Yemen fieldwork: Preliminary findings

Transcription

1 Yemen fieldwork: Preliminary findings Following are some of the findings of the fieldwork in Yemen for SDV s flagship study Societal Dynamics and Fragility. This fieldwork was conducted over the period November 1 December 24, 2010, in two primary steps. In the first step, a two-day seminar was organized in Sanaa, November 2-3, to engage local intellectuals, development practitioners, and country experts. In the second step, targeted fieldwork was conducted in specific communities using focus groups and semi-structured interviews. The design of the fieldwork was informed by a PE analysis conducted by a country-expert beforehand, to examine how certain societal dynamics played out in Yemen. Sixteen local experts participated at the seminar while community level fieldwork was conducted in Sanaa, Mukalla, Taiz, Hodaidah, Aden, Sai yon and Amran. A. Drivers of Fragility 1. Widespread sense of injustice among Yemenis about the way the State operates and its provision of public service. In our fieldwork, we observed a strong perception of injustice among Yemenis from different part of the country in relation to state s activities and about how it operates. At the seminar, there was near consensus among the local experts that the state politically marginalized certain groups. This sense was widely shared among Yemenis in the communities as well, with a group of young males in Taiz stating the government does not support the prime functions that is why everybody depends on tribal loyalty and this is the only way to get the rights, and get financial support in addition to solve all their problems. A groups of female youth in Taiz added that any service conducted by the government is a failure the state does not supply services permanently and frequently. Talking about the provision of justice, a group of youth in Sai yon claimed that the state institutions were corrupt and that people do not go to the courts because they fear that they will have to pay bribes. Meanwhile, a group of members from a Water Users Association (WUA) in Sai yon unanimously agreed that the state does not provide them with basic services. To illustrate, they compared a school built in their village by the Kuwaiti government, more that 40 years back, which is still standing to another built by the Yemeni government much more recently, which became old and needs maintenance. A group of fishermen in the town of Mukalla complained of the lack of management by the Ministry of Fish Wealth has led to the depleting of fish resources. 2. Ineffective justice system due in part to recognition of religious and tribal laws and norms superposed on a modern code without clear links between the two. The acceptance of both formal and informal rules and the absence of universality create uncertainty about applicable laws. For instance, participants at the seminar pointed out how the state granted security enforcements to Sheiks in the tribal areas, which gave them more power in their areas and weakened the state existence. They mentioned that certain sheiks even maintained private prisons to punish those who defy their authority. A group of water users in Kalayba, Taiz, complained that there are so many laws and traditional rules organizing usage of water, but complying with these rules is the 1

2 main problem. Part of the problem is caused by the lack of faith in the formal justice system. A female lawyer in Hodaidah informed us that generally people are afraid to go to courts because of bribery and blackmailing. This situation forces people to depend on alternate mechanisms to resolve conflicts before relying on the state. She mentioned that initially, people try to solve the problem friendly. If it is not solved, then they go to the A aqel or Shiekh, and finally, they go to the court. These parallel systems and their overlapping jurisdictions create confusion and uncertainty with regard to prevailing rules. 3. Communities expressed anger and deep frustration at the state s practice of distributing public goods along the lines of political patronage. Participants at the seminar complained that the ruling regime differentiated between people of the country by giving jobs based on party affiliation while leadership positions were given to sons of VIPs. The lawyer we interviewed in Hodaidah claimed that even the justice system tend to be biased in favor of influential people. To illustrate, she highlighted the case of a powerful sheikh that drove over one person by his car four times and still the court could not take any action against him because of his power. At the opposite end, she informed, a private citizen getting a favorable court order might have to fight for more than 3-4 months to get that judgment executed, in addition to (having to) pay so much for the police. One of the cases, a person has won a case in the primary and final courts in addition to the court of appeal, but still could not get his judgment executed. A story of double-dipping An A aqel, which translates as wise-man, is a community leader. Traditionally, an A aqel resolves conflicts within the community and represents its interests outside. We interviewed an A aqel from an Akhdam community in the outskirts of Sanaa. He turned out to be a close supporter of the current regime and mentioned that the Akhdam community is not as marginalized as widely believed. We found out that in addition to being an A aqel he also held a ranking position in the army though he was never in uniform. However, this allowed him to draw two salaries, one from the Ministry of Social Affairs (for being an A aqel) and another from the military. Not surprisingly, we also learnt that, he plans to run for parliament from the GPC (ruling party) in the upcoming election. 4. Perception of injustice and overwhelming power of some of the Northern tribes has created a sense of regional identity Regional identities seem to become particularly salient with regard to differences between the north and the south. The perception of injustice at the hand of the central regime dominated by the northern tribes since the 1994 civil war has created a sense of marginalization and opposition to the regime has coalesced around a southern identity. Respondents at a focus group in the southern port of Aden explained how to get jobs, there should be mediation, particularly from Sana a A group of Hadrami youth we interviewed informing us that the Hadhramut community is still coherent and that the identity is strong due to cultural heritage, history and civilization in Hadhramut. They also informed us that the Hadhramis were never dependent on the state and that emigrants from 2

3 Hadhramut to Saudi Arabia and Gulf countries support their families, donate charities and finance development projects and the infrastructure. 5. Land is the source of intense competition and land grab is commonly used to buy support of the military and some powerful sheikh The participants at the experts seminar in Sanaa explained how lands in southern governorates and Hodaidah have been abducted and given to heavy weight officials in the name of fake investments. This dynamic was echoed at a meeting with the students of Yemen Center for Human Rights Studies in Aden when they mentioned how the state obtains lands in the name of investments and redistribute them to VIPs freely without any charges. Meanwhile, a group of fishermen in Hodeida complained that military personnel from a nearby camp harass them regularly. They accused the military personnel of stealing their lands as well as cutting water supplies to their village in order to force them to leave the area, in addition to shooting at them in several occasions. 6. Certain groups seem to be marginalized at both the societal and systemic level. In particular, the dark-skinned Akhdam community and members of the Somali community seem to face marginalization. In Yemen, the Ahkdam community seems to be excluded both economically and socially. Members of this community seem to engage in the most menial occupations like street cleaning and begging. This systemic marginalization also seems to shapes their perceptions of self worth. For instance, an Aq ael of the Akhdam community we interviewed complained of the difficulties the community faces in finding jobs but quickly added that they mainly go for cleaning works in the municipality. This internalization of their inferior position seems to isolate the Akhdam community even further with several non-akdham respondents expressing concern about living with the community. The lawyer we interviewed in Hodeida had this to say about the Akhdam. Akhdam communities are isolating themselves by their own, and people try to avoid them because of two reasons that they are making a lot of troubles and have bad manners in addition to their unhygienic condition. Therefore, people prevent their children to mix with Akhdam s children to avoid being taught those bad manners. Meanwhile, staff members of Centre of Save the Children a non-profit organization dedicated to helping street children justified not accommodating children from the Akhdam community stating because those children are not stabilized and they have bad habits. The Somali community in Yemen also seems to be marginalized to some extent. In our interviews with members of the Somali community in Aden they complained about harassment of government and police, not being treated as Yemenis, and the lack of equal rights because their fathers or mothers were Somalis. We learnt that even those born in Yemen are sometimes denied identity cards and other citizenship rights due to their Somali descent. 3

4 The story of lost citizenship Noor (fictitious name) is a 50 year old Adeni resident of Somalian descent who was born in Aden and lived his entire life in Yemen. Previously, he had been issued a national ID and had even held a Yemeni passport at one time. However, recently, when he tried to obtain a newlyintroduced electronic ID, the authorities had refused. Their basis for denial was that his birth certificate issued under British Rule listed his father as a Somali national. Therefore, he was refused citizenship even though he was born in Yemen and lived his entire life there. 7. High level of frustration among youth about the need for political connections and/or bribery to access public services and jobs. This feeling seems to be shared by different groups in various part of the country. Destinies of young men and women all over Yemen are increasingly determined by their family background, who they know, and the payments their families are willing/able to make. Their individual skills and achievements do not seem to matter. Youth groups we interviewed in various regions of the country repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction and anger with the system. We were told that, while members of privileged families made the most of the situation, a vast majority of youth were left feeling disenfranchised. For instance, respondents at a focus group in Aden stated that employment is only for sons and daughters of VIPs, and there is an inheritance of jobs. To get job, there should be mediation, particularly from Sana a, or paying bribes. A group of female youth in Taiz claimed the most important standard to get job, nowadays, is nepotism while a group of youth in Sanaa complained that even government s scholarships go to VIP s sons and daughters. A story of job inheritance We met two young men, Abdullah and Ali (fictitious names), at a focus group for youth in Sana a. Abdullah was a dashing young man wearing a pin-striped suit, pair of expensive glasses and well polished shoes. He got off his Mercedes to usher us into the focus group venue. Few minutes later, Ali shuffled into the room, wearing a bedraggled T-shirt and a pair of sandals, with an unshaven face and unkempt hair, looking every bit a person who had the big challenges of life thrown at him prematurely. It turned out that Abdullah and Ali were the same age and that they were the best of friends. They had both grown up in the same neighborhood and gone to high school together. After high school they had both enrolled in the same undergraduate program to study Accountancy. Upon completing the program Abdullah was directly recruited to the Ministry of Finance. His father, who used to work in the Ministry, retired just in time for Abdullah to take over his position. Ali, on the other hand, who did not have the right connections, dropped out of the undergraduate program half-way to set up a fruit-stall in the city. When he realized that job placement had very little to do with the actual qualification, Ali explained, he decided not to waste anymore of his young life pursuing a qualification that would yield him nothing. 4

5 B. Drivers of resilience A group of local experts at the seminar had the following to say about the cohesiveness of the communities in Yemen in general. Yemeni community is not working together any more, due to the disruption of identity and insecure feelings among the community, which led to that a single community/ society works in its own way for its benefits only. However, fortunately, there are still some of social traditions that help in maintaining the community cohesion. 8. Faced with the state s corrupt/ineffective provision of justice some communities rely on traditional mechanisms to address their issues (such as conflict resolution). In the absence/insufficiency of the state s provision of services have forced Yemeni communities to increasingly rely on traditional structures. For instance, group of respondents in Sai yon informed us that they solve their problems like other communities in the country through A aqels and Sheiks, and avoid going to police stations because of bribes and changing of judgments because of corruption. Similarly, respondents of a focus group of women in Aden mentioned that women facing problems usually try to solve her problem in friendly ways with her opponents through mediating sheikhs or A aqels or even the Mosque Imam. However, participants at the seminar pointed out that the integration of traditional leaders into the political system has disproportionately increased their power undermining some of the traditional accountability mechanisms. This has allowed some tribal sheikhs to engage in personal accumulation without consideration to the welfare of the tribe. When this happens, with the inadequacy of state s provision of services on one hand and the weakening of the traditional systems in the other, it has increased the feeling of exclusion among some groups. 9. When there is a gap in the formal and traditional systems, formal associational life in the form of community based associations seemed to be playing positive role in some instances. Water Users Associations (WUA) represents a good example of this. It is important to note that our field work was limited to a couple of Water Users Associations and that the findings cannot be readily generalized without a more extensive survey of the different WUAs and their respective roles in communities across the country. Members of a Water Users Association in Sai yon explained the relationship between farmers and their association as follows. In the beginning, the farmers did not accept the rule of the association, because they thought that it came to prevent them from getting irrigation water from the wells. Day by day they started to gradually accept their rule after they found out that the association brought to them several projects, which they have benefited so much. The role of WUA has become even more important in the absence of a uniform set of rules in the formal sector governing water usage and the lack of traditional rules governing underground water. Members of a WUA in Taiz pointed out that there are so many 5

6 laws and traditional rules organizing usage of water, but complying with these rules is the main problem. The society (association) has been focusing on improving people s awareness about water being a common right for everybody. At least with regard to the more successful WUAs, the state seemed to have delegated local-level water resource management to these associations. The National Water Resources Authority (NWRA), the formal authority in charge of water resources, co-funds the activities of these associations to some extent and helps enforce decisions. Members of a WUA in Kalyba village in Taiz informed us that since the establishment of the association in 2008, illegal wells have been closed, out of which 22 wells have been buried under the supervision of NWRA. Similarly, we were told that the local police often acted on information from WUA members to prevent illegal drilling. However, even among these successful WUAs, the process seems to fall victim to patronage politics and corruption in some instances. For example, members of the WUA in Sai yon informed us that they get disappointed when drillers bribe the police to ignore the illegal drilling process, which put the association in direct conflict with farmers. 10. The success of WUA with regard to water management seemed to have encouraged some communities to rely on these associations to also address issues beyond water usage. For instance a female water users association in the village of Kalayba in Taiz also conducts courses in sewing and stitching skills in addition to agriculture techniques in order to improve women s ability to gain money for her life. Similarly, members of a water users association in Sai yon informed us that the association also takes over the development of social management projects and that so far they carried out a lot of implementations depending on their facilities and available funds. 6