1 Introduction. Laura Werup Final Exam Fall 2013 IBP Pol. Sci.
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1 1 Introduction 1.1 Background A distinction has been drawn between domestic and international realms of politics, reflecting differences between what occurs within the state and what occurs in relations between states (Heywood:2013:434). This paper discusses differences between the character of political power domestic and international politics. It argues and concludes that domestic political power and international political power are derived from and recognized by fundamentally different sources. Domestic political power is derived partly from law, partly from the hard power within the sovereign state, whereas international political power comes from the binding resolutions and international agreements build upon international collaboration. As the global environment is changing, the advent of an interdependent world has cast significant doubt upon the viability of these distinctions (Heywood:2013:26). I have therefore chosen to build this assignment on questioning how the concept of legitimacy may be applied in order to political power is it possible to reach legitimacy beyond the sovereign state to the international context? How can international cooperation redistribute domestic power between state and society? Redistribution generally empowers national executives, permitting them to loosen domestic constraints imposed by legislatures, interest groups, and other societal actors. These shifts as domestic influence have important consequences for the nature of international cooperation and the salience of state sovereignty remains however crucial for the singular voice (Moravesik:1994). 1.2 Purpose and method In order to justify my investigation, the first part offers three variables that will define and structure the framework for my argumentation. Based on theories from scholars (1) Power and Politics (2) Legitimacy (3) New Institutionalism and Sovereignty are key concepts as they give weight when examining power in various contexts. With my concepts defined, I will analyse legitimacy in its broadest sense: what are the challenges? How does the global development affect domestic power if the state sovereignty is confronted? The empirical point of departure will draw on the growth of human rights and how the United Nations on institutional basis can be seen as encounter to state power. Before concluding, I will in the third section look into how rethinking balance of power might shape and influence discussions in this field illustrated upon the notions hard - and soft power. 1
2 Given the limited remit of my paper I have decided to make a mainly theoretical argument with narrow use of examples. Commonly, the differences between the character of political power in international and domestic politics, would have been a relevant case study of the 1990 s Liberia s example of a failed power state (Heywood:2013:77). However, due to limited time and space I have chosen to exclude any case study from this paper. 2 Key concepts 2.1 Power Power is probably the most fundamental concept of political analysis because politics is, in essence, power: the ability to achieve a desired outcome for a particular purpose (Heywood:2013:10). I will in this assignment review contributions of Dahl, Bachrach & Baratz, and Lukes to understand the multiple faces of power. Dahl made judgements about who had power by analysing decisions of the known preferences of the actors involved (Dahl:1961). This implies that different interests collide and result in that A gets B to do something B would not otherwise have done (ibid). Trough the lens of Bachrach and Baratz, the second face of power the ability to prevent decisions being made (Heywood:2013:9). This involves the ability to control the political agenda. The third face is what Lukes denominates as ideological power, which reminds of the second model, but aspires on real interests where forced consciousness and psychological control enforces the meaning (ibid). Lukes power is applicable in the different stages of the policy process where agenda setting is of importance. Controlling the agenda implements a lot of power and impact on the policy formulation where negotiation takes place (Heywood:2013:10). 2.2 Power politics Heywood alleges that politics is the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under which they live (Heywood:2013:3). Linked to the phenomena of conflict and cooperation, politics draw a picture of being the reason through which people either create or achieve compromising in disagreements. The general discussions about defining politics may however shift broadly depending on context and ideological approaches. In this assignment I have chosen to see politics as the exercise of power as the assignment reflects upon how political power may differentiate in various contexts. 2
3 2.2.1 The domestic environment Domestic politics is defined as being the state s role in maintaining order and carrying out regulations within its own boarders (Heywood:2013:23). Based on Dahl, I conclude that Dahl s decision making power will undermine social classes in the domestic system as one always will be strained to obey commands from another. This pluralist view in which Dahl expresses democracy as a competition between parties at election time and the ability of interest groups to articulate their views, establishes a link between the government and the governed (Heywood:2013:101). Some social groups will however always remain nonrepresented, and some groupings in society will be weaker than others. Since most people exercise power by voting and representation, the expansion of very large political constructions would imply increasing difficulties to hear the singular voice. This is a first difference between the political power in domestic and international politics as we might be moving beyond the state into a global structure (Jackson, Sørensen:2013:196). The community-based society, the individual and its identities might be extinguished in a cosmopolite democracy where increasingly porous boarders and universal norms pose a threat to the state (ibid) International environment International politics is defined as being the relations between or among states (Heywood:2013:23). Bachrach and Baratz together with Lukes means that the one who is setting the agenda will gain the most out of it. Politics can be thus be seen as a struggle over scarce resources and power can be seen as the means through which this struggle is conducted (Heywood:2013:10). An empirical example of an institution that can control the agenda and contrasts the pluralistic view that Dahl supports is the UN Security Council (UNSC) in the United Nations (UN). The UNSC is the most powerful body in the UN with 15 members, but is dominated by the 5 permanent veto powers which can block decisions made by other members of the council (Heywood:2013:438). Veto, in its broadest sense means that a minority of sources maintain increased scope of authority. This means, in practice, that UNSC legislation is fraught with problems, the most fundamental being the lack of clarity of the legislative acts and the question of implementation when the major power is in hand of five main actors on the international arena (ibid). What can be seen is that power and politics are universal phenomena and essentially contested concepts due to 3
4 their many acceptable and legitimate meanings (Heywood:2013:2). What is being legitimate is therefore of useful knowledge to enable further analysis. 2.3 Legitimacy As a key to political stability, legitimacy represents the source of a regime s survival and success (Heywood: 2013:81). It plays a crucial role as it creates a direct link to the conception of democracy (ibid). Some associate legitimacy with the justification of coercive power and directly intertwined with political authority. Authority stands for a right to rule a right to issue commands and possibly enforcement of these commands using coercive power (ibid). Max Weber put forward an influential account of legitimacy that excludes any option to normative criteria. He considers that a political regime is legitimate when its participants have certain beliefs or faith in regard to it: the basis of every system of authority, and correspondingly of every kind of willingness to obey, is a belief, a belief by virtue of which persons exercising authority are lent prestige (Weber:1964:382). Weber differentiates among descriptive concepts of legitimacy, shown as the acceptance of authority and the need to obey its commands. Faith in a particular social order produces social regularities that are increasingly stable than those resulting from the pursuit of self-interest or from habitual rule following (Weber:1964:124). In this broadest view, legitimacy explains why the use of political power by a particular body, for example a government or a state is acceptable and why there is a moral duty to obey its commands. A further and slightly more liberal interpretation of legitimacy is what John Rawls suggest: if conditions for legitimacy are not met, political bodies exercise power outside their authority and the commands they might produce do then not entail any obligation to obey (Rawls: 1993). This is a normative approach that frames the problem of legitimacy: how can any particular set of basic laws legitimately be imposed upon a pluralistic citizenry? Rawls solution to this problem begins with the hope that citizens will be reasonable and rational (Wenar: 2013) as well as he distinguishes legitimacy from the concept of justice. That is to say, political institutions may be unjust but legitimate. 2.4 New Institutionalism and State Sovereignty Since 1980, the emergence of what was called new institutionalism put traces in history (Heywood:2013:15). Political institutions are no longer equated with political organisations; 4
5 they are thought as sets of rules, which guide or constrain the behaviour of individual actors (ibid). This helps to explain why institutions are often difficult to reform, transform or replace. The UN for example, is embedded in a particular normative and historical context and it is hard to distinguish the organisation independent as such. Almost every country and sovereign state is today represented, and a salient issue has become whether the state s sovereignty is threatened by the international collaboration or not. Sovereignty exclaims the principle of absolute and unlimited power (Heywood:2013:58) and institutions may have eroding implications of state sovereignty as power might be increasingly based around institutions and their global impact (Opello, Rosow:2004:246). Max Weber initially highlighted the importance of sovereignty, focusing on monopoly of the legitimate use of force (Weber: 1978:54). Sovereignty and the need of identification, such as being in unity with a specified territory is an important aspect of exercising authority through a set of permanent institutions (Heywood:2013:57). Even if UN is an institution that might challenge the concept of sovereignty, it nevertheless depicts how the importance of autonomy is still represented. The original 51 members in UN from year 1945 reached 193 members in 2011, shows how the state has become the most universal form of political organization (Heywood:2013:60). As international bodies might have undermined the capacity of states to operate as self-governing political units, it is however decisive that states and their sovereignty must still be of major concern. I find this evidence crucial to embrace as it reflects the influence state sovereignty has on international collaboration. This gives face to a second major difference between international and domestic politics in terms of power and how the domestic politics must remain stable in order to meet international conditions. 3 Analysis 3.1 The decay of state sovereignty The institutional framework of the state where power is bound, this state-based paradigm is one in which politics has a distinct dimension or territorial character (Heywood:2013:23). What is concerned with the state s role in maintaining order, security and regulation within its own boarders or even across boarders? In this meaning, sovereignty, the supreme authority of the state, is one of the values to include as it reveals another major difference between power in the sense that the states got its own ability to maintain power instead of being under oppression by a higher institution. The question of what is being domestic or 5
6 international has shown a pervasive crisis walking hand in hand with the growth of globalisation. This is of anarchic character, derived from the fact that there is no authority in the international sphere higher than the sovereign state (Hay:2002). 3.2 The salience of sovereignty and individual protection Sovereignty is thus one of the most vital resources in order to provide a safe environment for the individual and a powerful state. Hobbes argued that the absence of a state or sovereign power compared with a state of nature where the state of nature is one of anarchy i.e. absence of government. The latter would not include social order which can be seen as the source of absolute authority and protection (Hobbes:1988). Sovereignty creates the important system of order that citizens need in terms of security, freedom and liberty in their domestic atmosphere. Without sovereignty, the state and protection the international politics as a state of nature would imply a self-help system where only the individual could rely on oneself for survival. When a man relies on himself he lives according to Hobbes in continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short (Hobbes:1988). 4 How to obtain legitimacy beyond the state? What I have pushed on so far is the domestic state s own ability to, through the concept of sovereignty, obtain legitimate power. As Weber s definition of legitimacy entails that a government is an acceptable ground of taking legitimate decisions, could this then be challenged on an international level? Arguable is that the legitimacy that the UN conveys can ensure that the greatest number of states are able and willing to take collective action against collective threats (Hurd:2008:2). An institution that exercises legitimated power is in position of authority. In IR, this means that a legitimated international organization possesses sovereign authority (ibid). The international system includes diverse actors with legitimated power and so has diverse locations of sovereign authority (Hurd:2008:3). If the UNSC cannot fulfil is means does it then really have the power it was intended to have? On the one hand, the entire UN conceptual structure is established on the recognition and legitimation of the sovereignty of individual states, and it is thus planted directly within the old framework of international rights defined by pacts and agreements. On the other hand, this process of legitimisation is effective only insofar as it transfers sovereign rights to a real 6
7 supranational centre (Hurd:2008:4). The UNSC is thus awarded with tremendous formal power by the UN Charter and with primary authority in the international system over questions of international peace and security. 4.1 Challenge one: the growth of human rights Consequently, the acknowledgment of international duties after World War II led to the acknowledgement of international rights. This recognition of accountability was accordingly codified as the fundamental Universal Declaration of Human Rights agreed upon in December 1948 by the general assembly of the United Nations. It outlines a detailed list of Human Rights that are to be upheld by all nations and enjoyed by all individuals. The clear, universal standard in the Declaration legitimizes going above and beyond any of the states domestic laws. The United Nations Declaration suggests that a nations actions, its laws and its fully existence should mirror the standards found in this very document. The Universal Declarations of Human Rights was hence never intended to be an optional set of guidelines, but a binding doctrine that challenged both behaviour and authority within a state. In particular, it challenges the states power to create any law it desires, placing a framework of values upon the state and holding it accountable to a superior system. Hurd argues that the UNSC is not just a talk shop as it wield authority because it represents the collective sentiment of the international community (Hurd:2008). However, this tremendous power is not according to democratic rule, completely legitimate as it shows a representation that is unequally represented and structured in the hands of a very few. Democratic states can therefore, hypothetically, reject international laws established by UNSC, because of its lack in democratic accountability. 4.2 Challenge two: international framework does it work? The issue with international framework is that states will only corporate as long as it will make absolute gains as a result (Heywood:2013:433). Liberals argue that global governance is a meaningful development as it provides an alternative to the international anarchy of old. However, as the government works as the sovereign apparatus in the state, the international system must thus be of anarchic nature. As long as a state can get acknowledged as a sovereign entity by constitutional independence, the international legal recognition will pave the way for membership of the UN, access to the World Bank and the general International 7
8 Society (Jackson, Sørensen:2004:23). Constitutional independence is essential for juridical statehood where the degree of independence indicates that no foreign state claims or has any legal authority over a state (ibid). Recognition is therefore significant in order to become an international player. However, the problem lies in the fact that not every country is independent and recognized as such. Local actors will always aim to maximize their own power instead of involving partition where existing states would lose territory, power and legitimacy. It would thus be very difficult to create a stable international environment in places where civil war and broken unities are of significant matters. If partition became an accepted practice, it would undermine international stability (Jackson, Sørensen:2004:23). The international framework would thus require alternative institutional structures that will last on a quasi-permanent basis and a system of such nature would require time and many resources to develop (Krasner:1999). The political power will therefore remain shifting in a domestic and international environment, as the world as whole has not become as orderly and norm-governed as it today might be exaggerated to be (Heywood:2013:434). Some parts of the world might however be more established and hegemon in terms of power than others. Take Europe, for instance, as EU s success in combining sovereignty and dismissing balance-of-power politics. Europe may however be an exception when many parts of the world are still under less affection of international, collaborating power (Heywood:2013:434). 5 Rethinking the balance of power Since the system of powerful states seems likely to persist indefinitely as a primary feature of international politics, balance of power theory can be expected to remain strong (Jackson, Sørensen:2013:89). However, if classical power balance might decrease in importance as the world is in constant change, the connotations of hard- and soft power will come to play a vital role in determine the character of political power in international and domestic politics. 5.1 Hard power Classical realism emphasises how the balance of power is a valuated political objective that promotes nation security, upholds order and makes the independence of states possible (Jackson, Sørensen:2013:88). Intervention is constrained by international law and hard power is the tool to make it feasible. The search for security is therefore linked to the pursuit of 8
9 order, which is being resolved in the domestic territory by the existence of a sovereign state (Heywood:2013:400). Domestic security raises the importance of the coercive state the military and how the issue of security often is pressed in international politics because the environment is anarchical (ibid). Is then international conflict inevitable thought cooperation? Todays emerging global politics do not permit one to rely on simply hard power as an anarchical environment maintains a lack of law and political order. The realistic approach is in this sense, challenging to the liberal idea that regimes exists because of the states will to cooperate. However, in use of hard power, the differences between political power will always remain as long as there is use of only hard power as for example, military regimes tend to be short lived because they rely on coercive power in the absence of legitimacy (Heywood:2013:420). 5.2 Soft power Also termed co-optive power, the soft power is the ability to structure a situation so that other nations develop preferences or define their interests in ways consistent with their own nation (Jackson, Sørensen: 2013:313). This approach corresponds on Lukes ideological concept of power as preferences tends to be associated with abstract assets such as a convincing personalities, institutions and a vision that is seen as legitimate (Haugaard:2002). Simply put, in communicative terms, soft power is attractive power, which interferes with leaders of domestic and international politics. In this sense the process of obtaining power to build a platform in order to achieve goals not just for the very state, also for the whole political, international circle creates a primary similarity between political power in domestic and international context. However, the form of government is radically different. The concept of human security has shifted thinking about security away from the environment and towards the individual. The international community s capacity to banish violence and insecurity is hence false and the conclusion will still be that the faces of power will differ between the domestic and international arena as long as democracy is build on the kratos. 9
10 6 Conclusion My paper concludes that there are several differences between the ways in which domestic and international political power is yielded and exercised. First, state power is derived from democracy where the territory should protect the individuals living within it. Thus, boarders and boundaries are of significance for preservation of domestic political power and for individual accountability. Second, as state-based politics have come under pressure of developments associated with global expansion, some differences will be hard to distinguish at a citizen s scale when national and international laws generally are intertwined with each other. In that sense, sovereignty is estimated as the supreme authority of the state and creates the important system of order that citizens need for maintenance of individual security, freedom and liberty. Finally it is clear that international institutions derive power from negotiations and partnership and cannot replace the state in terms of power, because of their permanent sets of rules and difficulties in replacement result in lacks of legitimacy. Contrary I found that the power process of achieving results in a political order is the same in both the domestic and international environment. However as sovereignty today is estimated to be the supreme authority of the state, I can finally conclude that differences will remain. Implementation of international cooperation can redistribute domestic power resources between state and society, otherwise power has been, and continues to be, the subject of an extended and heated debate. 10
11 7 Bibliography Literature Dahl, R. (1982), p. 5, Dilemmas of pluralist democracy, Yale University Press Dahl, R. (1961), Who governs? Democracy and Power in an American City, Yale University press Hay, C. (2002), Political Analysis: a critical introduction, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan Haugaard, M., (2002), Power: a reader, Manchester, Manchester University Press Heywood, A. (2013) Politics (4 th ed.), Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan Hobbes, T. and Macpherson, C.B., (1988), Leviathan, London, Penguin Hurd, Ian (2008), After Anarchy: Legitimacy and Power in the United Nations Security Council, Princeton: Princeton University Press Jackson, R., Sørensen, G. (2013), Introduction to International Relations, 5 th edition, Oxford, Oxford University Press Krasner, S.D., (1999), Sovereignty: organised hypocrisy, Princeton, Princeton University Press Moravesik, A., (1994), Why the European Union strengthens the state: Domestic politics and international cooperation, New York, Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association Opello, W.C. Jr., Rosow, S.J., (2004), The Nation-state and Global Order, 2 nd ed., London, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. Rawls, J., (1993), Political Liberalism, New York: Columbia University Press Weber, M. (1987), p. 54, Economy and Society, University of California Press Data Wenar, L., (2013), "John Rawls", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2013 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), retrieved dec 18, 2013 < 11
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