyers who criticize the government. According to the group, plainclothes police assaulted several lawyers in separate incidents in downtown Tunis "with complete impunity." They also said Tunisian authorities had refused to legalize two human rights organizations founded recently by lawyers, while "the independentminded leadership of the national Bar Association is currently fighting a lawsuit challenging its authority to call a strike." On the heels of the country's 47th independence anniversary on March 20, in yet another surprising move, President Ben Ali granted more presidential pardons to an unspecified number of prisoners. Human rights organizations reported there were about 1,000 political prisoners in Tunisia, comprising mainly members of the banned Islamic movement, "Ennahdha." However, Tunisian officials denied the movement's members were political prisoners, arguing that they were convicted for non-political offenses. In the months leading up to the beginning of the United States-led war against Iraq in March 2003, Tunisian officials were extremely vocal against such an action and urged a peaceful solution. On March 17, 2003, Tunisian Foreign Minister Habib Ben Yahia went as far as to travel to Baghdad to discuss the situation with Iraqi leadership and convey a "message of peace" to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. As the war continued, Tunisian officials and citizens continued to express their opposition. A year later in March 2004, Tunisia shockingly cancelled the Arab summit, which it was set to host. Officials said the summit had been cancelled due to discord and dissent surrounding the proposed agenda. The summit was then rescheduled for later in the year. In mid-july 2004, the Tunisian government faced accusations by human rights groups that it had imprisoned approximately 20 political dissidents and kept them in solitary confinement. The government in Tunis denied the charges. On October 24, 2004, parliamentary and presidential elections were held. President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was re-elected to power for a fourth term with a landslide victory, illustrated by his capturing 94.5 percent of vote. His competitors, Mohamed Bouchiha and Mohamed Ali Halouani received 3.8 percent and one percent respectively. In the Chamber of Deputies, the president's Constitutional Democratic Rally won the vast majority of seats although Movement of Socialist Page 18 of 396 pages

23 Democrats, Party of People's Unity, Unionist Democratic Union, Al-Tajdid and Liberal Social Party won representation in parliament. A year later in mid-2005, Tunisia introduced an upper house to parliament. The new house was called the Chamber of Councillors and its membership has been composed of members of the ruling party. By late 2005, Tunisia was the host of a conference on the global information society, which was sponsored by the United Nations. While the country hoped to advance its image as one favorable to technological progress, the conference was marred by accusations of police harassment of both journalists and delegates. The government denied the allegations. In October 2006, Tunisian police were enforcing a 1981 decree that prohibits women from wearing Islamic dress, including headscarves and veils, in public places, such as schools and government offices. The government was intent on preserving Tunisia's secular landscape. To this end, the country's interior minister said that people wearing Islamic dress were exploiting religion for political objectives. As well, other officials said that items, such as headscarves, were a sectarian form of dress that was associated with violence and extremism. These positions appeared to reflect the view of President Zine El Abidine Ali who has restricted religiosity that could motivate Tunisia's outlawed Islamic opposition. On the other side of the equation, civil rights groups have decried the move by police as unconstitutional, saying that it weakens the basic freedoms of citizens. The issue of freedom of expression remained on the agenda in 2006 when Tunisia decided to close its embassy in Qatar in order to register discontent with perceived bias of the Qatar-based al- Jazeera media channel. This was due to the fact that al-jazeera had broadcast statements made by a well-knowntunisian dissident, Moncef Marzouki, in which he encouraged peaceful resistance of the Tunisian government. The year 2006 also saw the main opposition party, the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), elect May Eljeribi as its leader. It was a landmark moment in Tunisia since Eljeribi is a woman. By 2007, Islamist militants from Algeria were accused of operating from across the border in Algeria into Tunisia. Clashes between the Islamic extremists, known as Salafists, and the Tunisian military forces led to the deaths of about a dozen people. Elections of 2009 Primer on Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of Tunisia -- Note that Oct. 25, 2009, was the date set for Tunisia's new presidential and parliamentary Page 19 of 396 pages

24 elections. Four candidates were expected to contest the presidential election. Incumbent President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of the Constitutional Democratic Rally was hoping for yet another term in office. He was eligible in the aftermath of an amendment to the constitution in 2004, which permitted his candidacy. The president campaigned on the basis of his economic stewardship, manifest in the country's large middle class, as well as his administration over the country's political reform and more moderate laws, as compared with other Muslim countries. The other candidates were Ahmed Ibrahim of Movement Ettajdid, Mohamed Bouchiha of Party of People's Unity, and Ahmed Inoubli of Unionist Democratic Union. At the parliamentary level, some of the main parties and party lists contesting the election included: Constitutional Democratic Rally, Movement Ettajdid, Party of People's Unity and Unionist Democratic Union. Candidates from the parties and party lists were reported to be in the full swing of the campaign in the months leading up to the election. According to Tunisia Online, they were visiting voters in the field, erecting posters and distributing their electoral manifestos. Ahead of the elections, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali promised that the elections would be held in a transparent and democratic manner. He also said that he expected to elections to be monitored by international independent observers. Despite these assurances about the free and fair conduct of the elections, there have been some concerns about constraints on media freedom as well as limits on freedoms of expression and assembly. Such a climate was not helpful to opposition parties and presidential candidates. By Oct. 26, 2009, it was announced by the Interior Ministry that Tunisian President Zine al- Abidine Ben Ali had advanced a strong lead over the other candidates. Subsequently, the Interior Ministry showed that Ben Ali won the election by garnering percent of the vote, and thus, had secured a fifth term in office after two decades in power. Meanwhile, Mohamed Bouchiha, General Secretary of People's Unity Party, Ahmed Inoubli, the candidate of Unionist Democratic Union, and Ahmed Brahim, the leader of the Ettajdid movement, secured five percent, 3.8 percent, and 1.57 percent respectively. At the parliamentary level, the ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally won 161 seats of the 214 seats at stake. The remaining 53 seats were shared by six of the eight opposition parties. Special Report: Tunisia's "Jasmine Revolution" Summary A popular uprising in Tunisia against unemployment, inflation, corruption and political repression by the government led to violent clashes, and a rising death toll. Despite earlier promises of new Page 20 of 396 pages

25 leadership to come in three years, Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country in mid-january 2011 leaving a mixture of hope and anxiety regarding the future of a country once viewed as one of the most stable in North Africa. Background At the start of the second week of January 2011, demonstrators protesting unemployment and a lack of freedom in towns across Tunisia turned violent and several people were reported to have died. The climate of unrest appeared to have been sparked when in December 2010 a university graduate -- Mohammed Bouazizi --set himself ablaze to protests the confiscation of his fruit and vegetables by police, and the lack of job opportunities in Tunisia. Police at the time said he had been selling the provisions without a necessary permit but people railed against the move, which they viewed as an affront to basic freedom in a country already beset with unemployment. The list of complaints by the people had expanded from unemployment and political repression by the government, to include high food prices, as well as corruption and nepotism from among Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's inner circle. Later in the month, a protester was shot to death in central Tunisia, exacerbating the already-dire civil situation as protests spread to the capital city of Tunis. By the start of the year in 2011, Mohammed Bouazizi had died from his wounds and riots led to an increased death toll in the towns of Thala, Kasserine and Regueb. In Thala and Kasserine, there were reported that police opened fire on the protesters. With an eye on clarifying this development, the Interior Ministry released a statement in which it noted that police had fired only in selfdefense, and the the aftermath of an attack by the protesters on public buildings. The statement read as follows: "Several government buildings in Kasserine were attacked by groups who set fire to and destroyed three banks, a police station and a filling station and set fire to a police vehicle. The police fired in the air but the crowds continued, and the police acted out of legitimate selfdefense." The leader of the opposition Progressive Democratic Party, Ahmed Najib Chebbi, urged Tunisian President Ben Ali to "call an immediate ceasefire to spare the lives of innocent citizens and respect their right to protest." By the second week of January 2011, the death toll had increased since the start of the riots in December Police fired tear gas at the crowds, in the hopes of dispersing the angry gatherings. Clashes were ongoing as hundreds of youth vandalized businesses, a bank and government buildings. In response, troops were deployed in the capital city of Tunis, and schools and universities were closed. Moreover, the protest movement was taking on a wider, antigovernmental dimension as computer hackers attacked Tunisian government websites. That move appeared geared toward protesting government censorship of websites and delivering the message that political repression would be resisted. In response, arrests were made ofbloggers and political activists, and President Ben Ali was placing the blame for the political crisis gripping Tunisia on "terrorists." Page 21 of 396 pages

26 On the political front, on Jan. 12, 2011, President Zine el-abidine Ben Ali sacked Interior Minister Rafik Belhaj Kacem and named Ahmed Friaa as the new cabinet minister. The move to fire Rafik Belhaj Kacem came in the aftermath of accusations that police used excessive force to end the aforementioned riots. Indeed, Tunisia came under criticism from the international community for its harsh treatment of the demonstrators. Meanwhile, Prime Minister MohamedGhannouchi said that individuals detained since the start of the riots were being released. He also announced the establishment of an inquiry commission charged with investigating offenses committed during the riots. The exit of Ben Ali President Ben Ali had hoped that the sacking of the interior minister, followed by Prime Minister Ghannouchi's announcement about the inquiry, would assuage the political detractors and protesters. However, the spirit of rebellion in Tunisia was not to be easily or quickly quelled. Instead, thousands of protesters took to the streets in unprecedented demonstrations and rallies, demanding that President Ben Ali step down from office. The army and police -- originally deployed to repress the rioting and popular rebellion -- were now standing aside, preferring not to intervene on behalf of the Tunisian authorities. With an eye on taking control of the political crisis gripping the country, President Ben Ali -- who had governed the country since announced on Jan. 13, 2011, that he would step down from office in 2014 and elections would be held at that time. President Ben Ali additionally promised to address food inflation as well as Internet censorship. Speaking of his decision to end his political career in 2014, President Ben Ali said in a televised national address that there was "no presidency for life" in Tunisia and that he would not entertain legal changes that would allow him to stand for a further term in President Ben Ali also expressed "very, very deep and massive regret" over the deaths of civilians during the protests and said that he had called on troops to cease firing on protesters except in cases of self-defense. But President Ben Ali's overtures were not met with gratitude from a patient public. Now, the sense of urgency in the popular uprising had intensified to new levels and protesters rejected the promise of Ben Ali's exit in three years. Instead, the protesters defied the state of emergency by continuing their anti-government demonstrations and rallies. Furthermore, they demanded the president's immediate resignation from the political field, asserting that Tunisia would not achieve genuine democracy with Ben Ali at the helm. Human rights activist Mohamed Abbou dismissed President Ben Ali's promises saying the president was "fooling the Tunisians with promises that have no tomorrow." Given the political landscape, foreign nationals -- many of them leisure visitors in a country deeply dependent on tourism for revenue and jobs -- were leaving Tunisia in droves. Several countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, warned their citizens against non- Page 22 of 396 pages

27 essential travel to Tunisia for security reasons, while international travel companies and airlines were canceling trips and flights to Tunisia. As well, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warned that without real economic and political reform in Tunisia, the country would continue to grapple with unrest -- a condition that was applicable to countries throughout the Arab world in the Middle East and the Maghreb. On Jan. 14, 2011, a day after President Ben Ali promised to step down from power in three years time, the Tunisian president was reported to have fled the country. Earlier, the president dissolved his government and the country's parliament, and declared a state of emergency. Prime MinisterGhannouchi said he would now serve as interim president and that he was in control of the country. Prime Minister Ghannouchi depicted President Ben Ali's absence as temporary although reports indicated that President Ben Ali had left the country with his family -- potentially seeking exile elsewhere. French media reported that President Ben Ali's request to land his aircraft in France had been rejected by French President NicolasSarkozy. Subsequent media reports suggested that Ben Ali and his family had arrived in Saudi Arabia. These reports were confirmed when a statement was released by the Saudi Arabian monarchy. It read as follows: "Out of concern for the exceptional circumstances facing the brotherly Tunisian people and in support of the security and stability of their country, the Saudi government has welcomed President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and his family to the kingdom." In a speech broadcast via state media, Prime Minister Ghannouchi said, "Since the president is unable to exercise his duties, it has been decided that the prime minister will exercise temporarily the (presidential) duties."ghannouchi, a former finance minister who had served as prime minister in Tunisia since 1999, said: "I assume responsibilities of the president." He also promised to "respect the law and to carry out the political, economic and social reforms that have been announced." The existing state of emergency was also to be maintained, which included a ban on public gatherings and a night-time curfew. In an alarming development, the interim powers said that security forces had been authorized to open fire on people not adhering to the restrictions. But Prime Minister Ghannouchi -- acting as president -- remained in that role for only one day. On Jan. 15, 2011, Tunisia's Parliamentary Speaker Fouad Mebazaa took office as acting president. Striking a very different tone from Ghannouchi, Mebazaa called for calm and spoke of democracy in Tunisia. Acting President Mebazaa's authority was reified by the Constitutional Court, which also confirmed that former President Ben Ali had "definitively" left power. For his part, Acting President Mebazaa offered a nationally-broadcast address in which he said that Tunisia would see "a better political life which will include democracy, plurality and active participation for all the children of Tunis." He also urged citizens to heed the interim authorities' security directives as follows: "I appeal to all of you to fight for the national interest and to respect the army's command and the national security in security matters, and to preserve private Page 23 of 396 pages