SOCIAL SCIENCE AND POWER IN INDONESIA

Transcription

1 Vedi R. Hadiz and Daniel Dhakidae, Editos SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA EQ!JNOX PUBLSHNG AKARTA SNGAPORE 5ER5 NSTTUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASAN STUDES Singapoe

2 Fist published in Jakata and Singapoe in 2005 by Equinox Publishing (Asia) Pte. Ltd. PO Box6179 JKSGN Jakata ndonesia and nstitute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Teace Pasi Panjang Singapoe fo woldwide distibution All ights eseved. No pat of this publication may be epoduced, stoed in a etieval system, o tansmitted in any fom o by any means, electonic, mechanical, photocopying, ecoding o othewise without the pio pemission of Equinox Publishing o the nstitute of Southeast Asian Studies Fod Foundation SEAS Libay Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Social science and powe in ndonesia / edited by Vedi R. Hadiz and Daniel D hakidae. 1. Social sciences-ndonesia. 2. Social sciences-reseach-ndonesia. 3. ndonesia-politics and govenment. 4. ndonesia-social conditions.. Hadiz, Vedi R., Dhakidae, Daniel, H Equinox Publishing SBN SEAS SBN X Pinted in ndonesia. The nstitute of Southeast Asian Studies (SEAS) was established as an autonomous oganization in t is a egional cente dedicated to the study of socio-political, secuity and economic tends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wide geostategic and economic envionment. The nstitute's eseach pogammes ae the Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Stategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultual Studies (RSCS). SEAS Publications, an established academic pess, has issued moe than 1,000 books and jounals. t is the lagest scholaly publishe of eseach about Southeast Asia fom within the egion, SEAS Publications woks with many othe academic and tade publishes and distibutos to disseminate impotant eseach and analyses fom and about Southeast Asia to the est of the wold, TABLE OF CONTENTS About the Contibutos... ix Glossay... xiii Tanslato's Note... xvii Max Lane Peface... xix Hans AntlOv 1. ntoduction... 1 Vedi R. Hadiz and Daniel Dhakidae 2. nstitutions, Discouses, and Conflicts in Economic Thought Alexande wan 3. deological Baggage and Oientations of the Social Sciences in ndonesia Aiel Heyanto 4. The Negative and Positive Uses of Socio-economic Statistics Ais Ananta 5. Between Apologia and Citical Discouse: Agaian Tansitions and Scholaly Engagement in ndonesia Ben White 6. The Political Economy of Highe Education: The Univesity as an Aena fo the Stuggle fo Powe Hem Nugoho 7. The Class Question in ndonesian Social Sciences Hilma Faid 8. nclusion and Exclusion: NGOs and Citical Social Knowledge Meuthia Ganie-Rochman and Rochman Achwan 9. Social Science Associations P.M. Laksono 10. Histoy, Nationalism, and Powe Asvi Waman Adam ndex

3 -3- DEOLOGCAL BAGGAGE AND ORENTATONS OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA Aiel Heyanto No poduction of knowledge develops independently o at andom. t occus in a social context, and it helps to ceate the social dynamics of that context, whee vaious ideologies ae pitted against one anothe. Social sciences have not only studied this, but they ae also a pat of the phenomena unde study. Couched in these genea! and abstact tems, the obsevation is too banal to be disputed by social scientists. But, beyond the geneal statement, thee is plenty of oom fo discussion. Fo example, how exactly does ideology take an active ole in the development of social sciences in a given setting, and how do these pocesses elate to social elations in the boade sense? t is athe difficult to detemine the beginning of the go'nth of ndonesian social sciences, because this depends on how we set the boundaies. t is easie to say that ndonesian social sciences, as an academic activity in the field of social studies caied out by ndonesians in a systematic and fomal manne within ndonesian society, expeienced a sustained and vey visible gowth that began in the 1960s. Detemining such a stating point is not to deny the ole, contibution and achievements of those people active in this field in the yeas befoe this. Fo seveal decades, thee wee studies about ndonesia by foeignes and witten in foeign languages, ciculated mainly outside the teitoy of the colony of the Dutch ndies o the Republic of ndonesia. Since the beginning of the twentieth centuy, some esidents of the colony of the Dutch ndies, pe-independent ndonesia, and then ndonesia itself eceived a fomal education in the social sciences,

4 58 SOCAl SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA DEOLOGCAL BAGGAGE AND ORENTATONS OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA 59 :.!,:'! usually outside ndonesia, and used a non-ndonesian language fo thei wok. Pesented below is a study that concentates on the social sciences as a pat of social change in ndonesia, set in a global context. t is to be expected, theefoe, that such a study would have to focus its attention on the ule of the New Ode, with efeences to elevant ealie developments. Viewed fom an exteme vantage point, the social sciences in ndonesia have always openly and almost totally been in the sevice of whateve govenment was in powe. The change in ules ove the same state, fom the fomation of the colonial Dutch ndies state to that of the Republic ofndonesia post-199b, has not bought with it any adical change in the chaacte o oientation of the inteests of the govenment, no in the policies used to pomote the development of the social sciences. These inteests compise a athe shot list: some pojects aimed at ceating a stable govenment administation, the collection of data on "taditional" communities, the modenization of these taditional communities, industialization and, since 1945, nation building. Thee is, theefoe, no need fo a complex analysis to explain the ideology and patisanship of social sciences and social scientists duing this time: they openly seved the official inteests of the govenment of the day, and thee was no open discussion of the political implications of such a pactice. l f thee is anything to be examined, it is not whethe o not thee was any ideological inteest o baggage in the social sciences in ndonesia o even what the chaacte of the dominant ideology was. Attention needs athe to be focused on the issues of why, how and to what extent these things happened o expeienced change. A study of ideology in social sciences would be moe challenging in an envionment whee ideas about neutality in method, objectivity of data, scientific deduction, the univesality of values and meaning, o the autonomy of scientific institutions ae espected, eithe as myth o in pactices potected by law and moality. t is only in this envionment that we can seek to demolish these myths and expose the ideological inteests of diffeent institutions and social science pactices. Examined moe closely, and viewed fom anothe exteme vantage point, a ange of ideological vaiations and nuances in the vaious soc!al science activities in this county can be identified. Although the social sciences may have been in the sevice of one o two dominant ideologies, the diffeent activities did and do possess L Of couse. thee wee exceptions. The pevalence of a fomal social science envionment so maked by s'ubsevience to pagmatic eseach and in the sen~ce of the pimay client odeing such eseach, namely the govenment, did povoke some independent-minded and citical intellectuals to evolt against this situalion. They channeled thei enegies into activities as intellectual-cum-activists. But they too behaved in the same manne as thei opponents; vey open in thei ideological patisanship. heteogeneous featues. Studies of the diffeences within a social sciences eseach institution, among a goup of diffeent schools of thought, within a specific peiod of time, and compaative studies of the woks of specific individuals, can be vey infomative. Howeve, such naowly based studies need a lot of page space and ae outside the scope of this chapte. Thee ae too many vaiations and the diffeences between them pehaps do not cay sufficient weight in the main cuent of the "ecosystem" of the dominant ideology and powe in society. This chapte will ty, in moe geneal tems, to study ideological diffeences in the social sciences in ndonesia though the study of vaious phenomena: not too naow o focused on any paticula individual, o epesenting a mico study; no too boad as to constitute a maco o compehensive study. Specifically, the chapte will examine the stong bias of New Ode "Developmentalism'; and also look at some of its citics among social scientists. Howeve, befoe poceeding, it may be wothwhile to note the appoach and biases in this chapte, as well as some of the featues of New Ode society that have set the context fo ndonesian social science. ON DEOLOGY N THE SOCAL SCENCES "deology" is used hee to efe to a system of knowledge,out\ooks, awaeness, tastes and values, and geneal attitude, which coincides with the specific inteests of a social goup, whethe o not those aticulating this system ae conscious of its patisanship. n the sticte classical Maxist undestanding of the tem, ideology is esticted to that which eflects the inteests of one of two pominent social classes, often in fundamental contadiction to each othe. n this chapte, the tem is given the boade meaning since such an undestanding is moe appopiate to the mateial being analysis, as will be explained below. Since the 1970s, and pehaps even ealie, it has been difficult to defend the commonly held idea that a specific ideology can monopolize o completely dominate a system of knowledge, which is a scientiflc discipline, eflecting a total subodination to the geneal inteests of those wielding powe, be they the capitalist class, a political paty monopolizing state powe, o even a dictato and his family and conies. This outdated notion is not unelated to the cisis of classical Maxism and some of the social movements inspied by Maxism. This chapte will not, theefoe, epoduce the nave and simplistic pespective that "discipline X" is dominated by "ideology y", whee X and Y ae vey well defmed phenomena. Anothe pactice of scholas which will not be epoduced hee is that of "ceating" a "histoy" of social sciences in ndonesia that develops o poceeds in tandem with political changes at the state level, whethe duing the Dutch peiod, :--"i j ~~.,~~ ;!. :.~.. ;~ :~,~ J 1 ;:~." ~ '.\ (i :.:~ ' :

5 ii ' "!. 60 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA the Japanese peiod, the ealy independence peiod, Guided Democacy, the New Ode, o efonnasi. To my undestanding, no such histoy exists, except in the imagination of some wites. Much of the activity in humanities and the social sciences of this society has been dispesed and fagmented. The following study is based on a numbe of assumptions that should be pesented fom the beginning. The fist assumption is that evey scientific o scholaly activity can adopt o expess moe than one ideological value, and they ae not necessaily mutually suppotive. The schola mayo may not be awae of this. Each scholaly discipline is susceptible to the influence of many kinds of mutually incompatible ideologies. This means that within the infastuctues of scholaship in any society, we will find a conglomeation of diffeent ideologies. The second assumption is that duing specific peiods in the life of a society, one o two ideological steams might become moe dominant. When a social ode becomes moe stable ove an extended peiod of time, as can be seen in both industial societies, and pe-industial and pe-colonial communities in many egions of Asia, thee exists one stong and esilient ideology, which is no longe consideed to be "ideology» to the membes of that social ode. At pesent, many societies ae expeiencing geat changes in many sphees, including ideology. n such a situation, seveal ideologies compete fo dominance. This stuggle fo dominance may succeed if o when a numbe of changes o majo conflicts ae esolved eithe peacefully o though violence. Since its fomation as a nation at the beginning of the twentieth centuy; ndonesia has expeienced a long histoy of upheavals and cises in many sphees, including economics, politics, moality, militay affais, and technology. This means that no one ideological fom has had the oppotunity to assume dominance at any point in time. f thee was an extended peiod of time that was elatively stable, it was the peiod of the New Ode govenment ( ), although this stability was maintained, initiated and teminated though a seies of violent actions and cises. t is theefoe possible to identify one ideology that was elatively stong in social life duing the New Ode. t is also not supising that we find a development of the scholaly wold, including the social sciences, duing this New Ode peiod that was maked by stability and by specific ideological featues. This ideology can be defined in a numbe of ways, the most popula being Developmentalism. 2 Thee is anothe point to be noted befoe we conside the identity o featues of an ideology embodied in the social sciences. n elative compaison to Westen intellectual 2 As the name of a dominant school of thought o goup, the tem Developmentalist is spelt with a capital "D", as is also the case with "Development". Fo a detailed study of the concept of Developmentalism in ndonesia, and its semantic histoy, see Heyanto (1995). DEOLOG CA L BAGGAGE AND 0 RENTA TONS OF THE SOCAL SC ENCES N ND ONESJA 61 taditions, the social sciences in this COWlty can not be said to have developed as a well~established institution of influence. The social sciences have developed moe slowly and ae weake than in neighboing counties such as Malaysia, Singapoe, Thailand o the Philippines (Booth 1999; Nodholt and Visse 1995). One tell-tale sign of the slow and weak gowth of the social sciences in ndonesia is the death of compehensive and seious eseach into itself. Thee is still no jounal equivalent to the now defunct Pisma. Between 1976 and 1990, Pisma published six special editions about univesities and education. Bu t, thee was neve an issue devoted to examining the histoy o gowth of the social sciences. 3 The one edition that did examine some such aspects of the social sciences was Volume 12, No.6, 1983 discussed below. We will also conside one of the few feelance aticles discussing this subject, namely that ~y Benny Subianto (1989). The closue of Pisma and the fall of the New Ode ae pehaps not diectly connected. But, the poximity of these two events, paticulaly at a time that saw a libealization of the mass media, is evidence that epession by the authoitaian egime was not the sole eason fo the weakness of the social sciences in ndonesia. 4 The book The Social Sciences in ndoiesia, edited by Koentjaaningat (1975), is, to my knowledge, the only book published on this topic. t was a collection of aticles by many diffeent people, witten in English, and was not widely available in ndonesian bookshops o libaies. By compaison, in the neighboing Philippines whee English is moe widely spoken, a thee-volume wok entitled The Philippines Social Sciences in the Life of the Nation was ecently published. This was the poduct of a 1998 national congess of social scientists. s The Southeast Asian Jounal of Social Science published a special edition (Alatas 2000) on altenative appoaches in the social sciences in Southeast Asia. Howeve, not a single aticle made efeence to ndonesia. This is the eason why the significance and impact of the social sciences in ndonesia on social life, whateve its ideological chaacte, has not been paticulaly geat. This is not to deny that thee ae othe systems of knowledge and sciences. These othe systems ae usually not ecognized as pat of the secula, moden system of knowledge and science, a system geatly influenced by fomal Westen intellectual Pehaps this is not an accident but eflects the dominance of positivism in social science in ndonesia to date. This has wought citicism fom the poponents of post-modenism and cultual studies both of which schools of thought stess self-eflexivity. 4 See Human Rights Watch (1998) fo moe infomation egading the suppession of academic feedom. Fo the histoy of Pisma, see Sudibyo (2001)., The wite is gateful to Maa Cynthia Rose Bautista fo poviding him with the fist volume of this wok entitled, The Histoy and Development of Soda Science Disciplines in the Philippines (Mialao 1999). 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6 f ~ l f ~!i ~. f. l t ~ p,. ~ ~. 62 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA taditions. The vaious "indigenous" sciences ae efeed to as tadition, belief systems, myths o custom. But the tuth of the matte is, the development of ideology in a society such as ndonesia does not and has not developed only, o even mainly, though the moden and fomal social sciences. Louis Althusse eminds us that any study of ideology in contempoay society must take educational institutions seiously (1971: 29-31). 6 This has a geneal validity, but especially in cetain societies in Asia, Euope and Noth Ameica whee fomal education is well established, whee compulsoy schooling fo 12 yeas has poven to be faily effective, and whee access to highe education is not a luxuy. n such societies, citizens spend a geate pat of thei time, at least five hous a day ove a peiod of ten yeas, in school and dealing with the wold of ideas, a wold filled with ideology. n late twentieth centuy SOciety, it would be coect to add the mass media, especially television and the intenet, to the list of key instuments fo the gowth and spead of ideologies. f this chapte wee pimaily concened with the question of ideology in ndonesian society, the thing to study would not be the social sciences. Rathe, this chapte is about the social sciences and ideology's place within the social sciences. t is not about ideology pe se o its place in the wide envionment. Given that the social sciences in ndonesia ae still young and continue to develop slowly, the pesent chapte does not confine its scope to puely academic woks published in pee eview jounals o ideas embodied in theses. Even Pisma, consideed the most pestigious jounal and the "pionee of scholaly media" was not a pee eviewed jounal. shall, theefoe, also conside aticles and opinion columns witten by social scientists fo the est of this chapte's discussion. As we know, many social scientists have gained thei populaity and authoity, not as a esult of published academic eseach, but though appeaances at seminas, often without eseach papes, published opinion pieces o media inteviews, THE NEW ORDER AND THE RSE OF THE NDONESAN SOCAL SCENCES n a numbe oflibeal counties, the social sciences pl~y a ole of social citicism of the status quo. Pehaps moe coectly, they ae thought to have played o should play that ole. n many colonial and post-colonial counties, such as ndonesia, the DEOLOG lea L BAGGAGE AND ORENTATONS OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESL~ 63 social sciences have been an instument to assist state-sponsoed pojects and to povide the political justification fo the ationale o the actual implementation of such pojects. Although thee ae some significant similaities in conditions, spiit, and ideals among the vaious newly independent nations, thei national pojects ae not unifom, since the conditions and colonial expeiences have been sufficiently diffeent (Couch 1985). The same is tue fo the development of the social sciences in these counties. The following is an attempt to study, based on the eseach of many othe scholas, the vaious ideologies that have been stong in the fomation of the ndonesian nation -state and which have had an impact on the gowth of the social sciences. Fom the stat, the fomation of the ndonesian nation-state constituted a compomise that was necessay but neve fully ageed upon by thee diffeent social goups o steams of thought. Thee ae diffeent tems used fo these goups. n this study we will use the geneally used tems of Maxist, slamist and Developmentalist.7 These thee goups accepted the necessity fo compomise because they faced a common enemy, fist Dutch colonialists and late Japanese occupation. n addition they shaed the common ideal of establishing an independent nation-state and developing an ndonesian identity. But, thee wee also majo diffeences between the thee goups. The Maxists envisaged a moden, pospeous and independant ndonesian futue though the implemen tation of a fundamen tal estuctuing of the state's economic foundation as pat of an intenational evolution. The slamists wanted the least possible sepaation between the teachings ofslam and the task of developing a moden and civilized life, theeby distinguishing itself fom the societies of fome colonizes o thei colonies. The Developmentalists, as descibed by Cibb (1999: 20), wee the suppotes of univesal, libeal and secula modenity as oiginally espoused by the moden colonial intellectuals of the Ethical Policy peiod. Duing the New Ode peiod, these thee elements did not develop into pue o sepaate foms. Rathe, what emeged wee combinations of the thee, each one execisi ng some influence ove the othes. n eality, thee exist in ndonesia many goups, aspiations and ideologies outside of these thee. Each of these thee goups also has thei vaiant sub-goups. Howeve, it is easonable to asset that these thee goups ae the stongest in tems of identity, Althusse wote; "one ideological State appaatus cetainly has the dominant ole, although hadly anyone lends an ea to its music; it is so silent! This is the School. t takes childen fom evey class at infant school age, and then [o yeas, the yeas in which the child is the most 'vulneable';."it dums into them".a cetain amount of 'know how' wapped in the uling ideology".o simply the uling ideology in its pue state" (1971; 29),, One ecent study of the tensions between these goups is that pesented by the Austalian histoian, Robet Cibb (1999: 20). Cihb uses the tem "Muslim" to efe to the second goup. n my view, this tem is not appopiate fo descibing the diffeences between these thee goups because thee ae Muslims in all thee goups but not all Muslims popose slam as the pime oientation o ideal fo the nation -s tate. '..!!

7 64 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA oientation and influence. Duing the Soekano peiod, the ivaly between these thee goups intensified. Soekano's effots in the 1960s to econcile the thee and, at the same time to manage the whole pocess of govenment, wee given the slogan, Nasakom (Nasionalis-Agama-Komunis, o Nationalist-Religious-Communist). t is impotant to emembe that these effots took place duing the Cold Wa. Developments in ndonesia wee not isolated fom intenational tensions. As we all know, the Nasakom slogan and poject collapsed in 1965 with the elimination of the communist element fom the body of the ndonesian nation -state in one of the biggest mass slaughtes in moden histoy. This event paved the way fo the tansfe of state powe fom the Guided Democacy govenment of Soekamo, who leaned in favo of Beijing, to the New Ode unde the leadeship of Soehato who was moe intimate with Washington. The New Ode govenment was able to develop coopeation with some, though not all, of the dominant elements in society. But, these alliances wee neithe static no between equals. As needs emeged, elements that wee pomoted o epessed changed. n the ealy decade of the New Ode, the Developmentalists eceived pominence. Shotly afte the New Ode consolidated its militaistic powe, the New Ode suppessed the slamists until the late 1980s. Fom that time onwads, a vey visible political intimacy developed between the New Ode govenment and sections of the slamic community. n the 1970s, the seeds of contadiction and citicism of the dominant ideology wee planted. Oiented towads Developmentalism, the poject of nation building and modenity was launched in the tue spiit of Dutch ndies colonialism, albeit with a stong Javanese flavo. The pioities wee economic gowth, political stability, inceasing fomal education oppotunities, extending the infastuctue, and coopeation with global intenational capitalist foces. Because these aspiations wee in conflict with slamist aspiations, the ealiest adical citicisms came fom this same goup. As it tuned out, the slamists became the taget of majo suppession and destuction by the New Ode govenment once the communists had been destoyed. Although some changes did occu duing the last few yeas of the New Ode, the Development ideology was the only uling ideology fo moe than thity yeas. Because ofits dominant position, citicisms of the govenment a.lffiost always implied citicism of the Developmentalist logic. Likewise, citicisms of development pojects wee also often viewed as an offence against the govenment. Vaious aspects oflife, Towads the end of his ule, in the 1990s, Soehato suddenly changed his political stategy, Facing divisions within the political elite and among his fome allies, in paticula among seveal etied militay offices, the Soehato govenment ehabilitated seveal slamist leades who had been in o DEO LO GCAL BAGGAGE AND OR ENTATONS OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA 65 including the social sciences, wee expected to bow down and seve the national ideology. Public and official activities took place within the famewok of a single diection o theme: "n suppot of Development~. On the othe hand, it must also be acknowledged that Developmentalism was the most impotant sponso of the quantitative gowth in education and eseach, including the social sciences. This is evidenced by the gowth ofliteacy, the numbe of childen in school, and the incease in eseach, publishing and libayactivities. 9 As one obseve put it: One of the most significant achievements of the New Ode egime has been the expansion of education to the point whee univesal pimay education has been almost attained; this also means that illiteacy has almost disappeaed among the younge population... Fo the fist time in ndonesian histoy, then, the seconday educated outnumbeed those with no education, Female gains wee elatively even geate than male. Jones 1994: 161 Accoding to anothe assessment, which was an analysis of the situation in 1941: Thee wee only two tetiay education institutions fo the social sciences and the humanities,.., thee wee only two ndonesians at pofessoial level. Now [1983] thee ae no less than 74 faculties of social sciences and cultue faculties of education and teaching unde the same system. Thee ae also 32 faculties teaching social sciences and cultue. DEVELOPMENTALSM N THE NEW ORDER SOCAL SCENCES Abdullah 1983: 24. The Developmentalism that gew in New Ode society can be best descibed as technocatism with a Javanese militaistic accent. Technocatism is neithe a specifically ndonesian no New Ode concept. As in many othe societies, wee in jail, and invited them to shae powe with him in govenment (see Hefne 2000). The dominance of Developmentalism duing the New Ode also did not completely eadicate Maxist and s!amist elements. slamist thinking developed thoughout the 1980s, especially afte the fomation of the ndonesian Association of Muslim ntellectuals (Jkatan Cendekiawan Muslim ndonesia - em) in 1990, To a lesse degee and in secet, the same applied to Maxist thinking afte Maxist books wee published (o epublished) afte the fall of Soehato in Fo a quantitative pictue of developments in fomal education in ndonesia duing this peiod, see Juoo (1990), Jones (l994: esp, pp 16 J -6) and Pijono (1999).,', y...'~; i ":! :1i -':1 ~i -"" "}, :::! 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8 i!, i, " t jt f ' ) p 66 SO CAL SCENCE AND POWER N ND ONESA Developmentalism, a~ a vesion of technocatism, states that natue is povided as a blessing fo humankind; thee it exists fo humankind to exploit and use fo its benefit. The highest fom of this exploitation equies the sevices of expets, science and technology, all woking in a secula way, based on univesal laws and pinciples, and neutal in and of themselves. As will be explained below, technocatism in the New Ode was adopted selectively and inconsistently, contadicting its othe ideological oientations. n any case, faith in such a notion dove the state to make a stong commitment to the expansion of educational and scientific infastuctue. The state could only, howeve, accept the legitimacy of education and science that could be consideed neutal, that is, which could be and was easily managed by those in powe. This is why- so many Asian egimes enthusiastically impoted science and technology fom the libeal West while simultaneously ejecting "libealism". They hoped that science and technology would become enduing instuments, wielding geat powe yet emaining subsevient, vey much like a soldie, machine, woke o thug.. Although technocatism is deived fom Westen modenity, since the 1980s, post -colonial Singapoe has been one of the most fanatical and successful poponents of technocatism. Being moe technocatic than the West itself, Singapoe has poudly poclaimed its success as a esult of a specifically Asian spiit. n ndonesia, in its Javanese militaistic style, Developmentalism was expected to adopt and espect the social and political powe stuctue inspied by Javanese militaistic and keaton (oyal cout) outlooks, giving the New Ode the featue of the Pesident as the peak and cente of powe. lo n othe wods, hee was a seious contadiction in tems of the New Ode's Developmentalism. Univesality, neutality, and objectivity ae etained as abstact hetoic in elation to vaious managed activi ties in eseach and scholaship, but in pactice all this was limited and subjugated by the duty to seve the inteests and status of the uling powe as the sponso of scholaship and eseach. One good example of how the New Ode's technocatism contadicted the feudalism that accompanied it is the pogam fo the cultivation and development of ndonesian languages. Unde the New Ode, ndonesia was one of just a few counties in the wold that caied out lage-scale engineeing of the national language. This was done on a much bigge scale than anything attempted with the social sciences. On 1 Apil 1975, this commitment was institutionalized with the establishment of the Cente fo the Advancement of Development of Language with banches in many povinces. Pehaps ndonesia is the only county in the wold 10 Although som ewha t out of -da te, Benedict Andeson's (1972) an alys is oft avanese powe is still us eful. JDEOLOGCA L BAGGAGE AND 0 R ENTATONS OF THE SO CAL SCENCES N NDONESA 67 that celebates a "language month". This is all done in the name of developing "good and coect" usage of the national language accoding to scholaly citeia and not based on the expeience of social intecouse though concete histoy, which invaiably poduces a hybid, if not a totally mixed chaacte. n many ways, and pehaps this was not always ealized by the expets, the Cente fo the Development and Advancement of Language assisted the Govenment's effots in puifying society's vocabulay and memoy of political elements. t was duing this peiod, fo example, that the wod buuh (laboe) was eplaced fist with pekeja (woke) and late kayawan (one who stives),u Aest and inteogation by the militay became populaly efeed to as diamankan (to make secue o safe). Demonstasi became unjuk asa, o "to show one's feelings': But, pobably the most emakable achievement was the ceation of a eality that had neve actually existed: the tem Ode Lama (Old Ode) was invented to enable the pojection of the egime as its anti-thesis, the Ode Bau, the New Ode.12 A athe unexpected esult of this poject was that it evealed how the language of govenment officials themselves was not "good and coect" accoding to the fomal citeia set out by the state! The Language Congess of Octobe 1998 openly citicized the linguistic pactices of many officials, fo example, the misponunciation of the suffix "kan" as "ken" in the style ofsoehato. The govenment chided thei citics, aguing that such comments wee inappopiate. 13 This Javanese militaistic accented technocatism neve developed into fullblooded technocatism. This is what diffeentiates ndonesia fom Singapoe and Malaysia. Technocacy was a useful and tempoay instument to kick-stat a method and pocess that in fact was in contadiction with the basic pinciples of technocacy. Since 1998, this way of doing things became known as KKN (ko'upsi, kolusi dan 11 TRANSLATOR'S NOTE: bunh is the oldest tem fo "woke" used in political discouse. Meaning "laboe" it has always emphasized the lowly o exploited position of the woke, Pekeja is simply the noun made fom the veb, to wok (bekeja) and has no political connotations one way o the othe. Kayawan is a moe ecent invention coming out of the ndonesian amy's political inteventions in the 1960s and 1970s which ceated the Golongan Kap o Functional Goups oganization. Bekaya was politically defined as caying out one's pope function accoding to one's occupation (as in the Hindu caste system). A kayawan was theefoe anybody who caied out the pope function of thei occupation. t was meant to negate any sense of wokes as an exploited dass. Ove time in day-to-day usage, kayawan came moe to mean "white colla woke" o office employee. These tems wee not invented by the Cente fo Language, but they escaped any citicisms fom this Cente which was immesed in effots to ndonesian-ize vaious technological and technocatic tems. The impotant thing to note is that the tem "Old Ode" made its way into the consciousness of those who became citics of the New Ode. The habit of efeing to the "Old Ode" has continued among social scientists, both ndonesian and foeign, even afte LJ Fo a moe detailed discussion of the elationship between Developmentalism, the language development poject and nation building, see Heyanto (1989; 1995).

9 68 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA nepotisme - couption, collusion, nepotism). Howeve, whateve its limitations, the technocatic commitment of the New Ode aided the expansion of the social sciences in this county. Fo the fist time in ndonesian histoy, seveal independent bodies wee fomed that wee impotant fo the gowth of the social sciences in this county. These included the nstitute fo Social and Economic Reseach, Education and nfomation (Lembaga Peneiitian, Pendidikan dan Peneangan Ekonomi dan Sosial - LP3 ES) in 1971, the ndonesian Association fo the Development of Social Sciences (Himpunan ndonesia untuk Pengembangan lmu-lmu Sosial- HPS) in 1975, and the Social Sciences Foundation (Yayasan lmu-ilmu Sosial- YS) in LP3ES published the most pestigious and enduing social sciences jounal in ndonesian histoy, Pisma. Up until that time, most social science eseach was instituted by govenment bodies o political paties whose objectives wee not to make new discoveies o enew an inteest in social knowledge, let alone to espouse any adical citicism of the existing social ode. As explained by Michael Mofit (1981: 68); "Until 1971, almost evey ministy established a eseach and development section to cay out what was efeed to as policy oiented eseach." The same thing was obseved by Ruth McVey in the wide context of Southeast Asia: "The main task of scholaship is to fill in the blanks athe than to test the famewok." (McVey 1995: 3). This was the eason why "many of the best Southeast Asian scholaly minds have found a puely academic life stultifying and/ o epessive, and have tuned thei enegies instead to politics, administation, o othe non-eseach activities" (McVey 1995: 3). The exact natue of the gowth of the social sciences in the ealy decades of the New Ode, and the elationship with vaious social demands and institutions ae laid out by TauHk Abdullah (1983). Social sciences activities wee sponsoed by New Ode govenment agencies in lage numbes than in any pevious peiod. While thee wee, no doubt, exceptions fom time to time, these activities wee caied out as fomalities, as pat of development pojects implemented with govenment funds o foeign aid. These wee not activities aimed at finding "tuth and knowledge" to the geatest depth possible. Fo example, an activity would take the fom of a feasibility study pio to the implementation of a development poject, o an evaluation afte the poject hqd been completed. Almost all wee mechanical, focused on the collection of quantitative data, and involved no detailed o citical examination of the validity of the data. Those collecting the data neve eceived adequate taining no did they have an undestanding of the famewok being used by the eseach supeviso, who was usually too busy with othe pojects in diffeent locations and theefoe did not have the time to communicate with the membes of his vaious eseach teams. As these wee almost equied puely as a fomality, the esults of the eseach would not even eceive any DEOLOGCAL BAGGAGE AND ORENTA TONS OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N ND ONESA 69 attention fom the depatments that had commissioned the eseach. They almost neve influenced policy decisions, which wee based on pagmatic, shot-tem political consideations. H Most of the esults of such eseach wee neve published and so have neve been subject to the citical examination of othe social scientists. 15 Mofit also notes the existence of seveal semi-autonomous institutions such as the National Social and Economic nstitute (Lembaga Ekonomi dan Kemasyaakatan Nasional- LEKNAS) and the National Cente fo Language Development (Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa. - PPPB), both of which come unde the umbella of the ndonesian nstitute of Sciences (Lembaga lmu Pengetahuan ndonesia - LP).16 Again, accoding to MoHt (1981: 69), thee wee only a few pivate institutions woth noting, and only two connected to univesities. Apat fom LP3ES, thee was the Social Science Reseach nstitute at Satya Wacana Chistian Univesity (Lembaga Penelitian lmu Sosial- LPS), the Reseach Cente at Atma JayaUnivesity, the Development Studies nstitute (Lembaga Studi Pembangunan - LSP) and the Cente fo Stategic and ntenational Studies (CSS). Except fo LPS in Salatiga, they wee all based in Jakata. Although classihed as "pivate': the eseach conditions and activities wee not makedly diffeent in chaacte fom the national scene as descibed by Mofit and McVey. These obsevations wee made in papes pesented by LPS eseaches fo the fist HPS congess held in Bukit Tinggi, 1-6 Septembe 1975 (LPS 1975). Of couse, not all social sciences poduced in ndonesia is as bad as that indicated by the last couple of paagaphs. One of the most impotant figues to have successfully expessed the spiit of technocacy and modenization in a popula language was the anthopologist Koen~aaningat. His wok, Kebudayaan, Mentalitet dan Pembangunan [Cultue, Mentality and Development] (1974), compising a seies of aticles peviously published in the mass media, was epinted many times because of its populaity. t became an impotant efeence esouce fo many people. Koentjaaningat, inspied by the thinking of the Ameican anthopologist, Clyde Kluckhohn, was an ndonesian social scientist who woked tielessly and with geat commitment to explain what was "wong" with the mentality and spiit of taditional society as it tansfomed into a moden society. He tied to help society modenize though a change in attitudes and cultual values. 1< TRANSLATOR'S NOTE; This is also the eason why thee has been np stong "ideology" behind the pactice and stuctue of the social sciences in ndonesia in the way that such things developed in o the fome colonies, 15 This ough outline is based upon the wok done by Mofit (1981) and Abdullah (1983). 16 A moe complete list of social science eseach institutions duing this time is povided by Abdullah (1983), but fo ou modest needs, Mofit's list suffices.,, i ~~ :.::. ~, ".. ).'.~.~: -'.':..: ;:f. :. ~ ~,-: "'; ".~ ':~ )1 <;i- ;:~ >i,'; <,:~ -' - :'!::;-:./.:J j "i ::1..: ~f. "j'-..,:~

10 70 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N ND ONESA DEOLOGCA L BAGGAGE AN l ORENTATONS OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA 71 Given, on the one hand, the death of othe famewoks elevant to the needs of technocatic modenization unde the New Ode militaistic leadeship, and the oveflowing need fo poject based "eseach~ on the othe, Koentjaaningat's model was epoduced, albeit with methodological distotions depending on the pactical needs of the diffeent goups making efeence to his model. n othe wods, a specific ideology about the wold, tuth and social knowledge had gained momentum fom the mateial and immateial conditions of the time to develop and become dominant in the socio-political context of the New Ode. As noted ealie, this had not been a pocess of one o two elite goups conspiing to fool the people with an instument called "ideology" in ode to extend, defend and justify the inteests of the espective goups. The pimay objects of study within this dominant system of thought wee nonmateial things such as mentality, attitudes to life, and cultual values. Yet hundeds, pehaps thousands, of officially sponsoed eseach pojects at this time obliged the use of the most "pactical and easiest" methodology, namely quantitative suveys.l7 f, in an intangible aea such as cultue, thee was no hesitation in gatheing quantitative and empiical data, thee was even less hesitation in othe fields such as sociology, geogaphy, political science, o histoy. t is not supising if those who took the task of citically examining these studies have been disappointed with what they found. t is not just that cultual phenomenon cannot always be measued in quantitative tems, but that basic pinciples of quantitative eseach wee not popely adheed to by even the most pestigious eseach teams (see the detailed citicisms povided by Kleden 1987). Thoughout this centuy, almost evey analysis of the social sciences in ndonesia has compised complaints and statements of gave concen, despite the damatic incease in the numbe of gaduates, institutions, and eseach pojects. Whilst thee ae examples of outstanding achievements by individual scholas, thee has been no o little development of a suppot system that facilitates the taining of gaduates, sustainable eseach and publications aimed at pomoting intellectual woks of scholaship. Similaly, many of the outstanding woks of individual scholas have not eceived the public ecognition o study they deseye. These weaknesses ae not all elated to insufficient funds. Financial assistance fom intenational aid agencies has been moe than adequate, at least fo the shot and medium tem needs of individual eseaches and eseach institutions. Fo " This was a vey diffeent famewok than that of anothe anthopologist, Cliffod Geetz, who had become the inspiation to scholas aound the wold at that time. This was due the attaction of his use of intepetative anthopology which based itself on ethnogaphy, naation, and subjective and semiotic intepetation (Geetz 1973; 1983). example, "The YS often has moe funds than it can use. The difficulty is finding people who can use the funds available in ode to implement social sciences eseach in a systematic way, and be accountable fo the esults:' This was an aea of concen, so much so that the founde and leade of the YS acknowledged: "We ae often being pessued by the intenational foundations to spend the money that has been allocated to ndonesia." (Soemadjan 1983: 78). Twenty yeas late, have pesonally obseved the same phenomenon: the flood of foeign funds fo social science eseach and the difficulty in finding inteested and qualified eseaches. (Heyanto 1999; 2002). CRTCSMS OF DEVELOPMENTALSM Reconciling the stak diffeences between a technocatism that elentlessly sought ationality, use-value and wok efficiency on the one hand, and the paochial and patimonial New Ode social ode on the othe, was not the only difficulty the govenment faced. nd~stialization unde the New Ode, patly eflecting its own success, poduced in tun othe shap citicisms fom seveal diffeent quates. The following is a discussion of the thee citical pespectives that developed in the social sciences, which can be loosely efeed to as the pespectives of the libeals, the populists and the stuctualists. As noted ealie, the slamist, Maxist and Developmentalist elements contibuted to the ideological competition, but not in a single, sepaate and pue fom. These vaious "histoical legacies" esulted in the diffeing natues of these citical goups. Libealism, the foeunne of neo-libealism, 18 was one of the most sevee theats to Developmentalism because it had the backing of poweful intenati6nal foces duing and, especially afte the Cold Wa. But libealism, a foce felt so stongly in eal life scenaios, was not eflected to its tue extent in its hetoical and public pofile (see wan, this volume). The public had gown suspicious oflibealism. t was populism that was lauded in public peception and hetoic. But, facing the poweful tide of global capitalism, populism was often consideed a "pape tige". n the 1980s, Developmentalism, as with libealism, was the object of seious citicism fom the stuctualists. Fo a while, stuctualism was a efeshing change fo social 18 Thee ae of couse impotant diffeences between libealism and neo-libealism, but these diffeences ae not so significant fo the puposes of this chapte. n the context of a discussion of the social sciences in ndonesia, libealism is a boad categoy (fom the social sciences to the humanities and ats) which emphasizes univesal espect fo the ights and dignity of the individual- and not a goup o the state - as well as a espect fo the vaiety among them, including fo minoities. Neo-libealism is usually consideed a moe ecent geneation of libealism with a naowe oientation to political and economic views, policies and pactices.

11 ~. J ~.. \:.:- 72 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA [DEO LO GCAL BAGGAGE AND ORENTA nons OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA 73 ( [ L, L 1 f E' ;!-- sciences intellectuals, and it was not long befoe stuctualism tansfomed into a social movement. (Neo )Libealism Libealism in colonial and ndonesian social sciences stems fom the influence of Euopean libealism. t has a long histoy but its influence has always been limited. t is easie to find books and bibliogaphies that omanticize neo-libealism in the education system and public discouse than it is to find majo woks by ndonesians who set out consciously to espouse the spiit of libealism. f we confine ouselves to looking at the books on univesity couse eading lists o in libaies, we could be led to believe that libealism, along with neo-classical thought, is indeed influential in fields such as political science and economics. But, this does not eflect the tue impact of these ideas on the dynamics ofndonesian social sciences. At this point, it would be appopiate to emind the eade that thee was a lack of domestic financial esouces available to many social sciences institutions. The lage amounts of foeign aid, especially fom the United States, came in the fom of scholaships, teaching staff, and textbooks that wee based on libeal ideas. The foeign esouces wee accepted and utilized, but not undestood in any depth. Both "capitalism" and "libealism" ae tems that have been geneally stigmatized in ndonesian histoy (Heyanto 1999a). As a esult, the enty and gowth of libealism in ndonesia had to put on a "disguise", using othe faces and tems. The technocatic aspects of the New Ode povided fetile gound, not fo the development of libeal thought, but fo a nomative discussion that omanticized some elements of libealism, such as the dignity of fee, autonomous and ational human beings. This appoach would emege, fo example, in attacks on "taditional" society and cultue and in the launching of "modenization': One goup usually consideed as having played a majo ole in fosteing the gowth of one vesion of libealism in ndonesia duing the New Ode is efeed to as the Bekeley Mafia. This was a goup of gaduates fom the Univesity of Califonia, Bekeley, who wee appointed by the New Ode govenment as "Development Expets" in the cabinet at the end of.the 1960s and ealy 1970s. This vesion oflibealism was usually vey technical and instumental without the deepe o moe compehensive libeal phil osophy o ideology. n any case, thei views wee quite influential in many, although not all, aeas of state policy. They wee also influential, to a lesse degee, in the social sciences, especially in nutuing a neoclassical pespective in economics. The pivate eseach institution called the Cente fo Stategic and ntenational Studies (CSS), founded in 1971 and dose, fo a time, to the New Ode govenment, also contibuted geatly to the spead of the libeal pespective in vaious social sciences discouses. Oveall, howeve, libeal influences wee moe stongly eflected in selected govenment sponsoed Development pactices than in the fomal academic institutions, even though these influences came up against othe policie's and pactices sponsoed by the same state. 19 The chaptes by wan, as well as Dhakidae and Hadiz in this volume, descibe the limited authoity and influence of the Bekeley Mafia. Militaism, potectionism, and then couption and collusion wee in patneship with geate foces in the implementation of Development in ndonesia. Fom time to time, wheneve it was felt necessay, govenment spokespesons would name libealism as one of the most dangeous theats to the ndonesian nation-state alongside "communism" and "slamic fundamentalism': These wanings wee polific, fo example, when the ideas deived fom libeation theology gained cuency among non-govenmental oganizations (NGOs) in ndonesia in the 1980s. Sympathy fo selected elements of libealism among the ndonesian public gew in the fist half of the 1980s encouaged by vaious paties, among them some govenment depatments. This happened in the aftemath of the economic cisis and the fall in the wold pice of oil. The key wods o "wa cy" used to pump up libealism at that time was wiaswasta and kewiaswastaan, meaning entepeneu and entepeneuship espectively. A majo ideological change based on sympathy fo libealism occued in the late and ealy 1990s. Jus t as a coss-ethnic capitalist class was developing, thee was a campaign backing an ideology, which not only justified but also gloified the ideology and dominance ofthe new capitalist class (Heyanto 1999a). An inteesting phenomenon duing this peiod was that the campaign espousing capitalism and libealism was not just caied out by social scientists, who taditionally wielded littl~ authoity, but athe by businessmen and govenment officials. Fo the fist time in ndonesian histoy, businessmen appeaed at seminas and confeences to pesent academic style papes. Thei companies wee often asked to sponso academic activities and pogams in the univesities. Some majo business figues appeaed as new celebities on the font coves of pestigious magazines, on talk shows, and even appeaed on stage to ead poety (ibid.). The tem "globalization" has many widely debated connotations. Howeve, one thing cannot be denied, namely that thee has been an expansion of the netwok of industial capitalism. Libealism, in economics, moality and in intellectual affais, has seeped into ndonesia as pat of this pocess on a scale and depth not befoe 19 See, fo example, Sen and Hill's analysis of the contadictions in the New Ode's policies managing the mass media industy (2000).

12 ~ 74 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N ND ONESA DEOLOGCAL BAGGAGE AND ORENTA nons OF THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA 75 i" expeienced in ndonesian histoy. The tem "libeal n was consciously chosen by a goup of pogessive Muslim activists in Jakata to descibe thei goup, the Libeal slamic Netwok, which does not at all mean that they suppot Ameican style neolibeal economics. One of the ealy leades of this goup published his dissetation that openly poclaimed its neo-libeal spiit (Mallaangeng 2002). Sonny Keaf's aticle (1995) is anothe example of a pespective that wamly welcomed the libeal outlook duing this time. Despite all of these advances, at the beginning of the 21'1 centuy, neithe libealism no capitalism was consideed wothy of moe seious thought o deepe undestanding by the ndonesian public. Libealism, like capitalism, is still held in suspicion, even idiculed. Fo example, as is descibed by Wibowo and Wahono (2003)2U, libealism's influence is moe widespead and geate in ndonesia's economic pactices than it is a souce of inspiation o analytical famewok fo the social sciences. 2l Populism The tems capitalism and libealism have not been accepted as wothy in ndonesia because of the stength of the histoy of populist omanticism, as is the case in many agaian, colonial and post-colonial societies. One of the moe esilient manifestations of this populist omanticism is the official histoy of the stuggle fo ndonesian independence, and the many sub-plots of that histoy, which is vey much alive in the public fantasy and which has been pesented to the public visually though postes, monuments, paintings, bannes and decoated village gateways that commemoate independence evey 17 August. Given that New Ode Developmentalism defends the inteests of the capitalist class, national and city state officials and intenational capital, it is not supising that Developmentalism has been seiously challenged by suppotes of populism. This is pobably because populists gained exta cedibility and appeal fom the injustices of the New Ode. Yet ideologically, populism has motivated them to pesent sincee and continuing citicisms of New Ode Development, which has been based on technocacy, half-heated libealism and topped with a Javanese piyayp2 militaism. 20 See eviews of this book by Pamoedya (2003) and Magnis-Suseno (2003 J.,j n an essay egetting the weakness of libealization in ndonesia, Paisa! Basi has witten; " have delibeately pul the wod libealizatlon in quotation maks because this tem is not popula and by some people is consideed najis [fllthy1: a westen idea, giving fanatical suppot to the Washington consensus, an agent of the MF, a foll owe of neolibealism, a ca pi talist" (Basi 2003). " TRANSLATOR'S NOTE: Piyayi - efes to the laye of state officials and bueaucats which today still embody the conseva live and despotic social, political and cultual outlook of the mino aistocacy ofjava which became subsevient to the colonial state in the 19 th centuy and which po\~ded much of the colonial state appaatus. New Ode Developmentalism came unde attack fom two elements that helped the awakening of the ndonesian nation, namely the Maxists and the slanists, wheneve the possibility existed As mentioned, Maxism, both as a school of thought and a political movement, was physically eliminated as well as fomally outlawed at the beginning of The slamist foces wee subsequently subjugated in the 1970s. This meant that the populist citicisms that did aise duing the New Ode developed within a system of ideas and vocabulay unde the domination of the New Ode. Limited space and my knowledge on the matte do not allow me to give moe than one example of sustained populist citicism, namely the school of thought, which calls itself the Pancasila Economic System (Sistem Efwnomi Pancasila - SEP). The oiginal souce of ideas behind the SEP was the popula socialism of the colonial ea, which stessed the impotance of coopeatives as a basis of the state economy. This paticula fom of socialism was populaized by people such as Muhammad Hatta, an intellectual duing the colonial peiod who late became a statesman. Economist Mubyato, fom Gadjah Mada Univesity, one of the poponents of SEP, defined its five key featues. Fist, "Coopeatives ae the basic pilla of the economy"; second, "The wheels of the economy ae diven by economic, social and moal incentives"; thid, "The stong desie fo the whole of society to move in the diection of social egalitaianism"; fouth, "The main pioity of economic policy is... to ceate a esilient national economy"; and fifth, '}\ dea and fim balance between national planning and decentalization" (Kompas 1981; Mubyato 1987). The meits of the intellectual substance of the SEP aside, it is dea fom the wide public esponse that these ideas developed as a populist citicism of New Ode Development. t is not supising that SEP eceived boad sympathy fom those citical of New Ode Development. But, fo its own safety, SEP was caefully woded so as to make it acceptable in the political climate of the time. This included using the tem "Pancasila'; which was at that time also in the pocess of being sacalized by the New Ode as pat of the pocess of justifying the epession of theats fom the slamists. Coopeatives, the fist featue of SEP, epesented a populist nostalgia befoe capitalistic New Ode Developmentalism emeged and stated to cause poblems fo "the little people" o common man. By using the elatively old o aged tem "coopeatives'; which still etained evolutionay populist connotations, these citics wee implying that New Ode Development had stayed fom the consensus and ideals ofndonesian independence. The second featue ofsep, that incentives should be social and moal and not just economic, was a moal citicism of the phenomenon of mateial geed that developed duing the oil boom, and which accompanied the ceation and ise of the nouveau iche. Egalitaianism, the thid featue of SEP, was

13 76 SOC AL SCENCE AND POW ER N N DONSA DEO logcal BAG GAG [ AND ORENTATONS 0 F TlE 50 [Al SC ekes N ND ON [S A 77 a ci ticism of the gap between ich and poo that had stated to cause concen in the 1980s. The fouth, nationalism, and fifth, decentalization, wee featues that ejected the libeal spiit epesented at the time by the technocats. SEP can be viewed as an impotant statement if taken as an expession of populist sentiment and moal citicism. SEP always had, howeve, seious flaws as an academic concept. Fom the stat, it attacted shap citicism fom those who had been affected by the flouishing of neo-maxist style stuctualist political economy in the 1970s. This bings us to anothe goup of citics of New Ode Developmentalism, the stuctualists. t must be noted hee, howeve, that despite being subject to vey fundamental citicisms since its beginnings, SEP continues to advance. Stuctualist Political-Economy n the New Ode stuctualist political economy did not emege simply as a citical eaction to SEP. Stuctualism also launched a geneal citique of New Ode Developmentalism, including a citique of the dominant paadigm within the social sciences. Stuctualism theeby opened up a boad new pespective that was vey impotant fo the dynamics of the social sciences at that time. This section will not povide an oveall analysis of stuctualism and its vaiants that polifeated duing the New Ode. t will athe concentate on one vesion, which became the most popula among the educated public, with a numbe of eductions and simplifications?' The pimay taget of stuctualist citiques was the so-called, not by its own poponents, "cultualism" o the "cultual appoach" to the social sciences and humanities. 24 The citicism of SEP and the social sciences system in geneal and Development pactices in ndonesia was based on the pemise that all these had been led astay by cultualism. Because of the impotance of these citicisms and the debate that they povoked, this issue is the main object of study fo the est of this chapte. t is egettable that thee was a goss lack of a suppot system fo the social sciences. Consequently, futhe debate on the impact of cultualism did not take place. Discussed below ae (a) a bief sketch of this debate; (b) its contibution to ndonesian social sciences; and ec) its coe weaknesses. 23 Seveal sticte and moe thoough uses - to lhe extent that these chaacteistics made them less popula in public debate - of the stuctualist famewok can be studied in a numbe of semina papes, thesis and aticles in jounals such as Pisma. Besides the two editos of this book, anothe ndonesian schola who was a pesistent poponent of the stuctualist appoach fo many diffeent kinds of analysis was the late Fachan B ulkin. The wite thanks the edi to s, and in paticula Vedi Hadiz, fo eminding him of the impotance ofbulkin's woks (1984a; 1984b). " Because these names wee attached to this school of thought by citics, efeences to them should be in quotation maks. To simplify the witing style, the use of quotation maks will not be continued but eades need to bea this note in mind. The pimay citicisms of SEP wee that it was nothing moe than an idealist and moalist wish list, and theefoe not ooted in eality; ahistoical- not ooted in the mateial eality of economic and political histoy of ndonesia; and theoetically flawed - not based on theoetical fundamentals fom the classical social sciences. One popula poponent of post-1965 stuctualism, Aief Budiman, launched a citicism of SEP as pat of a lage citicism of the dominant social sciences of the time (Budiman 1981; 1982a; 1989). Although Budiman did povoke some citical esponses, none of these ae woth mentioning. 25 "Stuctualist" citicism became the main efeence fo those who wished to challenge the social ode and the social sciences unde the Soehato egime, which had given bith to this ode. Although he was not alone, and pehaps not the fist to put fonvad stuctualism in ndonesia,26 it can be said that Budiman was one academic who igoously populaized the concept of stuctualism among social scientists. He did this though a seies of polemic lectues and opinion columns. Some of his ealy ndonesian language aticles include Budiman 1976; 1977; 1981; 1983; and 1987a and b. Seveal othe wi tings, including Budiman 1982a and 1982b wee compiled into a published book (Budiman 1989). Budiman's views that ae elevant to this chapte wee expessed in an inteview in Pisma (Budiman 1983), and will be consideed below in some detail. What Budiman gave to the eades of Pism a - the educated ndonesian public not limited to social scien tists - was a e-intoduction to the basics of classical Maxist thought simple enough to be digested by many people. He had obtained the inspiation fo his ideas fom his expeiences in the United States, whee he studied, at a time when stuctualism was in vogue. n addition to this, he cited the example of how stuctualism was used in dependency theoy fom as ealy as the 1960s and 1970s. 27 The pimay message of his contibutions was histoical mateialism: that mateial conditions - the base - detemined all othe aspects of social life - the supestuctue. Unfotunately, thee was one impotant aspect of Maxism, dialectical histoicism, which he paid insufficient attention to. stated ealie that Budiman's contibution was a e-intoduction of Maxism. Classical Maxism and socialism had actually been pat of the public discouse in ndonesia thoughout the twentieth centuy until Howeve, much of this has been fogotten, o its histoy eased. As a esult, it has poven difficult, especially " LPS (1981) published a monogaph compising 28 aticles fom two majo daily newspapes between 1979 and 1981 that wee pat of a polemic about the Pancasila Economic System. " Situa Aief and Adi Sasono's (1981) wok is consideed a pioneeing wok afte 1965 and was also elatively popula. 21 The esults of Aief's study wee pesented in a doctoal thesis published as Budiman ([ 987a).

14 ~ i ~ ;" {'! ~; ~( i 'T!, [,," ~ : ~' i... loc, f., ;,' t 78 SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA fo younge intellectuals who wee bon and bed duing the times of the New Ode egime, to evisit thei impact on intellectual thought. The iony is that Budiman had, as a student activist, led politically chaged actions against leftists befoe they wee wiped out in the mid-1960s. Pehaps Budiman's contibution and ole befoe povided him with the pivilege of being able to speak about Maxism and socialism. This pivilege was not available to those on the left who suvived the mass culling in the mid -1960s because they wee stigmatized as communists.28 Putting aside the past of the poponent of these ideas, the ideas pesented by Budiman to the ndonesian public at the end of the 1970s and ealy 1980s wee a beath of fesh ai. He had a huge influence on those who did not have the chance to study oveseas and become familia with ideas fobidden in ndonesia Ove a peiod of a few shot yeas, Budiman's adical citicisms of the social sciences"cast a spell on the students and younge geneation who felt dissatisfied with the dominant paadigm that was inspied by the modenization theoy. Budiman's populaity as an activist in 1966, especially among students outside Jakata, added to the cedibility ofhis citicism of the cultualist appoach. n a fonnulation moe scholaly than Budimans moe popua.f pesentations, Benny Subianto explained the enemy of stuctualism, "the cultual appoach":... as an appoach in the social sciences that makes cultue an independent vaiable and non-cultual aspects as dependent vaiables. The cultual appoach had the petension to explain social eality based upon cultual factos though both induction as well as deduction. And in this way to pesent an empiico-analytical chaacte. Subianto 1989: 59 n a boade social sciences coitext, this cultual ism is also known by othe names such as idealism, humanism, oientalism, o functionalism. The senio schola who came unde the most sustained attack fom Budiman was Koentjaaningat and his book mentioned above, Kebudayaan, Mentalitet dan Pembangunan [Cultue, Mentality and Development], HSTORCAL DALECTCS, SUBJECT AND STRUCTURE The above-mentioned aticle by Subianto is evidence that thee was a time when stuctualism was "in vogue'?9 Subianto's aticle is one of the few ndonesian language aticles that pesents a compehensive "histoy" of the social sciences fom colonial u As of2oo3, the ndonesian paliament still ejects Maxism and communism as a legitimate pat of political life and open intellectual discussion in this county. DEOLOGCA L BAGGAGE AND ORENTATONS OF TH E SOCAL SCENCES N ND ONESA 79 times to the 1990s. The main aim of Subianto's aticle was to pesent a lengthy citicism of the cultual appoach, which pesumably dominated almost the whole histoy of the social sciences, along with seveal less fundamental vaiants, in paticula fom the colonial and New Ode peiods. 30 The histoy pesented by Subianto concluded on a happy note, namely the aival of "the stuctualist appoach as a citicism of the established goups in the social sciences in ndonesia" (Subianto 1989: 74). This was possible because, accoding to him, of the availability of study oppotunities in the United States fo ndonesian scholas in much the same way that "the cultual appoach" gained dominance (ibid.). But, it was not an entiely happy ending. Accoding to Subianto: "The stuctualist appoach that has developed ove the last five yeas still mainly exists at the magins of the social science community" (1989: 74). This was especially tue of the woks that wee not pesented in the same popula manne used by Budiman' (see note 23). n pactice, stuctualism neve achieved a position as the most dominant and widespead appoach in social sciences eseach. But, as an ideology, it can be said that stuctualism became one of, if not the only, 'politically coect' famewok of thought of authoity, paticulaly among independent eseaches and public intellectuals, student activists, and non-govenment oganizations, which wee flouishing in many egions. Thei numbes wee not geat compaed to the numbe of univesity gaduates, but thei status as an "elite", some would even say thei celebity, among the intellectual-activists meant that stuctualism became the main hetoic of citicism and ultimately a new othodoxy. As mentioned above, thee was no debate in the sense of a genuine dialogue. t appeas that the olde geneation of social scientists, those pusuing cultualism and technocatism had neithe the inteest no adequate knowledge in the liteatue efeed to by thei citics. On the othe hand, the citics wee fa moe familia with both the mateial that they wee attacking and the new pespective they subscibed to. That is the eason why a balanced o mutually enlightening debate did not ensue. Lacking counte-citicism, o self-citicism fom within, the stuctualists found it difficult to advance and make moe significant contibutions to scholaship in the county. n fact in some cases, the evese happened. As is the case with so many geat -isms, afte ising to the suface as a adical challenge to the dominant wisdom of the day, becoming popula, if not dominant, ndonesia's,,. The stength of stuctualism, at least as a tem o slogan, can best be gasped by looking at a numbe of aticles by intellectuals in the mass media at that time, Seveal examples ae Kaiseipo (1982), Budiawan (1987), Massadi (1988), Azha (1991), Patikto (1993) and Sulisno (1994). 30 n a footnote, Subianto povides a list of examples of «the social scientists who studied in the United States at the end of the 1950s and 1960s,.. most ofthe above theses stessed cultual aspects and aely o indeed neve touched on political economy» (Subianto 1989; 69, fn. 35),

15 " 1:; j. f?:~o i';: ~ ~~, ~ i;. ~ k, ~ f [. ~ f i~ 80 SOCA l SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA stuctualism subsequently took on a dogmatic and inflexible chaacte. t expeienced the fate of the so-called "cultual appoach'; an ideology that it had set out to citicize. 3l An ionic example of the degeneation of the citical and adical chaacte of the stuctualist pespective is the development among its suppotes of the idea that capitalism and socialism wee static, "eady to use" options of development stategy that could be adopted by fee and ational human beings aleady enlightened by stuctualism. n othe wods, the beliefwas that anyone who swung eithe towads capitalism o socialism was, in effect, favoing an ideology quite outside the ealm of stuctue and histoy. The two eified scientific o scholaly appoaches, stuctualism and the cultual appoach, wee depicted as two. autonomous tools that could be chosen by whomeve, wheneve. n othe wods, idealism and humanism, the spiit of the cultual appoach that had since become anemic and mechanistic, had staged a comeback unde the guise of stuctualism o socialism, often involving the vey same peopl e who had been the hashest citics of the cultual appoach. t was also duing this time that an attempt was made to educe the whole spectum of social sciences to a simple dichotomy: cultualism vesus stuctualism. The following is quoted fom a compilation of Budiman's woks witten in the 1980s, a time when the po-stuctualist debate was waning and the quality of debate declining dastically: To simplify things, we can say that thee ae two appoaches that dominate in the social sciences. One is the pole that emphasizes aspects of individual psychology and the system of social values that suound them. We can call this pole as the pole of the cultual/psychological appoach. The second pole emphasizes the human being's mateial envionment, that is the social oganization and the system of mateial benefits that it povides... This pole is known as that using the stuctual appoach. Budiman 1989: 44 This cultue-vesus-stuctue dichotomy was epoduced on a massive scale in discussion and consciousness among social scientists, especially among the younge geneation. Budiman himself, acknowledged, afte pesenting this dichotomy: "The division of the social sciences into these two poles is an ove-simplification. Thee ae many appoaches located somewhee in between these poles" (ibid.). " This is the conclusion of Vedi Hadiz (l989) about the political chaacte of the "cultual appoach" in Ben Andeson's contibutions to ndonesian studies, at least among foeign scholas. Howeve, am talking hee of a moe geneal phenomenon. DEOl.O G CAl. HACC AGE AN D OR! [NTATONS OF THE SOC) AL SC [l{ces TN JNDONES) A 81 Budiian qualifies his statement by saying that he was efeing specifically to ndonesian social sciences. Howeve, this impotant qualification was often passed ove o ignoed by the public in thei excitement to embace the new ideas being pesented. Yet, even this naowing of focus is not in accod with eality. This is because not only ae thee many othe appoaches existent in the social sciences, but these othe appoaches eside outside, behind, above o on the othe end of the spectum of the dichotomy; they ae not located only "between these poles" as Budiman descibes. Pehaps it would be moe accuate to say that Budiman's statement is moe elevant to post social sciences, paticulaly in elation to the social scientists who had just etuned fom study in the United States. The social sciences discussions in ndonesia at this time appeaed in many espects to be an extension oflectue-hall discussions in the United States. The topics, figues and schools of thought that they discussed came staight fom thei eading lists fo the couses they wee taking in the United States. This is why ndonesian scholas who studied elsewhee othe than the United States, scholas such as Y.B. Mangunwijaya, gnas Kleden and Vedi Hadiz, wee not pedisposed to populaizing the cultual/stuctual dichotomy in the 1980s. Why did stuctualism not advance futhe in ndonesia? To answe this, we must conside the "two-ponged appoach" model put fowad by the stuctualists. Howeve, we need to teat this dialectically, nnd not as a simple dichotomy. Fist, we can explain it in a mnteialist o stuctualist manne. Second, we can add to this explanation by looking at the intenal weaknesses of the theoy as pesented in publications in ndonesia in the 1980s. Fom a mateialist o stuctualist point of view, the failue of post stuctualism was due to the fact that this -ism, which appeaed adical at fist, was, in eality, meely a petty idea in the minds of a small intellectual elite. t went fom essay to essay, fom semina to semina, and fom inteview to inteview without becoming mateially embodied, o manifested in paxis, contay to what its poponents agued should have happened. n eality, stuctualism was aised up as a new supeio system of cultual values pushing aside modenity o Development, o Pancasila, but famed once again in tems of idealism, humanism and omanticism. The stuctualism that was tumpeted duing the New Ode peiod neve pacticed what it peached. The iony is that the Pancasila Economic System, as poposed by Mubyato and his colleagues and which had been citicized as being ooted in the cultual appoach, has since continued to develop futhe in tems of institutional stuctues. Stepping ove the copse of the stuctualist contovesy, having neve eally esponded to the athe effective citicisms fom the stuctualists, Mubyato founded the Cente fo the Study of Pancasila Economy at Gadjah Mada Univesity in Septembe 2002.

16 i.' i:!i; ~, 82 SOCA l SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA At the time of witing, investigations wee unde way egading the possibility of setting up five moe such centes at tetiay institutions in Semaang and Yogyakata. The key ideas of Pancasila Economy ae still being intoduced into high school cuicula in 2004 (Wahyuni 2003). And it is ionic that all this is happening at the same time that neo-libealism has gown stonge in ndonesia, even if it has not yet become the intellectual basis fo social science. Second, theoetically and intellectually, the failue of stuctualism in ndonesia afte 1965 can be taced back to its failue to explain its own emegence. ts followes did not follow though the logic, o athe the philosophy of stuctualism. Theefoe, they wee unable to explain thei own place as poducts of the stuctues they wee analyzing. n othe wods, they lost the ability to cay out self-citicism and selfeflection, which actually pepaed the gound fo the emegence of post -stuctualism. To give a cleae pictue of what was missing fom the Maxist vesion of stuctualism pesented by Budinan in the 1980s, quote below the athe lengthy analytical explanation fom Pey Andeson, a pominent figue in westen Euopean neo-maxism: DEOLOGCAL BAGGAGE AND ORENTATONS 0 F THE SOCAL SCENCES N NDONESA and which was used to citicize SEP. Budiman had attacked the widely held view in ndonesia at the time that education could play an impotant ole in changing an individual, and thus lead to social change. 32 Following classical Maxism in its basic vesion - neo-maxistthinkes and cultual studies in westen Euope meanwhile wee taking things futhe and caying out selfcciticisms and efomulation _ Budiman stessed that changes at the level of thinking could only happen afte thee was a change in stuctue: "f we want to change things, then we must change fist the basic elements of stuctue in society. Only then though ideological, educational and othe influences, values can change" (1983: 84). Accoding to him: "Eveybody, including the social scientist, sees issues fom the point of view of thei class, namely the social position of the people who eceived this infomation" (ibid: 82). But, how can this theoy elate to the expeience of Aief Budiman himself? n an inteview with Pisma, Budiman again embaced all the pespectives he had been attacking so elentlessly, namely, idealism, omanticism, humanism and even fantasized about the emegence of a "supeman": 83 i.. To define Maxism as a citical theoy simply in tems of a goal of a classless society, o the pocedues of a consciously mateialist philosophy, is obviously insufficient. The eal popiety of the tem fo Maxism lies elsewhee. What is distinctive about the kind of citicism that histoical mateialism in pinciple epesents, is that it includes, indivisibly and unemittingly, self-citicism. That is, Maxism is a theoy of histoy that lays claim, at the same stoke, to povide a histoy of the theoy. A Maxism of Maxism was inscibed in its chaacte fom the outset, when Max and Engels defined the conditions of thei own intellectual discoveies... Andeson 1983: 11 How do we explain the ise of a poponent of a Maxist vesion of stuctualism, such as Budiman's, at the end of the 1970s and ealy 1980s in ndonesia? The spontaneous and typical answe would be that he had the chance to study in the United States at a time when neo-maxism was biefly on the ise, as explained by Otne (1984: ). fbudiman had been given a scholaship ten yeas ealie, it is conceivable that he may have become a poponent of one of the vesions of the cultual appoach; ten yeas late and he might have become a poponent of a pespective sympathetic to post-modenism. Although "histoical'; such an explanation may not be consideed sufficiently '-'stuctual" o "Maxist" in tems of the vesion populaized by Budiman himself, Thee ae people who can tanscend eality, its stuctue. Most people cannot do this... Thee ae people who can tanscend stuctues of whateve kind. Fo example, Max was a bougeois, but he had a socialist consciousness... myself do not undestand what it is that allows somebody to tanscend. Education is pehaps one facto. But it is not the total explanation. So esolve this dependence between stuctue and values though the existence of people within the stuctue who ae supenomal. But this is not stuctual at all... Class inteests can be defeated by this... What is clea is that such a peson is not tied t.o the existing social conditions. Budiman 1983: 84-5 t can be agued that stuctualism was denied the chance to develop to a highe level of matuity due to a lack of its being challenged though intense debate. n addition, both stuctualism, outside of ecent Maxism, and cultualism wee pooly undestood. The two things had, in fact, shaed a histoy and wee pofoundly elated, wee juxtaposed, and eventually caicatued as a dichotomy fo the puposes of polemics. n one of his aticles on the topic, "The Cultue of Powe o the Sociology " n an inteview with Pi sma, B udiman is epoted as saying: "Economis ts state that the difficulties in ndonesia ae a matte of men tali ty. The sodal sciences a1s 0 emphasize mentality. Education is the theapy. The economists also say we have insufficient skills, that we do not have a mastey of technology. The theapy is again education! The conflict between them is vey atificial. Thei assumptions ae libeal assumptions, namely that the poblem of development is a poblem of individuals and not a poblem of impoving the social system" (Budiman 1983: 78-9).

17 ( k, i~ :.. i i f 84 SOCAl SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA of Powe?", Budiman (l987b) put fowad the question, in an ahistoical manne and based on the dichotomous appoach: "Which of the two appoaches is the most cogent in explaining powe?" Fotunately; not all the disciples of stuctualism andlo Maxism afte that peiod became impisoned in this caicatue of a dichotomy. Seveal younge scholas made scholaly contibutions eflecting a moe matue stuctualist pespective, in both the Maxist vesion as well as in othe vesions. n the cultualism camp, too, thee wee inceasing numbes of cultual studies containing insights into stuctual issues. t is neithe possible, no necessay to pesent a long list hee. But, thee ae seveal names that should be mentioned, including gnas Kleden, Daniel Dhakidae, Vedi Hadiz, Alexande wan, Hilma Faiel, Y.B. Mangunwijaya, and Goenawan Mohamad. n thei hands, cultual dynamics is not just a nuisance in an intellectual analysis that should be discaded, o made the object of hostility; but should be taken seiously as pat of the dialectics of histoy, powe, political-economic stuctue, and consciousness. Although a faithful disciple of Maxism, Vedi Hadiz (1989) appeciates the stengths of the cultual appoach as adopted by Benedict Andeson. Pehaps because of his leanings towads Maxism, his analysis, full of paise fo this cultualism, concluded with a pedictable message, namely, that no matte how fa this appoach tied to be ebellious, it would soon be tamed by the much bigge consevative cuent among its followes: "The cultual pespective contibuted by him (Andeson), which oiginally had the quality of an 'intellectual ebellion' against the mainsteam in the study of ndonesian politics, will be absobed into this mainsteam, so that it will lose its 'adical' meaning" (ibid.: 30). Hadiz's assessment was not invalid. But, as has been shown above, the same can be said of many appoaches o othe -isms, including stuctualism and Maxism. The ponouncements by Soehato and so many New Ode officials that economic development as the basis of a stable society was a pecondition fo ndonesia to be able to develop in othe aeas including law, moality, o cultue, does not appea at fist glance to be diffeent fom the classic popositions of Maxism as populaized by many of its dogmatic poponents. n his histoy of the social sciences, Benny Subianto has also tied to be fai by acknowledging that thee have been examples of innovative non -stuctualist woks. He cites the woks of Sato no Katodidjo on the Banten peasant potests at the end of the 19 th centuy (Subianto 1989: 75). Yet, accoding to a disciple of the cultual appoach, Katodidjo's wok contains moe poblems than solutions (Stange 1989: 10). n eality; what is called "cultue" usually has a vey diffeent meaning fo those woking in cui tual studies fom its citics who wok fom outside these cicles. The same applies to many othe -isms. 33 DEO logcal HAGGAG E A id OR ENTA lons 0 F THE SO Ci,ll. SC ENCES N ND ONESA 85 CONCLUSONS The above discussion shows that the use of cetain fomal slogans and hetoic, fo example, stuctualism, libealism, o cultualism, in a wok of social science does not in itself pove that those involved have epesented o have utilized thei -ism to maximum effect, o even in a systematic and consistent manne. The pactice in the social sciences of applying a fomal theoetical appoach has not in itself been sufficient to demonstate the chaacte of the "ideology" being poposed and implemented by its poponents. Many -isms that at fist appea to be adical, beakthough foces, become inflexible and fozen as they gow in populaity and dominance. Thee ae good and bad expessions and followes of evey -ism. n polemics, thee is always the temptation to highlight the opposition's wost o weakest examples of theoies, ideas and ationale, whilst emphasizing and using only the best among one's own amoy. The most impotant peiod of gowth in the histoy ofndonesian social sciences occued duing the peiod of the New Ode militaistic egime. The citicisms put fowad by the stuctualists and post-1965 Maxists in the late 1970s and ealy 1980s against the dominant social sciences, the cultual appoach, e-enegized the social sciences. Almost without exception, the social sciences using the "cultual appoach" wee subsevient to political, mateial o ideological inteests, which wee openly fomalized by the govenment. Howeve, many of these ci ticisms wee deliveed in an exaggeated manne, as if the ules at that time wee in geat need of the social sdences, o that the social sciences played some majo ole in sustaining the status quo. n eality, this was not the case. Most of the wok of social sciences at that time was technical and fomal in chaacte, done fo a ange of govenment, social and economic development poj ects. The govenment was not eally inteested in the "substance" of this wok but simply whethe o not thee was "poof" that the eseach had been done as a fomal equiement of the poject (Mofit 1981; Abdullah 1983). t was also unfotunate that the stuctualist citicism of the cultual appoach was often ovedone, extending into unnecessay hostility and dichotomy. The citicisms of the "cultual appoach" duing the New Ode in ndonesia wee discussed as if they pesented an adequate, if not compehensive, pictue of all academic studies centeed on cultual dynamics. t is a pity that some of the outstanding cultual studies fom outside ndonesia wee not ciculated widely in 1) Accoding to Stange:... evey eligion defines itself as a hemeneutic cicle which has meaning only fo those paticipating within it and neve fo those just peeing in fom outside... all systems of thought - at least in this sense - ae eligions" (1989: 8).

18 t "~ i, ' 1,':,', ~ SOCAL SCENCE AND POWER N NDONESA the county until the 1990s. As a esult, many social scientists in ndonesia, who geneally lack an inteest and ae not well tained in cultual issues in any case, have a poo undestanding of the intellectual dynamics in cultual studies othe than those painted by the political economists. Even moe ionic is the fact that the stuctualism that succeeded in shaming the cultual appoach in the social sciences eventually emeged as a new "cultue" that was held in awe and gloified with methods and a spiit that diffeed little fom that which popelled cultualism, namely idealism, omanticism, ahistoicism and humanism. n othe wods, the instumentalist and libeal ideology that stessed the "autonomy" of the moden subject and which was so compatible with the pocesses of moden capitalism continued to gow afte cultualism had been so elentlessly challenged by stuctualism. Fom the beginning of the twenty-fist centuy, what was lacking in the gowth of contempoay stuctualism in ndonesia was self-citicism and self-eflection. This latte featue appeaed in the twilight of the last decade of the twentieth centuy, which was maked by the end of the New Ode and of the Cold Wa that gave bith to the egime. Self-eflection made an appeaance in the social sciences aena in ndonesia though the cuent of post-modenism. Yet, as with othe -isms, this new foce, which was also deemed adical in its ealy stages, is not immune fom the diseases that afflicted its pedecessos. BBLOGRAPHY Abdullah, Taufik (1983) "lmu sosial dan peanannya di ndonesia': Pisma 12(6): Alatas (ed.) (2000) "Altenative Discouses in the Social Sciences in Asia': special issue, Southeast Asian Jounal of Social Science, Singapoe: Depatment of Sociology, NUS. Althusse, L (1971) "deology and ideological state appaatuses" in Lenin and Philosophy, and Othe Essays, London: New Left Books. Andeson, Benedict (1972) "The dea of Powe in Javanese Cultue': in Claie Holt (ed.) Cultue and Politics in ndonesia, thaca (NY) and London: Conell Univesity Pess, pp Andeson, Pey (1983) n the Tacks of Histoical Mateialism, London: Veso. Aief, S. and A. Sasono (1981) ndonesia, ketegantungan dan ketebelakangan, Jakata: Lembaga Studi Pembangunan. DEOLOGCA L BAGGAGE AND ORENTATONS OF THE SOC AL SCENCES N NDONESA 87 Azha, pong S. (1991) "Poblem kultu dan stuktu dalam demokasi kita': Benas, 14 August. Basi, Faisal (2003) '"Libealisasi" setengah hati?'~ Tempo May. Booth, Anne (1999) "Education and Economic Development in Southeast Asia; Myths and Realities': pape deliveed at the Second ntenational Malaysian Studies Confeence, Univesity of Malaya, Kuala Lumpu, 2-4 August. Budiawan (1987) "Hamonisasi kultu dan stuktu~ Kompas 20 Decembe. Budiman, Alef (1976) "Teoi dan ahli-ahli iimu sosial kita", Kompas 17 Apil. - (1977) "Negaa -negaa dunia ketiga dan sistem kapitalisme", Kompas 23 Novembe. - (1981) "Sebuah kitik tehadap 'sistem ekononi pancasila' Mubyato~ Kompas 10 June.. - (1982a) "Sis ten peekonomian pancasila, kapitalisme dan sosialisme~ Pisma 11 (1): (1982b) "Bentuk negaa dan pemeataan hasil-hasil pembangunan'; Pisna 11 (7): (1983) "lmu-ilmu sosial ndonesia A-histois", Pisma 12(6): (1987a) Jalan demokasi ke sosialisme: pengalaman Chili di bawah Allende, Jakata: Pustaka Sina Haapan. - (1987b) "Kebudayaan kekuasaan atau sosiologi kekuasaan?~ Pisma 16(3): ( 989}Sistem peekonomian pancasila dan ideologi ilmu sosial dt ndonesia, Jakata: Gamedia. Bulkin, Fachan (1984a) "Kapitalisme, golongan menengah dan negaa: penelitia", in Pisma 2: (1984b) "Negaa, masyaakat dan ekonomi", in Pisma 8: Cibb, Robet (1999) "Nation: Making ndonesia'; in Donald K. Emmeson (ed.), ndonesia Beyond Soehato, Amonk (NY): Asia Society, pp Couch, Haold (1985) Economic Change, Social Stuctue and the Political System in Southeast Asia, Singapoe: SEASP and SEAS. Dewanto, Niwan (1991) "Kebudayaan ndonesia: pandangan 1991': Pism a 20( 1 0): Geetz, Cliffod (1973) The ntepetation of Cultues, New Yok: Basic Books. - (1983) Local Knowledge, New Yok: Basic Books. Hadiz, Vedi (1989) "Politlk, budaya, dan peubahan sosial; sebuah ekonstuksi dan kltik tehadap pemikian Ben Andeson~ Pisma 18(2): Hefne, Robet W. (2000) Civil slam. Muslims and Democatization in ndonesia, Pinceton (MA): Pinceton Univesity Pess. Heyanto (1989) "Bejangkitnya bahasa-bangs a di ndonesia", Pisma S( 1): (1995) Language of Development an d Development of Language; The Case ofndonesia, Canbea: Pacific Linguistics. - (1999a) "The Yeas of Living Luxuiously", in Michael Pinches (ed.), Cultue and Pivilege in Capitalist Asia, London: Routledge, pp (1999b) "lmu sosial ndonesia: kisis bekepanjangan': Kompas S Novembe. ::,,;i.j :~! ;~ 'i~ ~:!... ~, j ::l,'. :,j ",} i ::' \~ :::,~ :~.. ~ j :;, ~ j "i" '~ ::~ '' :~ ':!i