The Role of New Media in the Egyptian Revolution

Transcription

1 MARCH 2016 The Role of New Media in the Egyptian Revolution A Reappraisal RUFAT SAFARLI University of Exeter, Exeter, United Kingdom Keywords: Arab spring, new media, Egypt, Middle East, Twitter, social movement On the 11th of January, President Hosni Mubarak, the autocratic leader of Egypt since the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1981, had been forced to resign his power. This was the culmination of an unprecedented wave of protests that had swept the streets of Cairo, provoked by decades of authoritarian oppression and economic fatigue. 1 Hundreds of thousands of Egyptians joined the anti-government strikes on Tahrir Square and demanded an end to police brutality, electoral fraud and disregard for the rule of law, and in less than three weeks, one of the longest ruling autocrats had fallen, liberating Egypt from the dark days of the Mubarak era. 2 The protesters were predominantly young and educated, and could no longer accept low wages, 1 Ryan, Yasmine (26 January 2011). "How Tunisia's Revolution Began - Features". Al 2 This is not to claim that the post-hosni Mubarak era was and is less authoritarian. In this paper, the focus is on Egypt under Mubarak and there is no objective to justify the Egyptian revolution. 1

2 unemployment and chronic inflation that inherently were the attributes of Mubarak's Egypt. Given the Cairens' hardship under Mubarak rule, it is not hard to understand why they wanted change, but rather how they achieved it. As the Tahrir Square protests deciphered, a debate emerged on what role new media had played in the protests that had led to the collapse of the seemingly stable thirty-year-old regime and how change was attained when faced by the obstructions that autocratic Egypt presented. The extent to which new media is capable of facilitating an end to authoritarian regimes is a matter that divides opinion; in the Egyptian case, they are deemed to have been either pivotal in the success of the revolution or their role is seen to have been deceitfully exaggerated. 3 This paper aims to revisit the debate on the role of new media in the Egyptian Revolution. By new media, this study will refer to sources of information and methods of communication that have paved the way for a new system of political communication in Egypt and the world (i.e. through social media outlets). 45 In testing to what extent new media was important in facilitating and escalating the Tahrir Square protests that led to the collapse of Mubarak's regime, this study will first construe authoritarianism under Mubarak and emphasise what obstructions protesters faced. Second, it will assess arguments for and against the perception that new media can facilitate protests under an authoritarian regime, both in general and in the case of Egypt, reviewing popular media debate and academic literature. Third, it will briefly examine empirical data from The Engine Room's 'Tahrir Data Project' to grasp the 3 Howard, Philip N., and Muzammil M. Hussain. "The Role of Digital Media." Journal of Democracy 22.3 (2011): 35. Web. 4 In the world at large and not limited to the MENA region. There are obviously more social media platforms than those highlighted. 5 Tufekci, Zeynep, and Christopher Wilson. "Social Media and the Decision to Participate in Political Protest: Observations From Tahrir Square." Journal of Communication 62.2 (2012): Web. 2

3 extent to which new media empowered and organised protesters. The inherent limitation to this study is that it is difficult to argue that the uprisings would not have occurred without the use of new media; nevertheless, this paper will conclude that the Egyptian Revolution was not a Facebook or Twitter Revolution. Rather, it will contend that new media and the system of communication it has enabled performed an important role in the process of revolutionary change, along with other traditional forms of activism. 6 Authoritarianism in Mubarak's Egypt Mubarak's authoritarian rule had for many decades restrained the development of civil society in Egypt, imposing barriers that thwarted social mobilisation and change in the country. Scholars and NGOs concurrently stressed that Egypt was one of the most authoritarian states in the world under Mubarak's rule 7 and that the regime s alleged commitment to democratic reform did not in fact resemble what in reality was a political system structured to ensure regime survival through NDP (National Democratic Party) 8 hegemony. 9 With the ban of religious parties, the Muslim Brotherhood and Mubarak's strongest opposition, was delegitimised. Likewise, his strongest challenger in the 2005 elections, Ayman Nour, was unjustly arrested. 10 Electoral fraud, violence and general malpractice culminated during the 2010 parliamentary elections, when an ill Mubarak wanted to ensure that his son 6 It is a matter that requires one to prove what would have happened if new media would not have been used during the Egyptian upheavals, which is impossible. Reference to previous uprisings where new media was not employed is not justifiable, as this is a different case. 7 Freedom House, Egypt: Freedom House. 8 Founded by Anwar Sadat in 1978, it was an authoritarian centrist party led by Mubarak. 9 I did not go into great detail on regime survival, as this is not my focus in this study. 10 Freedom House, 2011, Op. cit. 3

4 Gamal would succeed him. The root to these constitutional violations is believed to have derived its strength from Law No. 162 of 1958, known as the "Emergency Law." With the exception of a temporary interruption between 1980 and 1981, a state of emergency prevailed till 2012, following Mubarak's resignation. This meant that constitutional rights were suspended, censorship legalised and police authority extended, restricting non-governmental political activities, including social mobilisation and protests. 11 The Influence of New Media Revisited 'The Popular Debate' In spite of the obstructions that autocratic Egypt presented under Mubarak, hundreds of thousands of Egyptians, inspired by the uprisings in Tunisia, poured into the streets of Cairo to protest against poverty and repression. Even though security forces confronted the protesters with arms, their numbers grew, despite injuries and an increasing death toll. 12 This wave of protest swept Egypt's long-ruling leader Hosni Mubarak from power after 18 days of unrelenting rallies. 13 As these protests unfolded, a debate surfaced on the nature and extent of the role played by new media in the uprisings that saw Mubarak's regime collapse. While one side refers to the revolution as a Twitter [or Facebook] phenomenon that made social activism possible amid impediments presented by authoritarian governance, the other side 11 "Egypt Extends 25-Year-Old Emergency Law." Washington Post. The Washington Post, Web. 12 Elshahed, Mohamed. "Social Science Research Council." Social Science Research Council. Web. 13 Mar "Egypt Protests Topple Mubarak after 18 Days." Reuters. Thomson Reuters, Web. 4

5 declares the role fulfilled by new media as having been modest or even tenuous. Despite division of opinions, the broader consensus among scholars declares that new media did indeed play an important role in the Egyptian Revolution; however, the extent to which it was influential is elucidated differently. 14 Clay Shirky, a prominent "cyber-utopian" and "digital evangelist," 15 as labelled by "cyber-skeptics," argues that social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have stimulated social mobilisation and dialogue, which previously has only been practicable through state institutions, given the ban against non-governmental political activities under the Egyptian "Emergency Law". Social media outlets have given citizens the capability to establish and engage in social activism outside the sphere of the state, arguing that this has "rendered the traditional nation state largely irrelevant" and eradicated the restrictions presented by limited resources that previously have inhibited activism. 16 Alongisde Shirky, Denis Campbell and Wael Ghonim have emphasised the role of the Internet and "citizen journalism" it has stimulated as having been an essential factor in the success of the Egyptian uprisings. These claims have largely been challenged by "cyber-skeptics," who have disregarded the importance of new media, not only in the Egyptian uprisings, but also in challenging authoritarian regimes at large. Malcolm Gladwell asserts that Facebook and Twitter activism does not lead to "high-risk activism," as traditional activism with stronger ties does. "The platforms of social media are built around weak ties" and the problem with cyber-utopians of social media, Gladwell asserts, is that 14 Comunello, Francesca, and Giuseppe Anzera. "Will the Revolution Be Tweeted? A Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Social Media and the Arab Spring." Islam and Christian Muslim Relations 23.4 (2012): 453. Web. 15 The side which supports new media as having made the revolutions in the Arab spring possible, is referred to as "cyber-utopians" and "digital evangelists" 16 Shirky, Clay, 'The Political Power of Social Media: Technology, The Public Sphere, and Political Change'. Foreign Affairs

6 they "believe a Facebook friend is the same as a real friend." He further adds that social media platforms lack hierarchies that bind people together as a group, which in turn builds an organisation that can organise, plan and use authority structures to trigger activism that can impact. Gladwell agrees with Shirky that the ease and speed with which organisations can be made in the Internet age is acknowledgeable. However, he claims that these forms of organisations moves our energies from strategic and disciplined activities to those which only increases space for expression, but have no power to cause impact. The distinction between high-risk and low-risk activism, Gladwell asserts, is the difference between traditional activism and activism stimulated by new media. 17 The fundamental disparity in these opposing views is that Shirky believes that the traditional nation state and hierarchies has become irrelevant, while Gladwell argues that strong ties among activists cannot be formulated without efficient strategies imposed by hierarchies. 18 Although Gladwell makes a compelling argument, he fails to consider the linkage between new media and grassroots, given his emphasis on strong ties and how they do not exist on new media outlets. Gladwell also appears to generalise the idea of risk and applies this notion without considering the dichotomy of risk as perceived by different people. Another "cyber-skeptic," Evgeny Morozov, criticises the idea that social media outlets can challenge authoritarianism. On the contrary, he claims that new media is a tool of state oppression, falsely promoted by the West as an emancipatory tool where its downsides are largely neglected. "By emphasising the liberating role of the tools and downplaying the role of human agency" Morozov argues, "such accounts make 17 M. Gladwell, Twitter, Facebook and Social Activism: Why the Revolution will not be Tweeted. Web. 18 Gladwell, Malcom & Shirky, Clay, 'From Innovation to Revolution: Do Social Media Make Protests Possible?' Political Affairs Web. 6

7 Americans feel proud of their own contribution to events in the Middle East." 19 Morozov enforces Gladwell's argument by disputing that the principal organisers of Egypt's Facebook activism, even though they were not revolutionary leaders in the conventional sense, did not act strategically through means of strong ties. Similarly, the collaboration between Tunisian and Egyptian cyber-activists, had met in Cairo, along with other bloggers and activists, to share advice on how to promote advocacy and battle censorship. Thus, Morozov argues that the success behind cyber-activism in the Egyptian case was not purely virtual, but had its foundation in physical meetings, which in turn could cause the impact needed. 20 The Academic Literature The academic literatures on the debate on what role new media played in the Egyptian uprisings, as opposed to the popular debate, argue for a discussion beyond the dichotomous visions held by utopian and dystopian arguments. Lisa Anderson also argues that the debate cannot make generalised assumptions, when in fact it must emphasise the role of new media in each Arab country separately, given the different social and political dynamics of respective country, as well as varying levels of internet penetration. Nahed Eltantawy and Julie Wiest both argue that social media played an instrumental role in the success of anti-government rallies in Egypt. 21 Social media platforms provided the means to effectively receive and disseminate information and as opposed to Gladwell, they believe that social media has helped to 19 Morozov, Evgeny. "Facebook and Twitter Are Just Places Revolutionaries Go Evgeny Morozov." The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, Web. 20 Ibid. 21 N. Eltantawy, & J. Wiest, Social Media in the Egyptian Revolution: Reconsidering Resource Mobilization Theory. International Journal of Communication, Volume 5. pp

8 strengthen ties among activists. It was through social media technologies and levels of encouragement that Egyptian protesters were motivated. New media has made largescale mobilisation possible, extending the reach of protests to millions via social media outlets. Eltantawy and Wiest believe that resource mobilisation theory can explain the Egyptian Revolution, because social mobilisation relies on resources, and social media being such a resource, has the "ubiquity and potential for communicating messages to massive, global audiences," and may be regarded "as an important, instrumental resource for collective action and social change." 22 Many academics and journalists have presented different opinions on how important new media has been in the Egyptian uprisings with most of them, in one way or another, acknowledging the importance of new media. However, Larry Diamond is more enthusiastic with regard to new media and its functions than most scholars. Diamond argues that social media platforms ought to be viewed as liberation technologies, expanding political, social and economic liberties. Building on this, Serajul Bhuiyan argued that social media platforms not only enabled protesters to break down barriers of fear, but it also made the protests "sooner and helped it develop in a way that would have been impossible" otherwise. 23 Al Sayyad and Guvenc argued that new media did in fact cultivate a new form of citizenship, but without protesters, its role would have been minimal; "urban space remains the most important arena for social change and expression of dissent." 24 Lim adds onto this argument, asserting that social media was relevant only in the context of complimenting and being complimented by traditional sources of activism; "the 22 Ibid., p Bhuiyan, Serajul, Social Media and Its Effectiveness in the Political Reform Movement in Egypt. Middle East Media Educator, N. AlSayyad & M. Guvenc, Virtual Uprisings: On the Interaction of New Social Media, Traditional Media Coverage and Urban Space during the 'Arab Spring' Urban Studies. 8

9 political resistance developed by a small group of young activists, the social media elites, was disseminated to a wider urban society through informal networks." 25 Al- Jazeera extensively used material that had been published on Facebook and YouTube. This supports the argument that new media and satellite television (traditional form of activism) complimented one another in the Egyptian uprisings. With regard to scholars that hold a skeptical position toward new media and its role in the Egyptian upheavals, they emphasise traditional explanations of why revolutions start and why they are credible in explaining the Egyptian uprisings. However, these arguments lack to understand that supporters of new media do not exclude the importance of other factors (social and demographic) in assessing new media's role in the revolutions. Skeptics tend to confuse the causes of revolutions with methods that seek to facilitate them. In this case of study, we have sought to examine to what extent new media has empowered and facilitated protests against Mubarak's regime, not whether it caused the revolution in the first place. Tahrir Square Data (TDS-a) Although there is a vast theoretical debate on this subject as emphasised in previous sections, empirical data provides a neutral [free from ideological dichotomies] assessment of the protests and new media's role in them. Having already examined the Tahrir Data Sets, Wilson and Dunn concluded that social media was not as central to the demonstrations as claimed. However, they asserted that Twitter had indeed had an impact on global media coverage and was 25 M. Lim, Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses: Social Media and Oppositional Movements in Egypt. Journal of Communication, Volume

10 inspiring to protesters. 26 Wilson and Tufekci concluded that Facebook played a crucial role in determining protesters' decisions with regard to participation in protests and the probability of success. 27 TABLE. I 'General Use' and 'Use for Protest Information' 'Table 1' 28 shows the results of participants who were asked what type of media they used and whether it was used for general purpose or for protest information. The data reveals that social media did play an important role for the use of protest information, but its use was not sufficiently extensive to be called a "Twitter Revolution" as some have done. Satellite television and telephone was used predominantly, but social media, messaging and s were used to a great extent as well. It is important to note that certain media forms were deliberately used more often for protest activities than others (social media and satellite television). Additionally, 'Table II' indicates that Facebook was most actively consumed for protest coordination (nearly 50%) and 26 Wilson & Dunn, The Arab Spring Digital Media in the Egyptian Revolution: Descriptive Analysis from the Tahrir Data Set Wilson & Tufekci, 2012, Op. cit., 364-5, The Engine Room, TDS-a Protester Media Use. [Online]. 10

11 a platform on which anti-government thoughts could be disseminated (77.4%). This further proves that social media platforms and Facebook in particular were useful during the protests and could even be the explanation behind the success of the Tahrir protests. TABLE. II Sources of Information Finally, 'Table III' ranks the types of media that was found to have had the greatest motivational strength in appealing to Egyptians. The data reveals that those who consumed social media sites were the ones who took the largest risks by attending protests on the first day of the strikes. 29 This in turn supports the argument that social media sites were essential to the success of the Tahrir Square protests, given that they managed to motivate many Cairens to attend the protests. This finding contradicts Gladwell's argument that social media outlets generate low-risk activism, when in fact most of them protested for the first time. Wilson and Tukfeci declared that new media outlets were linked with traditional platforms, forming a new system of political communication Gladwell, 2010, Op. cit. 30 Wilson & Tukfeci, 2012, Op. cit., pp

12 TABLE. III Media with Greatest Motivation Conclusion This paper has revisited the question on what role new media played in the Egyptian Revolution and how important social media platforms were in facilitating the protests against Mubarak and his regime. While skeptics, Gladwell and Morozov, both criticised the idea that new media platforms could challenge authoritarianism; Shirky argued that social media sites were the only platforms where one could engage in social activism outside the sphere of the state. Gladwell asserted that Facebook and Twitter was built on weak ties and could therefore not be considered high-risk activism. However, as the Tahrir Square Data shows, social media consumers have proven to take the largest risks, attending protests on the first day with no prior experience. The data analysis also reveals that social media played an important role for the use of protest information and information received on protest coordination. Although the data analysis was brief, it is safe to declare that the Egyptian uprising 12

13 was not a Facebook or Twitter revolution, as its role was not as great as cyberutopians had declared it to be. Most scholars agree that new media has played an important role in facilitating protests during the Egyptian upheavals, but they did not do this on their own. New media platforms interacted and complimented traditional forms of communication, as the original material was often disseminated from social media sites to satellite television. 13

14 References Bhuiyan, Serajul, Social Media and Its Effectiveness in the Political Reform Movement in Egypt. Middle East Media Educator, Comunello, Francesca, and Giuseppe Anzera. "Will the Revolution Be Tweeted? A Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Social Media and the Arab Spring." Islam and Christian Muslim Relations 23.4 (2012): 453. Web. Egypt Extends 25-Year-Old Emergency Law." Washington Post. The Washington Post, Web. Egypt Protests Topple Mubarak after 18 Days." Reuters. Thomson Reuters, Web. Elshahed, Mohamed. "Social Science Research Council." Social Science Research Council. Web. 13 Mar Freedom House, Egypt: Freedom House. Gladwell, Malcom & Shirky, Clay, 'From Innovation to Revolution: Do Social Media Make Protests Possible?' Political Affairs Web. Howard, Philip N., and Muzammil M. Hussain. "The Role of Digital Media." Journal of Democracy 22.3 (2011): 35. Web. M. Gladwell, Twitter, Facebook and Social Activism: Why the Revolution will not be Tweeted. Web Morozov, Evgeny. "Facebook and Twitter Are Just Places Revolutionaries Go Evgeny Morozov." The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, Web. M. Lim, Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses: Social Media and Oppositional Movements in Egypt. Journal of Communication, Volume N. AlSayyad & M. Guvenc, Virtual Uprisings: On the Interaction of New Social Media, Traditional Media Coverage and Urban Space during the 'Arab Spring' Urban Studies 14

15 N. Eltantawy, & J. Wiest, Social Media in the Egyptian Revolution: Reconsidering Resource Mobilization Theory. International Journal of Communication, Volume 5. pp Ryan, Yasmine (26 January 2011). "How Tunisia's Revolution Began - Features". Al Jazeera. Retrieved The Engine Room, TDS-a Protester Media Use. [Online]. Shirky, Clay, 'The Political Power of Social Media: Technology, The Public Sphere, and Political Change'. Foreign Affairs Tufekci, Zeynep, and Christopher Wilson. "Social Media and the Decision to Participate in Political Protest: Observations From Tahrir Square." Journal of Communication 62.2 (2012): Web Wilson & Dunn, The Arab Spring Digital Media in the Egyptian Revolution: Descriptive Analysis from the Tahrir Data Set