democratic union European Election 2014 Parties, manifestos and candidates PDU READER

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1 project for democratic union European Election 2014 Parties, manifestos and candidates PDU READER

2 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates May 2014 Editorial team: James Bartholomeusz, Korbinian Rueger, Daniel Schade (V.i.S.d.P.) Layout: Daniel Schade Image credits: Cover image A birdlike view of the plenary chamber courtesy of European Parliament via Flickr, Creative Commons 2.0 Attribution. Parliamentary group logos courtesy of the different parliamentary groups. P.5: Jean-Claude Juncker courtesy of European People s Party via Flickr, Creative Commons 2.0 Attribution. P. 7: Martin Schulz in Esterwegen courtesy of Matthias Groote via Flickr, Creative Commons 2.0 Attribution. Other content released under Creative Commons 2.0 Attribution non-commercial. Project for Democratic Union (PDU) Kaulbachstraße Munich Germany munichoffice@democraticunion.eu 2 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

3 Contents This reader gives an overview over the two main contenders for the post of Commisison President and outlines the positions of the current parliamentary groups in the European Parliament ahead of the 2014 Parliamentary election. The main contenders 4 Jean-Claude Juncker 6 Martin Schulz Political Parties 8 European Peoples Party (EPP) 10 Socialists and Democrats (S&D) 12 Liberals and Democrats (ALDE) 14 Greens/European Free Alliance (EFA) 16 United Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL) 18 Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) 3

4 By Maxence Salendre Jean-Claude Juncker Due to his long tenure as Luxemburg s head of government the candidate of the European Peoples Party is one of the longest-serving European-level politicians. It s under a shy but warming Irish sun that the Emerald Isle celebrated its economic return to grace within EU circles on March 7 during the European People s Party convention. In a reinvigorating family meeting hosted at the Dublin Convention Centre, EPP members, European conservative MPs and right-wing supporters celebrated the Irish recovery and discussed electoral strategy. But the real purpose was elsewhere. The real question was: Who would lead the conservative troops to the forthcoming electoral assault of May 22-25? 382 votes later Luxembourg s former Prime Minister Jean-Claude Jüncker defeated French European Commissioner for internal market and services Michel Barnier (245 votes). A true European This vote is but the next step for a man whose political aura grew alongside the development of the EU. A development he also spearheaded. Born in December 1954 in Redange-sur-Attert (Luxemburg), a graduate in law from the University of Strasbourg, his election to the Luxemburgish Parliament as member of the Christian Social People s Party launched his political career. After serving in various Luxemburgish ministries (Minister for Finance, Labour and Budget) and leading the Economic and Financial Affairs Council which co-authored the economic and monetary union sections of the Maastricht Treaty, he was nominated as Luxembourg s Prime Minister in Remaining in office until 2013 he became one of the longest serving Prime Ministers of the European Union. His knowledge of financial affairs and EU circles also proved essential during his office as first President of the EuroGroup between 2005 and His European involvement was topped in 1998 with the granting of the Vision for Europe Award in recognition of outstanding achievements in taking Europe into the future. It is an award he shares with Jacques Santer, Helmut Kohl, Angela Merkel, Jean-Claude Trichet and Guy Verhofstadt, his future Liberal contender in the forthcoming 2014 European elections. A party with doubts However, let s not be fooled. Mr Juncker s nomination as EPP leader for the elections is a sign of the party s doubts. In his acceptance speech last week he was the first to stress the difficulties ahead: We have to explain why the EU is not a phenomenon of the past but a need of the future. In the midst of the worst economic crisis the EU has ever faced, with polls suggesting the 4 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

5 lowest turnout to an election which usually does not impassion EU citizens, the conservative members of the EPP need strong leadership. And there is no doubt that Mr Juncker s aura, knowledge and connections in EU circles will prove useful to a euro-party which needs to explain to people the reasons to current austerity measures in Europe and why their votes are essential to pursue the construction of an ever more intricate and politically united European Union. Majorities needed The EPP can currently align 270 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) against 218 for the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) led by European Parliament president Martin Schulz and 75 for the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party (ALDE) led by Guy Verhofstadt. The May elections will see the renewal of the mandates of the 750 MEPs and the leading party in the European Parliament will get the first chance to compose and submit a Commission to the European Council. With 13 seats of the Council held by EPP-friendly leaders, an EPP victory in May is likely to result in the nomination of Mr Juncker as President of the Commission in November Tout un programme The elections start looking like a race against the clock for an EPP that needs to convince the 500 million Europeans to support their political manifesto adopted in Dublin last week. Among the main measures are economic reform, growth-friendly budget consolidation, job creation, financial market reform and support to the European currency1. Insisting on its decisive actions in the field of unemployment, growth and jobs creation, the euro-party plans on strengthening European R&D, securing SMEs, developing the digital agenda, enforcing the green energy and climate change agenda, fighting tax evasion, tax fraud and rogue banking practices and reforming the Single Market. Reaffirming the ideas of individual freedom, dignity and stability in an ever-changing world whose globalised waves shatter the neighbouring shores of the EU in Ukraine, Turkey and North Africa, the EPP seeks to reassure and remobilise a scattered electorate which is quick to use the European Union as a scapegoat for its current structural, institutional and political problems. Tout un programme some might say. An agenda whose promotion will require all of Mr Juncker s talent. 5

6 By Benjamin Zeeb Martin Schulz The candidate of the Socialists and Progressives in the European Parliament, Martin Schulz is the second contender with a realistic chance of being the next Commission President. With the selection of Martin Schulz as the front-runner in this year s EU Parliamentary elections, the S&D decided to go with one of the Parliament s most prolific politicians. More precisely Schulz, like his main opponent, the EPP s Jean-Claude Juncker, belongs to that exclusive club of EU politicians of whom a decent number of Europeans might actually be able to recognize in a picture. That might not sound like much, but is indeed a great improvement over such previous contests. Other than Juncker, who served as Minister of Finance and later premier of his home country, Schulz is perhaps the first politician whose career was truly made within an EU institution. After having served as Mayor of Würselen, a small town in North Rhine-Westphalia, an office to which he was elected at the tender age of 31 in 1987, he went on to become an MEP in Schulz quickly rose within the Parliament and became the German SPD s leader in 2000, and headed the S&D parliamentary group from In 2012, he was elected the body s president. As such, he has been a staunch defender of the Parliament s rights vis a vis the Commission and Europe s heads of state who at times regard the Parliament s rising influence with a degree of sceptical anxiety. It was mainly Schulz and his team who succeed in really taking advantage of the new rules in place since the Treaty of Lisbon, allowing Europe s parliamentary factions to select candidates for the post of Commission President. While there is no legal certainty that the parliament s candidate will eventually accede to the post, the way that Schulz and Juncker were presented to the public in this year s campaign will make it very difficult for the European Council to nominate an alternative candidate lest they wish to propel the EU s oft cited democratic deficit once again to the centre of public attention. Even a defeat of Schulz the Commission candidate could thus lead to a victory of Schulz the President of the Parliament. 6 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

7 In this tight race, it is mainly his home country that might dim Schulz own prospects to become Commission President. While he is formally running against Juncker, German Christian Democrats are waging a campaign that rests firmly on Angela Merkel s popularity. It will be difficult to achieve a strong showing in Germany with the SPD having constantly undershot pollster s expectations in previous European races. Meanwhile, in other member-states, he might be perceived as the German candidate, the representative of the nation that already holds substantial sway over the Union and that recently pushed through economic policy in the eurozone that has brought many countries to the brink of social collapse. For the Schulz campaign, the unique challenge is on one hand to convince German voters, who make up a large part of the electorate, that he is actually running against Juncker, a candidate that despite his relative popularity in Germany is far more flawed than the ever-popular Merkel. Both Juncker s Luxembourgian origin, which many associate with chronic tax evasion, and his long-time attachment to the EU, an institution faulted by many for its legislative overreach or it s slow-speed development, provide openings to attack an otherwise formidable opponent. On the other hand, Schulz needs to play down his German roots when campaigning for votes in Europe s southern member-states, playing up his reserved position on the politics of austerity and his endorsement of euro bonds as a possible solution to the economic crisis. Whether or not Schulz can pull this off in a race, a race that pollsters at the moment see as too close to call, remains to be seen and is not a primary concern of the PDU. In that other race however, the struggle to invest the office of Commission President with real democratic legitimacy, and to reduce the European Council s appointment to a mere formality, we wish him and the entire European Parliament bonne chance. 7

8 By James Bartholomeusz European People s Party Currently the largest bloc in the European Parliament, the EPP aims to secure the post of Commission President for its candidate Jean- Claude Juncker. Following the trend of much domestic European politics, the two largest blocs in the Parliament are the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, on the centre-left, and the European People s Party, on the centre-right. The latter (abbreviated to the EPP) was officially founded in 1976, but was the amalgamation of various earlier Christian-democratic and centre-right organisations such as the International Secretariat of Democratic Parties of Christian Inspiration and the New International Teams (formed in 1926 and 1946 respectively). As one might expect, the party s ideology is a blend of conservatism and social-market capitalism, with a traditional religious persuasion. As of the 2009 elections the EPP is the largest bloc in the Parliament, with 274 MEPs, and the current president of the Commission, José Manuel Barroso, is also a party affiliate. It is the umbrella organisation for the majority of moderate Right-wing parties in Europe, including the German Christian Democrats and the French Union for a Popular Movement. Whilst in some areas, such as fiscal policy and social issues, it shares ground with other smaller parties such as the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) and Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD), it is stridently pro-european, describing itself as committed to a strong Europe based on a federal model that relies on the principle of subsidiarity. Given this, the party (and more overtly its constituent national parties) has struggled to define its relationship to the Eurosceptic hard- Right. The effects of the eurozone crisis have triggered a spike in popularity for organisations taking populist and nationalistic stances against the EU; whilst this phenomenon affects parties across the political spectrum, its effect on centre-right support has been particularly notable as voters discontented with the status quo drift away to the radical fringe. In France, for example, the EPP-affiliated UMP has been forced into more and more hard-line positions by the elec- 8 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

9 toral threat from the Front National. In Britain, the British Conservative Party has defected to the Eurosceptic ECR in an attempt to respond to the growing appeal of the EFD-affiliated United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). There is the ongoing risk that the pro-european, centre-right establishment will fragment under the pressures of nationalist retreat; one might say under the tensions between the socio-political and economic imperatives of conservatism. Nevertheless, for the time being, the EPP continues to provide a conservative and pro-business case for a federal Europe. The internal market, which allows firms from any member-states to operate and trade without tariffs, is touted by the party as a major victory for pan-continental cooperation. Similarly, EPP representatives have supported the idea of a combined European defence force (particularly in the wake of recent events in eastern Ukraine), and the party in general appears committed to the preservation and celebration of the common history and culture of the continent. All of these stances, and more, align it closely with the ideals of the Project for Democratic Union. These stances are also largely held by the EPP s 2014 candidate for the presidency of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker. A former prime minister of Luxembourg and a governor of the World Bank and IMF, he defeated the current Commissioner for the Single Market, Michael Barnier, at the party s nomination stage to be made candidate. Juncker is a committed federalist and has signalled his desire for the European project to rediscover its founding ideals in the climate of post-war solidarity. Although there has been a general drift towards Euroscepticism (of both Right- and Leftwing varieties) since the last election, the EPP still stands to do well in these elections. Whilst the ascendancy of the Progressive Alliance might mean it is reduced to the second-largest Parliamentary bloc, the party will continue to exert a major influence over the post-crisis direction of the European project. 9

10 By Korbinian Rueger and Wolfgang P. Warth Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats With the acting president of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, as their frontrunner, the S&D want to put Europe on a different path. The Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats are the parliamentary group of the Party of European Socialists and comprises the MEPs of the centre-left parties from all EU-member states, including the French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party. Currently the Socialists and Democrats form the second biggest political group in the European Parliament overall, after the conservative European People s Party. The S&D have nominated the German Martin Schulz, acting president of the European Parliament, as their frontrunner and candidate to be the next European Commission president. This is a delicate issue, as the British Labour Party has officially stated that they would not be endorsing Schulz, whose federal agenda is at odds with Labour s vision for Europe. Whether they make good on this promise could be of decisive importance should the S&D be part of a majority in the new parliament and recommend Schulz as Commission president. Economic Policy At the first TV debate of the top candidates Martin Schulz said that we are running the risk that, in some of our member states, a whole generation pay with their life chances for a crisis they have not caused. This concern is what drives the S&D s economic policy. They want to dramatically strengthen financial market regulation and to put an end to the strict austerity measures that, as they say, are crippling the economy of many member states. Their plans for financial regulation include the much discussed European Financial Transaction Tax, as well as Eurobonds. They also want to increase banking supervision to prevent future crashes. The banking union is a welcome first step in the right direction. Furthermore they want to close tax loopholes and fight tax havens. They argue that tax avoidance via these channels costs European governments 1 trillion every year. Together with stricter regulation, the S&D want to end austerity and boost public investment. They argue that EU investment in the poor- 10 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

11 er countries would lead to declining unemployment rates in those countries and effectively to an increase in export demands in the richer countries, creating a win-win situation for all member-states. To implement these plans, the S&D call for a real coordination of the fiscal policies in the Eurozone. Foreign Policy The S&D want Europe to be a global player, to be a worldwide advocate of European values like peace and democracy. While these claims certainly are of initial appeal, they remain obscurely vague. How these goals are to be reached is far from clear. This is probably due to the heterogeneity of the S&D as a political group. While, for example, the German SPD is a supporter of a common European defence policy, including a future European army, the British Labour is far more hesitant. This heterogeneity leads to a platform that puts forward obscure goals for European foreign and security policy without actually making concrete proposals. EU Governance The S&D want to overhaul the European Commission. The Commission is said to need a new structure that would enable it to work as effective and decision-oriented as a real government. Again, what this actually means remains rather vague. This is a little different when it comes to the role of the European Parliament; the S&D is set to promote a greater role for it among the EU institutions. The parliament, as the voice of European citizens, is supposed to have more legislative and budgetary control than it currently does. It is supposed to lead EU legislation, fighting for bills that safeguard civil liberties and promote social justice and solidarity. In conclusion, the S&D promote a vision for Europe that is in line with many of the PDU s principles. However, the groups heterogeneity leads to many proposals that remain vague and obscure and are a far cry from real change. To really put Europe on a new path, as it is claimed, the S&D proposals would need to be bolder. 11

12 By Liam Fitzgerald Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Liberalism is one of the most prominent political ideas of the past centuries. ALDE represents the present iteration of these ideas in the European Parliament. Liberalism as political idea has influenced most movements in Europe and to this day remains a strong force, albeit with sometimes quite far-reaching alterations to the original model. Despite some liberal parties losing much of their former influence in Europe, most national parliaments as well as the European Parliament are host to numerous liberal members. On the eve of the first European elections, in 1976, liberal parties from across the European Union gathered in Stuttgart, Germany, and created one of the very early cross-european political groups. In the European Parliament, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party are part of the ALDE Group. ALDE Group s second member is the European Democratic Party. Most EU member-states have MEPs in ALDE Group, with only few exceptions such as Austria or the Czech Republic. The group finds most of its support in Scandinavia, the Baltic states and the Balkans outside of Greece. 11% of MEPs, 85, are members of the ALDE Group. With weak liberal parties, for instance Germany s FDP, ALDE Group is set to lose many of its seats in the upcoming elections, as recent polls have consistently been showing. The Group is expected to win around 62 seats, down more than twenty from the 2009 elections. ALDE is acknowledged as being pro-european with neo-liberal political views. In the past, the party has been known for supporting several further integrational steps, such as the Lisbon Treaty. In 2009, ALDE called for common European action on areas such as climate change and migration policy. It regularly criticized Russia and the People s Republic of China on perceived breaches of international law or basic human rights. In terms of global governance, ALDE would like to create a parliamentary assembly for the United Nations in order to strengthen global democracy. The current leader of the ALDE Group in the European Parliament is Guy Verhofstadt, former Belgian Prime Minister and ALDE party nominee for President of the European Commission. ALDE promotes free trade and a fully functioning European Single Market. Its economic and market policies are based on the liberal belief that individual economic and political freedoms are the best assurance for the future economic well-being of the European Union and its citizens. Free trade and better conditions for global trade are among the hallmarks of the party s goals. The recent EP decision to end roaming 12 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

13 fees is perceived also as a success for ALDE. Along with the focus on competitiveness and full economic integration, the party calls for fiscal discipline by European states to tackle the ongoing economic crisis and strengthen the European Union for the future. Concerning issues of European democracy, the party has remained true to its Stuttgart declaration of 1976, calling for a democratic constitution along with empowerment of the European Parliament. In accordance with this, the ALDE party wants to make the European Commission to be accountable to the European Parliament. Regional cultures and minorities are to be protected to ensure that European diversity is secured for the future. Human rights and liberal democratic ideals are also at the centre of ALDE party foreign policy views. Therefore, concerning for instance arms trade, the ALDE party calls for high standards of human rights in any state that wishes to buy arms. EU member-states should insist on the protection of individual rights when talking about arms deals and in case high standards are not met, weapons should not be sold. China, Russia and Iran often feature prominently in the party s foreign policy agenda. These countries are repeatedly criticised for their bad human rights track records, and in the case of Iran, European liberals have in the past called for tougher sanctions on the country due to faltering nuclear talks. In recent years, liberal parties across Europe have lost much of their past influence. The case is especially dramatic in Germany, where the liberal FDP lost its seats in the federal elections last September for the very first time. The belief in the capabilities of the free market has been damaged due to the economic crisis of the past years and liberals in the European Union have struggled to make a positive case and adapt their policies to new circumstances and to propose a new agenda. Where liberal ideals have been pushed through, this has often happened within coalition governments where the larger partners have tended to successfully claim responsibility for some of the more positive results. It remains to be seen whether or not the ALDE party will manage to combine its pro-european integration and democracy outlook with policies for successful sustainable economic development. 13

14 By Roisin Berghaus Greens/European Free Alliance The Greens/EFA are one of the most pro-eu groups in the European Parliament today, yet polls suggest they may not fare well in the coming election. The Greens/European Free Alliance fraction was founded in 1999 as the successor of the former Green Group and Radical Alliance. The group is composed of parties representing green politics on the one hand, and progressive regionalist and minority politics parties on the other hand. The two Pirate MEPs elected in Sweden in 2009 also became members of this faction. Currently, the party has 58 MEPs. Germany and France sent the largest numbers of MEPs to this group in 2009, voting in 15 and 14 representatives respectively. The group publishes manifestos prior to European elections. The policies in their 2014 manifesto include the following: European Governance The Greens/EFA acknowledge that there is a democratic deficit in EU institutions. They believe this deficit can be overcome by giving greater power to the European Parliament and promoting the use of the European Citizens Initiative to introduce new legislation. The group is in favour of greater European integration insofar as this leads to greater transparency and citizen participation in EU affairs. They support the election of the European Ombudsman, as well as that of the Commission President by the Parliament. The group is also in favour of EU-wide lists for Parliament elections. Economic Policy The Greens/EFA advocate for a new economic model in Europe which they refer to as the Green economy. This model is similar to other social welfare models in that it supports the continuation of social and public services, higher taxes and stronger regulation of large corporations, and job security. In addition, the party is in favour of a financial transaction tax, arguing that such a system will help curb certain forms of financial speculation. Their green economy model differs from standard social welfare models, though, in that it puts a stronger emphasis on the physical limits of our planet. The party is against development in sectors that would cause environmental degradation, and instead aims to fund research, development, and sustainable jobs in the green energy sector. Internal Policy Because the Greens/EFA are in favour of greater EU integration, it comes as no surprise 14 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

15 that they wish to see a more far-reaching European internal policy. Most notably, the faction aims to develop a common asylum system to replace the current Dublin Regulations. The party emphasizes that such a system should be humane and efficient, and should thus eliminate the use of detention camps in some EU Member States. The group is also for a strong online data protection policy. This policy should focus on protecting individuals right to privacy and also ensure the sanctity of intellectual property in digital formats. As the name suggests, the party advocates stronger policies to combat climate change. The party would like to see a stronger emphasis on initiatives like Energy2020. In addition, the party supports initiatives that promote biodiversity, as well as the protection of waterways and forested areas. As the group contains several regionalist parties, the group is also for greater EU involvement in regional development projects. External Policy The Greens/EFA believe the EU should play a more active role at its doorstep and in the world, promoting peace and in preventing the need for military intervention. The fraction is thus in favour of greater EU-level coordination of armies in peacekeeping efforts. They also emphasize that the European Parliament should have power to debate Europe s involvement in military operations. The group also emphasizes the importance of promoting human rights overseas. The group sees a greater deployment of aid to developing countries as fundamental to the EU s goals. As a collection of Green parties, the group is for nuclear disarmament. Prospects in the 2014 Election Current polls suggest that the Greens/EFA will drop to 47 seats in the next election. In this scenario, they would tie with the United Left as the fourth largest party in Parliament. Notably, polls conducted in the last two months have shown them winning between 40 and 50 seats, which suggests that there has been relatively little change in voter intentions since the election campaign began. Whether the Greens/EFA will gain more seats cannot be fully determined prior to the election. What is certain is that this group supports greater EU integration as a means to overcome the democratic deficit. As such, this is one of the most pro- EU groups in the Parliament today. 15

16 By Veronika Czina Confederal Group of the European United Left / Nordic Green Left GUE/NGL, the second smallest group in the European Parliament, uses confederalism as the basic principle for its functioning. GUE/NGL is the abbreviation for Confederal Group of the European United Left / Nordic Green Left. The name of the political group already suggests that it consists of several different parties which fight for the representation of comprehensive leftist values in the European Union. The party group was established in its current form in 1995, but its origins stretch back to 1989, when four leftist parties created the GUE group, the predecessor of today s GUE/NGL. Throughout its 25 year history, the group has always consisted of parties of mostly socialist and communist orientation. Currently the group has 35 MEPs from 15 Member States and 18 political parties who believe that Another Europe is possible. Their main principle of functioning is confederalism, which for them means respecting the diversity of the members opinions. When it comes to GUE/NGL and their views on specific policy areas we should begin with social policy. The party group s main beliefs and goals are connected to solidarity, equality and social stability. In their program they put a huge emphasis on workers rights and they fight for achieving minimum income schemes across Europe which would be based on at least 60% of the median income in each country. Their principles include reducing poverty, saving the homeless and providing equal rights for minorities. They would like to pay special attention to the most disadvantaged layers of society, such as the young people, and marginalized people, like asylum seekers. GUE/NGL see the EU as the motor of the current global economic, financial and environmental crises, therefore they denounce the market-oriented logic of competition both within the Union and in relation to other countries. This is why it comes as no surprise that the group is fully against creating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the USA, against which its MEPs protested in the 16 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

17 European Parliament. Moreover, the group backed the creation of a study which aims at shattering the myths around the TTIP and tries to reveal its disadvantages. The group also opposes the privatisation of the commons, and they denounce the austerity regime which they claim proves that the prevailing neoliberal economic architecture failed. A tax on financial transactions and capital would be possible ways out of the crisis. They also support the establishment of a strict democratic control over the European Central Bank because they want an ECB which benefits the economy and society, not financial speculation. They see the EU2020 Strategy as inefficient and a means of leading to more concentration of wealth. They would rather see the achievement of a smart, sustainable and inclusive growth through concentrating more money on environmental causes. The group was dissatisfied with the reduction of the money allocated to the Common Agricultural Policy in the budget, because they urge for a green CAP reform; agriculture should be a sustainable sector, where the needs of small and medium farmers are satisfied. GUE/NGL says no to GMOs and cloning and they urge labelling all the animals fed with GMOs. The party dreams of a more human, more transparent and tangible Europe which is based on democracy and the active participation of its citizens. Instead of being the project of the elites, they want to bring the EU closer to the people. They also fight for human rights, denouncing fascism and racism. As a small and radical left-wing party, GUE/ NGL is not majorly influential in the EU, but they try to make their voices heard when it comes to issues which are crucial to them (e.g. TTIP). The group does not have a candidate for the post of European Commission President. 17

18 By Roisin Berghaus Europe of Freedom and Democracy EFD, a right-wing Eurosceptic group is gaining ground, but has few clear policies aside from Euroscepticism. Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) is a right-wing and highly Eurosceptic political group. It was founded in 2009 and largely replaced the Independence/Democracy and Union for a Europe of Nations groups that were dissolved that year. The political group consists of ten political parties. The UK Independence Party (UKIP) and the Italian Northern League represent the largest political parties in the fraction, with eleven and nine seats respectively. The group has two co-chairs, Nigel Farage (UKIP) and Francesco Speroni (Northern League). Notably, although the group is known for its strong Euroscepticism and tendencies toward far-right nationalism, it does not represent the interests of more pronounced nationalist and racist parties such as Marie Le Pen s Front National (FN) or Geert Wilders s Dutch Freedom Party (PVV). The group has also twice rejected applications from the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) to unite with them. Identifying EFD s policies requires a large amount of guesswork, as this group will not publish a manifesto prior to the election. The party has not even held a campaign convention to prepare for the upcoming election. However, a few common goals are elucidated on the group s website: European Governance The fraction is strongly opposed to further European integration, and, as they call it the creation of a single centralised European superstate. Their reasoning behind this stems from their conviction that there is no such thing as a single European people. Instead, they support an increasingly sovereign Member State model, where countries co-operate with each other yet retain control over their own internal and external policy. The group is also in favour of treaty changes solely through the ratification through referendum by every Member State. This, they assert, will offer a solution to the democratic deficit currently seen in EU institutions. As an extension of EFD s rejection of greater European integration, the group does not have a 18 European Election 2014: Parties, manifestos and candidates

19 parliamentary whip. This means that MEPs are free to vote how they please on motions arising in parliament. Internal Policy EFD believes that Member States should protect their borders. This can clearly be interpreted as a rejection of the Schengen Zone and possibly of the four freedoms guaranteed in the Lisbon Treaty, though the group s position on the eurozone is unclear. The group advocates that Member States should be free to maintain their unique historical, traditional, religious and cultural values. At the same time, the group claims to be against xenophobia, anti-semitism and any other form of discrimination. This may present the group with a challenge on how to respond to Member State policies that are openly discriminatory yet allegedly a reflection of traditional or cultural values. Perhaps in an expression of this commitment against racism, though, the party has distanced itself from more extremist nationalist parties from countries such as France and Hungary. Prospects in the EP Election Recent reports have suggested that EFD will gain seats, especially in the UK, in the upcoming election. A recent YouGov poll showed them winning as much as 31 percent of the British popular vote. At the same time, though, EFP might be under threat. A potential rival group consisting of more openly nationalist parties such as the FN, the PVV, the FPÖ, the Flemish Vlaams Belang (VB), the Swedish Democrats, and even the Italian Northern League may form instead. Though the future of EFD is, at the moment, uncertain, it nevertheless appears that extremist, anti-eu sentiment may gain a stronghold in two weeks. For those who wish for a more cooperative and unified Europe, voting for vehemently nationalist and Eurosceptic parties is clearly not an option. 19

20 One Future. One